Skip to main content

Full text of "The royal navy, a history from the earliest times to present"

See other formats


A 



« 



THE ROYAL NAVY 



A HISTORY 



FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT 




9 "y- / ^/ 



•^^V.'fwc^.^^ 3it^ 






- .^;^i/ a^ffftfi^i'm*- ^^*m^fi 



A History 
From the Earliest Times to the Present 



By 

Wm. Laird Clowes 

Fello-M of Kings College, London ; Gold Medallist U.S. Naval Institute ; 
Hon. Member of the R. U.S. Institution 

Assisted by 

Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S. 

Captain A. T. Mahan, U.S.N. 

Mr. H. W. Wilson 

Col. Theodore Roosevelt, late Assist. Sec. U.S. Navy 

Mr. L. Carr Laughton 

etc. 



T\venty=five Photogravures 

and 

Hundreds of Full Page and other 
Illustrations 

Maps, Charts 



In Five Volumes 
Vol. III. 




LONDON 

Sam I 'SON Low, Marston and Company 

LI. MIT ED 

^t. Sun-tan's! ?|ou5f, dTcttcr Hanc, i£.C 
1898 



LONDON : 

PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, 

STAMFOKD STREET ASP CHAniSG CliOSS. 



INTEODUCTION TO VOLUME III. 



L 

Some of the causes which contributed to delay the appearance of 
the second vohime of this History of the Eoyal Navy, have con- 
tributed to delay the appearance of this, the third. The progress, 
of the work has, as before, been hampered by my ill-health and 
my enforced residence in the high Alps during the greater part, 
of the year. A certain amount of delay, moreover, has resulted 
indirectly from the recent war between the United States and 
Spain. Captain A. T. Mahan, whose critical narrative of the 
major operations of the War of the American Revolution fills, 
about a third of the present volume, was employed in the service 
of his country^ at Washington during the late conflict, and was. 
thus prevented for a time from devoting his attention to other 
matters. So much of the delay as has been caused by his pre- 
occupation will, I am sure, be readily forgiven, seeing that he 
has now been able to revise proofs, etc., which must otherwise 
have been sent to press without his final imprimatuy. This book 
has much to say concerning the beginnings and the early exploits 
of the United States' Navy, which, in the days of Hull and 
Decatur, proved itself to be as capable and chivalrous an 
opponent as Great Britain ever had to meet upon the seas, and 
which since, — and not only in the days of Tatnall, — has shown 
itself as true and loyal a friend to Britain and her Navy, in peace- 
time, as it was gallant a foe in war. I cannot, therefore, refrain 
from expressing here a sentiment which, in the course of the late 
short but brilliant struggle, must have welled up often in the 

^ I should meution that my other American collaborator, Mr. Theodore Eoosevelt, 
resigned his appointment as Assistant Secretary of the U. S. Navy, in order to take an 
active part in the war, and, having obtained a commission as Lieut.-Colonel of the now 
famous " Rough Eiders," fought with very distinguished bravery before Santiago^ 
de Cuba. He has since been elected Governor of the State of New York. 



vi IXTnODUCTION TO VOLUME HI. 

heart of inaiiy a Briton. We triumph wherever the race wins 
fresh glories ; and we feel proud in the thought that the victory 
has heen gained by men speaking our speech, bearing our names, 
sharing our blood, and insj)ired by the traditions bequeathed equally 
to both nations by Howard, Drake, Hawkins, Blake, Boscawen and 
Hawke. Not to us has it fallen in these recent years to illustrate 
those traditions, and to add to them fresh epics. Yet, since our 
brothers of the Kew World have shown themselves at Manilla and 
Santiago the same men that they were at Mobile and New Orleans, 
we are surely justified in hoping that we, should the hour for action 
come again, shall be able to prove that our branch of the old stock 
retains, in a similar manner, the old grit and the old sea virtues. 

Although, as I have said, the progress of the work continues to 
be somewhat delayed by my personal disabilities, I am not conscious 
that the book suffers in any other way in consequence of my ill- 
health. Thanks to my numerous and indefatigable helpers and 
correspondents, I am not, in spite of my necessary absence from 
home, obhged to forego reference to any documents, state papers, or 
books which ought to be consulted. Happily, too, most of the 
materials for my part of the work were collected, and, to some 
extent, set m order, ere I became a prisoner here ; and although, of 
course, I still very often have to appeal for further particulars to the 
public libraries, the Kecord Office, i^rivate muniment rooms, and 
other storehouses of fact, there is, I find, remarkably little supple- 
mentary research of this kind which cannot be carried out for me 
by my assistants. It is a longer process, and a costlier, but not, I 
hope, a less effective one. 

I make this explanation because some friendly critics who have 
been so good as to point out certain small errors of omission or 
commission in ilie previous volumes, have generously hinted their 
•conviction that, were I not the invalid I unfortunately am, these 
errors would not have appeared. If 1 really believed that my state 
of health were nicompatible with the carrying out of the work in 
hand, I should assuredly try to find someone else to take over my 
duties and responsibihties. But the fact is that such errors as I 
have had brought to my notice, — and fortunately they are neither 
serious nor numerous, — are inevitable imperfections in any ))Ook of 
this nature ; for, paradoxical though it be, I can safely assert that 
in nothing is it so impossible to attain to absolute correctness and 
finahty as in a critical record (jf historic facts. The difficulty 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME ILL vii 

would beset me equally, were I sound instead of sick, and in London 
instead of in Switzerland. There are conflicts of evidence which 
appear irreconcilable ; there are original authorities which cannot 
be laid hands upon, or which even the most studiously careful will 
by chance overlook ; and there are many questions, the discussion of 
which cannot be seriously attempted in a work to which limits have 
been set. I am sure that some at least of the critics to whom I 
have alluded, have made the mistake of supposing that it is because 
of my condition and my position that I have ignored this witness' 
testimony on a court-martial, have seemed to pay little or no heed 
to the statements contained in that document, or have failed to 
•enter upon such and such an interesting, but wide point of criticism. 
I am obliged to say that such shortcomings as are to be found in 
these volumes are due, for the most part, to very different causes. 
Firstly, I am restrained by the space at my command from touching 
upon many subjects with which I should otherwise like to deal at 
length, and from entering upon long discussions as to the credibility 
of evidence. The same consideration even obliges me to omit many 
footnotes and references which I should otherwise gladly include. 
Secondly, I am guided by the conviction that anyone who aspires 
to complete a book so voluminous as this History, must perforce 
proceed upon principles somewhat similar to those which Dr. 
Johnson sketched in a very famous passage. 

" Failures," he wrote, " however frequent, may admit of extenuation anil apology. 
To have attempted much is always laudable, even wlieu the enterprise is above the 
strength that undertakes it. To deliberate whenever I doubted, to enquire whenever I 
was ignorant, would have protracted the undertaking without end, and perhaps without 
improvement. I saw that one enquiry only gave occasion to another, that book referred 
to book, that to search was not always to find, and to find was not always to be 
informed ; and that thus to pursue perfection was, like the first inhabitants of Arcadia, 
to chase the sun, which, when they had reached the hill where he seemed to rest, was 
still beheld at the same distance from them." 

If, to put matters in other words, one were determined, in an 
undertaking of this kind, to be content with nothing short of absolute 
completeness and finality, neither the initiator, nor, after his death, 
any of his successors, would live long enough to finish the work. 
I make bold to recommend this reflection to all my critics, and 
especially to one of them, who, in his review of my second volume, 
said, speaking of the account there given of the first Dutch War 
(1652-54), that it was " premature." I do not doubt that it will be 
possible, say a hundred years hence, to write a better and completer 



viii INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME III. 

liistoiy of that war than can be written now ; but to admit so niiich 
is siirel)' not the same thing as to agree that a history, carefully 
written now, and illustrated with scores of previously unpublished 
facts, is written too soon. It is surely not " premature " to brush 
away even a single published error or misconception concerning the 
course of our naval history ; and, I think, I may safely say that this, 
volume and those volumes which have preceded it, — although they, 
too, possibly contain many errors on minor points, — give, upon the 
whole, a much fairer and more accurate version of that history than 
has been hitherto presented. One dares not hope for — much less 
can one wait for, — absolute finality. But, by means of an under- 
taking planned and carried out as this one is, in accordance with 
the principles set forth in my General Preface, one may at least be 
instrumental in enlarging general knowledge of a great subject, and 
in rendering impossible the future acceptation of some of the gross. 
and astonishing misstatements on naval matters which one finds in 
almost every English history. I have no wish to say here anything 
unkind about any of my brother men of letters : but I cannot 
abstain from citing from one particular book a few misstatements of 
the sort to which I allude, in order that it may be seen that the 
present work is not " premature," and that there does exist alread}^ 
a real necessity for something of the kind. I speak of a book, dealing 
with EngUsh history generally, and consisting of upwards of eleven 
hundred large pages of small type. It bears the imprint of reputable 
publishers ; and upon the title-page are the names of two distin- 
guished university men, one of whom is described as a lecturer on 
modern historj^ and the other as a late professor on history, in a 
well-known English college. The second edition of this book, dated 
1885, is responsible for the following extraordinary statements, 
among others. 

Of Admiral Edward Vernon (1), it is said tliat he was a "rear- 
admiral at twenty-four," and that he " failed in his attempt to 
seize Porto Bello, from an insufficiency of force." The truth is 
that Vernon was made a vice-admiral in 1739, when he was fifty- 
five, that ho had never before held flag-rank, and that, far from 
failing at Puerto Bello, he brilliantly captured that place on 
November 22nd, 1739, " with six ships only," as may be seen on 
reference to pp. 54-57 of the present volume. 

Surely there is some unconscious suppressio vert in the assertion 
that, "foiled in his attempt to catch the Spanish treasure-ship,. 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME II L ix 

Anson sailed westward from America with the Centurion, his sole 
remaining ship, and arrived at Spithead in June 1744." The story 
of what really happened, and of how the Manilla galleon was taken, 
will be found on p. 328 of this volume. 

Episodes, localities, and individuals are curiously jumbled and 
confused in the following passage : — " On the 1st of June, 1794, the 
division of the Channel fleet commanded by Lord Howe attacked 
and utterly defeated the French fleet off the Hyeres Islands. In 
this action Hood played a conspicuous i)art, and in the following 
August he was created Baron Bridport, in the Irish peerage." It is 
true, of course, that a great battle was fought on " The Glorious 
First of June," 1794 ; but it was fought, not off the Hyeres Islands, 
which lie near Toulon, in the Mediterranean, but off Ushant, near 
the mouth of the British Channel. The only important action 
fought off Hyeres during the war of 1793-1802 was fought in July, 
1795, by a British fleet under Admiral "William Hotham (1). That 
force was not a division of the Channel fleet, nor were the French 
utterly defeated on the occasion. Moreover, Lord Bridport was not 
upon the scene. 

Bodney is descri))ed as " the son of a naval officer of some 
renown." Henry Eodney, his father, is usually supposed, neverthe- 
less, to have been a country gentleman, living at Walton-on-Thames. 
It is further said of Eodney that, while he was residing in France, 
" offers were made by the French to tempt him to desert his 
country ; but he rejected the overtures, and was rewarded in 1778 
by being promoted to be an admiral." It is news that promotion in 
the Navy has ever been a reward for a flag-officer's refusal to become 
a traitor : yet, seeing that when Bodney was made an Admiral of 
the White, on January 29th, 1782, he was still in France, and that, 
according to the generally accepted stor}-, he owed his ability to 
return to England to the fact that a French gentleman lent him the 
necessary money, it is difficult to believe that the authorities at 
Whitehall, if they had ever suspected him of treasonable proclivities, 
could have felt sure, when they promoted him, that their suspicions 
were baseless. 

Of Sir Charles Napier it is said : "in 1829 he was employed off' 
the coast of Portugal in the Galatea. He supported the Constitu- 
tionalists ; defeated the fleet of Don Miguel, and settled Donna 
Maria on the throne. Don Pedro was unbounded in his gratitude : 
created him Viscount of Cape St. Vincent ; gave him all the 



X ISTRODUCTION TO VOLUME III. 

Portugiiese orders, and named bim admiral-in-chief." From this it 
would certainly appear to the ordinary reader that, while com- 
manding H.M.S. Galatea, Napier took an active part in the internal 
atiairs of Portugal and defeated Don Miguel ; and that, in conse- 
<iuence of his action, he was given command of Don Pedro's fleet. 
Vet, in fact, Napier quitted the Galatea early in 188'2 ; succeeded 
Sartorius in command of Don Pedro's fleet in 1833, and did not, 
until he was already serving in that capacity, defeat Don Miguel. 

1 might, if it were worth while, cite scores of other misstate- 
ments, equally astonishing, from the book in question, and from 
other recent works dealing with English history. Surely, when 
.such misstatements are being circulated broadcast, it is not 
•' premature " to put forw^ard a Naval History which, though it 
may possibly contain errors on obscure points of fact or criticism, 
and though it make no pretence to be absolutely complete and 
linal, has been, at least, prepared with a vast amount of care, 
which is the outcome of reference, — not, of course, to all existing 
original authorities, but to many thousands of unpublished docu- 
ments, private and public, and to many thousands of printed 
histories, biographies, official paj)ers, Navy lists, pamphlets and 
periodicals ; and which has involved research in, and, in some 
cases, special journeys to, not merely many parts of England, but 
also Prance, America, Spain, Holland, Kussia, Denmark and Italy. 

For Chapters XXVI, XXVII, and XXX, of the present volume, 
and for the appendix and some of the notes to Chapter XXXI, I am 
directly responsible. Sir Clements Markham contributes Chapter 
XXIX ; Captain Mahan, Chapter XXXI, and Mr. L. Carr Laughton, 
Chapter XXVIII, and the appendix thereto. 

Captain Mahan desires me to express here, on his ])ehalf, very 
cordial thanks to Professor J. K. Laughton, R.N., who has kindly 
assisted him in many ways in the preparation of Chapter XXXI, in 
the present volume.^ With regard to that chapter, I ought to point 
<»ut that the plan, on p. ;>75, of the naval attack on Fort Moultrie, 
Charleston, in J77i), will bo found to ditfer, in some small and un- 
important details, from Captain ^Nlahan's description of the disposi- 
tions of the ships and of the guns in the works. Seeing, however, 
that the plan in question is based uj)on a contemporary drawing 

' "Ue kiiiiUy i)lace(l at my disposal numerous notes mailc by him at the Record 
Oflicc. TLcKc liave been of ijreat, ami indeed of indisjjensable assistance in tlie 
iiarnitivc."^ — Letter of Taptain Mahan to W. T;. ('. 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME JIT. XI 

inade upon the spot by a British naval officer, and intended to 
accompany and illustrate the dispatch of Commodore Sir Peter 
Parker (1), I have deemed it to be of more than sufficient interest 
to warrant its reproduction. For its inclusion, however, Captain 
Mahan is not responsible. Among other supplementary illustrations 
which I have ventured to add to his chapter, is the valuable note on 
p. 396. It is but a brief note ; but it represents the results of many 
days' labour ; and we should not have been able to obtain the 
figures contained in it, had we not had the co-operation of Colonel 
H. Hozier, Secretary of Lloyd's, who most kindly allowed some of 
the clerks in his office to compile the table from the original 
documents. 

To Lord Vernon, for information concerning his distinguished 
kinsman, Admiral Edward Vernon (1), and to Captain Thomas 
Suckling, B.N. (retd.), I desire also to express special thanks. 

I regret that, owing to the fact that more than one chapter 
of the present volume has extended to greater length than was 
originally intended, I have found it impossible to conclude the 
history of the period 1762-1793 with Mr. H. W. Wilson's account 
of the minor operations of the War of American Eevolution. That 
account will form the first chapter of Vol. IV, which, since most 
of it is already in type, will, I hope, be in a condition for publication 
very early in the year 1899. 

W. L. C. 

Davos-am-Platz, Switzerland. 

Nov. 1898. 



ERRATA. 



The reader is requested to correct the followiug errors, the presence of which was 
not discovered until after the greater part of the volume had been sent to press. 

P. 9, at end of the table, in the two lower lines, under Cables, 

for Diameter of bower cables, read Circumference of bower cables. 

P. 373, line 4: from hottom, 

for Captain James Eeid, read Commander James lleid. 
„ line 2 from hottom, 

for Christopher, redd Tobias. 

P. 380, line 5, 

for Admiral Lord Howe, read Vice-Admiral Lord Howe. 

P. 387, line 21, 

for Caulfield, read Caulfeild. 

P. 406, in tahle in note, under Vigilant, 

for Com. Hugh Cloberry Christian, orad Com. Brabazon Christian 

P. 471, line 18, 

for Thomas Graves (1), read Thomas Graves (2). 

P. 473, line 25, 

for Caulfield, read Caulfeild. 
„ line 26, 

for Bonovier, read Bonavia. 

P.' 474, line 2 from bottom, 

for Caulfield, read Caulfeild. 

P. 505, in 2nd col. of table, 

for Capt. George Murray, read Cnpt. Hon. George Murray. 
for Capt. Ptobert Sutton, read Capt. Robert Manners Sutton. 

P. 538, line 14, 

for Pilchard Hughes, Bart. (2), read Pilchard Hughes (3), Bart. 
„ in first foot-note, 

for Piichard Hughes, Bart. (1), read Eichard Hughes (2), Bart. 

P. 546, in ord col. of note, 

for Heros, read Heros. 

P. 550, in line 8 of A.th col. of tahle, 

for Lapalliere, read Lapelliere. 

P. 554, line 35, 

for Batacalo, read Batticaloa. 

P. 557, line 12, 

for Batacalo, read Batticaloa. 



CONTENTS. 

VOLUME III. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

PAGE 

Civil History of the Koyal Navy, 1714-17G2 .... 1 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Military History of the Royal Navy, 1714-1762 : 

Major Operations ••...... 24 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Military History of the Royal Navy, 1714-1762 : 

Minor Operations . . . . . . . . 256 

Appendix to Chapters XXVII. and XXVIII. : 

Losses of the Belligerent Powers — 

(a) Losses of H.M. Ships from 1714-1763 . . . 310 

(h) Losses of the French Navy, 1744-48 and 1755-62 . 312 
(c) Losses of the Spanish Navy, 1718-19, 1739-48, 

AND 1762 314 

CHAPTER XXIX. 
Voyages and Discoveries, 1714-1762. ..... 316 

CHAPTER XXX. 

Civil History of the Royal Navy, 1763-1792 .... 325 



XVI CONTENTS OF VOLUME HI. 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

PAGK 

Military History of the Royal Xavy, 17G3-1792 : 

Major Operations ........ 353 

Appendix to Chapter XXXI. : 

List of British Flag-Officers on the Active List, 1762-1793 5G5 



IKDEX 569 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



VOLUME III. 



r 



FULL-PAGE PHOTOGRAVURES. 



CxRORfiE, Lord Anson, Admikal op the Fleet 
George Brydges, Lord Rodney, Admiral . 
Captain James Cook, R.N. 
Richard, Earl Hoave, Admiral op the Fleet 
Sir Edward Hughes, K.B., Admiral . 



. Frontinpiece 

FnriiK/ paf/e 242 

340 

406 

5.50 



FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS. 

H.M.S. "Grapton," pitted with a jury rudder, etc., for 

HER VOYAGE TO ENGLAND, AFTER THE STORM OFF LOUIS- 

BOURG, 1757. (JFVrtw Hrrvey's ' Naval HisT(n?v ') . Ftifimj jicuje 1G9 
Attack on Fort Moultrie, 1776 . . . . . Far/c 375 

Part op North America and the North Atlantic, and 

the West Indies .......,, 377 

New York Harbour, and Neighbourhood . . . „ 381 

Martinique ........... 485 

India and Ceylon . . . . . . . . ,, 544 



ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT. 



IThe illiistratiiiiis tliiiK marked (i) are taken f rum '.-1 Naval Expdaitur,' bii 'J!lH>iiiax liileii Blanekley : 

TAiiiihi/i, 1T50.] 

PAGE 

1 

6 

6 

8 

13 



iTop 

The French " Invincible," 74 
The Spanish " Glorioso," 74 
The French "Terrible," 74 
Hadley's Quadrant . 



XVlll 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



.t( 



^ KoYAL Standard, of George II. . 

COMMEMOKATIVE MeDAL OF MaTHEWS'S AcTION, 1744 

►Sir John Xorris, Kt., Admiral of the Fleet . 

George Bync;, Viscount Torrington, Admiral ok the Flei 

Commemorative Medal of Byng's Victory, 1788 

Admiral Nicholas Haddock 

Admiral Ed»vard Vernon. 

Attack on Puerto Bello, 1739 

Admiral Sir Charles Knowles. 

Commemorative Medal of Operations at Cakta<;i;na, 1741 

The Neighbourhood of Toulon 

Sir William Rowley, Admiral of the Fleet 

Mathews's Action off Toulon, 1744 . 

Admiral Thomas Mathews 

Vice-Admiral Sir Peter Warren 

Commemorative Medal of Anson's Victory, 174 

Admiral Sir Charles Know'les. 

Port Louis, Hispaniola . 

Byng's Action, 1756, I., 2 p.m. . 

Byng's Action, 1756, II., 2.30 p.m. 

Byng's Action, 1756, III., 3 p.m. 

Admiral the Hon. John Byng . 

Vice- Admiral Charles Watson. 

Captain Maurice Suckling, R.N. 

Admiral Sir Charles- Saunders 

Admiral Sir George Pocock 

Rear-Admiral Richard Kempenfelt 

The Harbour of Louisbourg 

Commemorative Medal of the Capture op Louisbourg, 1758 

Commemorative Medal of the Battle of Quiberon, 1759 

Sir Peter Parker, Admiral of the Fleet 

Admiral Sir Richard King 

' BiTTACLE, OR BlNN4CLE, 1750 

^ VoYAL Block . 
1 Ships' Fire-Engines, 1750 
'Log, 1750 

Hand Screw, or Jack, 1750 
Signature of Richard, Earl Howe, Admiral of the Fleet 
Commemorative Medal of Keppel's Action, 1778 
Lake Cham plain ...... 

M.VNfEUVRES OF HoWE AND d'EsTAING . 

Admiiiai, Augustus Viscount Keppel. 



page 
23 

25 

28 

31 

39 

49 

53 

56 

60 

73 

92 

93 

98 

99 

114 

127 

133 

134 

149 

149 

150 

159 

162 

166 

170 

173 

180 

184 

185 

222 

237 

240 

255 

256 

309 

316 

324 

325 

353 

355 

407 

418 



ILLUSTRATIONS. ' 



XIX 



8 TO 9 A.M 
NOON TO 



Kkppel's Action off Ushant, 1778, I., 2.30 p.m. 

Keppel's Action off Ushant, 1778, II., 6 p.m. 

Admiral the Hon. Samuel Barrington 

Northern Part of St. Lucia . 

Vice-Admiral Sir Hyde Parker (1) 

Byron's Action off Grenada 

Admiral Harriot Arbuthnot . 

Admiral Sir Charles Hardy (2) 

Rodney and de Guichen, April 17th, 1780, I., 

Rodney and de Guichen, April 17th, 1780, II 

Rodney and de Guichen, May 15th, 1780 

Cornvvallis and de Tbrnay, June 20th, 1780 

Admiral the Hon. Sir William Cornvvallis 

Commemorative Medal of the Capture of St. Eustatius 

Part of the Windward Islands 

Arbuthnot and des Touches 

Graves and de Grasse 

Hood and de Grasse, January 25th, 1782, I. 

Hood and de Grasse, January 25th, 1782, II. 

Hood's Anchorage at St. Kitt's, 1782 

Rodney and de Grasse, April 9th, 1782, I., 9.45 a.m 

Rodney and de Grasse, April 9th, 1782, II., noon 

Commemorative Medal of Rodney's Victory, 1782 

Rodney and de Grasse, April 12th, 1782, A. 

Rodney and de Grasse, April 12th, 1782, B. 

Rodney and de Grasse, April 12tii, 1782, C. 

Rodney' and de Grasse, April 12th, 1782, D. 

SuFFREN and Johnstone, Porto Praya, 1781 

Suffren and Hughes, February 17th, 1782 

SUFFREN AND HUGHES, APRIL 12tH, 1782 . 
SUFFRKN AND HUGHES, JULY 6tH, 1782 
SUFFREN AND HuGHES, SEPTEMBER OKD, 1782 



1 P.M. 



PAGE 

419 
421 
427 
430 
433 
436 
441 
444 
455 
457 
465 
475 
476 
480 
483 
491 
498 
514 
515 
517 
522 
523 
524 
526 
527 
528 
529 
547 
551 
553 
555 
559 



NAVAL HISTOEY. 



CHAPTEE XXVI. 

CIVIL HISTORY OF THE ROYAL NAVY, 1714-1762. 

Adiuinistration of the Navy — The Admiralty Board — The Sick and Wound-id Board — 
The Admiralty Buildings— The Navy Office— The Navy Pay Office— First Lords 
and Secretaries of the Admiralty, and Principal Officers of the Navy, 1714-1702 — 
Naval Expenditure — Increase in various classes of ships — State of the fleet in 1714, 
1727, 1752 and 1760 — The introduction of the true frigate — The dimensions of ships 
— Complements — Small arms — Anchors — Cables — Method of computing tonnage 
— Service ordnance — ^The armament of ships-— Some typical men-of-war — Cost of 
men-of-war in 1719, 1733 and 174 L — Hadley's quadrant— Harrison's timekeeper 
— Coppering — Sail-cloth — The Eddystone Light — Lighthouses — Lightships — The 
King's Eegulations and Admiralty Instructions — Pilots — Smugglers — Vernon on 
smugglers and their dangers — Piepression of piracy — -The Articles of War — 
Greenwich Hospital — Tlie encoui-agement of seamen— Prize money — Bounties to 
seamen — Pay and half-pay — Officers' servants — Promotion to flag-rank — Super- 
annuation of Captains — The establishment of uniform for officers — The rough life 
of the service — The character of officers — Immorality on the lower deck — Health 
of the Navy. 



mm 




D 



UEING the period 1714-1762 very littlo change 
took place in the character of the machinery 
whereby the Eoyal Navy was admiiiistered. That 
machinery had attained a certain degree of perfection, 
and was in fairly good working order. The Act of 
William and Mary,^ which specified and defined the 
functions of the Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High 
Admiral of England, continued to be the authority in virtue of which 
the Admiralty Board acted; and the patent granted to her Admiralty 
Board by Queen Anne was substantially reproduced from time to 
time as fresh Boards succeeded one another. In the civil depart- 
ment, the most important alteration was the appointment, in 
1740, of a Sick and Wounded Board. The sick and hurt seamen 
of the Navy had been looked after by a Commission in the reign 

1 2 W. & M., sess. 2, c. 2. 
VOL. III. B 



2 CIVIL HISTORY, 1714-1762. [1714-17G2. 

of William III. ; but iu IGU'J the business had been transferred to 
the Commissioners of the Eegister Office, and thence, in 1702, to 
another separate Commission, which had lasted until 1713. There- 
after, for some years, things remained unsettled ; but in 1740, in 
consequence of the war with Spain, a Commission was specially 
granted to three persons, who were entrusted not only with the care 
of sick and wounded seamen, but also with the superintendence of 
medical stores supplied for the use of the Navy, the management of 
naval hospitals ashore and afloat, the examination and appointment 
of naval surgeons, and the maintenance and exchange of prisoners 
of war. From 1745 to 1749, this Board consisted of four instead 
of three Commissioners ; from 1749 to 1755, of two only ; from 
xVpril to November, 1755, of three, as at first ; and from 1755 to 
1768, of four. Its offices were on Tower Hill. 

The old Admiralty buildings at Wallingford House fell into decay 
about the year 1722, when the office of the Commissioners was 
temporarily transferred to a house in St. James's Square. The 
older part of the present Admiralty buildings in Whitehall, was 
completed and occupied in 1725, though not until 1760 was the 
colonnade or screen built across the street-side of the court-yard to 
mitigate the unpleasant effect produced by the attenuated propor- 
tions of the columns on the western side of the square. The Navy 
Office remained during the period at the corner of Seething Lane 
and Crutched Friars ; and the Navy Pay Office was in Old Broad 
Street. 

The succession of the more important administrative officers was 
as follows : — 

FlEST LOED OP THE AdMIEALTY. 

Oct. 14, 1714. Edward, Earl of Orford, Admiral. 

Ap. 1(), 1717. James, Earl of Berkeley, Admiral. 
Aug. 2, 1727. George, Viscount Torrington, Admiral. 

June 21, 1788. Sir Charles Wager, Kt., Admiral. 

Mar. J'.), 1742. Daniel, Earl of Winchelsea. 
Dec. 1744. John, Duke of Bedford. 

Feb. 20, 1748. John, Earl of Sandwich. 

June 22, 1751. George, Lord Anson, Admiral. 

Nov. 20, 175(5. Kichard, Earl Temple. 
Ap. 1757. Daniel, Eaii of AVinchelsea. 

June 30, 1757. George, Lord Anson, Admiral. 

June ]0, 17(i2. George, Earl of Halifax. 

Oct. 16, 1762. George Grenville. 



1714-1762.] PRINCIPAL OFFICERS OF THE NAVY. 



3 



Secretary of the Admiralty. 



Josiah Burchett. 

1742. Thomas Corbett. 

1751. John Clevland (with, 

John Milnes). 

Treasurer oe the Navy. 

John Aislabie. 
1718. Eichard Hampden. 

1720. Sir Geo. Byng, Kt., Adm. 

1721. Hon. Henry Pattee Byng. 
1725. William Corbett. 
1734. Arthur Onslow. 

Feb. 1742. Thomas Clutterbiick. 

Dec. 1742. Sir Charles Wager, Kt., 

Admiral. 

1743. Sir John Eushout, Bart. 

1744. George Doddington. 
1749. Hon. Henry Bilson Legge. 

1754. George Grenville. 

1755. George Doddinsiton. 

1756. George Grenville. 
A[)ril 1757. George Doddington. 
June 1757. George Grenville. 

1762. William Wildman, Vis- 
count Barrington. 

Controller oe the Navy. 

Sir Charles Wager, Kt., 
Eear-Admiral. 

April 1718. Thomas Swanton (1), 
Captain, E.N. 

Jan. 1722. James Miglielis, Vice- Ad- 

miral. 

Mar. 1734. Eichard Haddock (2), 

Captain, E.N. 

Mar. 22, 1749. Savage Mostyn, Captain, 
E.N. 

Feb. 1755. Edward Falkingham (1), 

Captain, E.N. 

Nov. 1755. Charles Saunders, Cap- 
tain, E.N. 

June 1756. Digby Dent (2), Captain, 
E.N. 

Dec. 1756. George Cockburne, Cap- 

tain, E.N. 

Surveyor of the Navy. 
William Lee. 
Mar. 1715. Jacob Ackworth. 

June 1746. Joseph Allin. 
/Thomas Slade. 



Aug. 



1755. 



\ William Bateley 



as assistant and deputy, 



May 

Sept. 

April 

Aug. 

July 

Jan. 

Mar. 



Clerk or the Acts. 
Samuel Atkins. 
1719. Tempest Holmes. 
1726. Thomas Pearce. 
1743. John Clevland. 

1746. Eobert Osborne. 

1747. Daniel Devert. 
1761. Timothy Brett. 
1761. Edward Mason. 



Controller of the Treasurer's 
Accounts. 
Dennis Liddell. 
Nov. 1717. Eichard Burton. 

Aug. 17, 1727. Sir George Saunders, Kt., 
Captain and Eear-Adm. 
Feb. 1735. George Purvis, Captain, 

E.N. 
Mar. 1740. John Philipson. 

Dec. 1743. AVilliam Corbett. 

Aug. 1753. Eichard Hall. 
Mar. 1761. Timothy Brett. 

Controller of the Victualling 
Accounts. 
Benjamin Timewell. 
Nov. 1714. Eichard Burton. 
Nov. 1717. John Fawler. 

June 1744. Francis Gashry. 

July 1747. Eobert Osborne. 

Controller of the Storekeeper's 
Accounts. 

Thomas Jennings, Caji- 
tain, E.N. 

Nov. 1714. Charles Cornwall, Cap- 
tain, E.N. 

July 1716. Thomas Swanton (1),. 

Captain, E.N. 

April 1718. William Cleveland, Cap- 
tain, E.N. 

May 1732. Eobert Byng. 

May 1739. John Philipson. 

Mar. 1740, George Crowle. 

Mar. 1752. Eichard Hall. 

Aug. 1753. George Adams. 



Mar. 1761. Hon. William Bateman, 

Captain, E.N. 

B 2 



CIVIL BISTOBY, 1714-1762. 



[1714-1762. 



EXTKA Cum. MISSION lilts. 

Isaac Townesend, Caiitaiii, 

]!.X. 
Lawreuce Wiiglit, Cap- 
tain, K.N. 
1714. John Fawler. 
1717. Thomas Colbv. 



1727. Sir George Saunders, Kt., ^.^,^_ j-j^_ Isaac Townesend, Captain, 



Nov, 
Dec. 
Jan. 

Captain, K.K 
^lay 1721t. Sir Isaac Townesend, Kt., 

Captain, It.X. 
May 17;'.l. Kobert Byng. 

May 1732. Lord A'cre BeaiicltM k, Caji- 

tain, li.N. 
May 1738. George Crowle. 

Mar. 1740. Francis Gashry. 

April 6, 1743. James Compton, Captain, 

R.N. 
April G, 1743. Alexander Geddes, Cap- 
tain, Pi.N. 
Jan. 1744. James Oswald. 

May 1746. Edward Falkingliam (1), 

Captain, E.N. 
July 1747. John lUissell. 

Feb. 1755. Thomas Cooper, Captain, 

It.X. 

1755. Arthur Scott, Captain, 
R.N. 

1756. Digby Dent (2), Cap- 
tain, R.N. 

175(;. H(in. AVilliani Bateman, 
Captain, ii.N. 



June 1754. Arthur Scott, Captain, 

R.N. 
Nov. 1755. Thomas Cooper, Captain, 

R.N. 
Jan. 1761. Thomas Hanway, Qi\\>- 

tain, R.N. 
Portsmouth : — 



Nov. 
Mar. 
^lay 
Dec. 



Jan. 
Mar. 
Mar. 



R.N. 

May 1729. Richard Hughes (1), 

Ca])tain, R.N. 

Feb. 1754. Richard Hughes (2), 

Captain, R.N. (Bart. 
1773). 
I'li/moutJi : — 

Nov. 1714. Sir William Jumper, Kt., 
Captain, R.N. 

Mar. 1715. Thomas Swanton, Cap- 

tain, R.N. 

July 1716. Francis Dove, Captain, 

R.N. 

April 1726. Sir Nicholas Trevanion, 
Kt., Captain, R.N. 

Dec. y, 1737. Matthew Norris, Captain, 
R.N. 

Jan. 1739. Philip A'anbrugh, Cajitain, 

R.N. 

Oct. 1753. Frederick Rogers, Captain, 

R.N. (Bart^ 1773). 

DrjH/ord and Woohvich ^ : — 

,__,. -r^- 1 1^ /-r.\ /-. • Henrv Greenhill. 

l(o6. Digby Dent (2), Captain, ,, „,. _ , , „„ ' ,.., , ,, 

f, -i,T / • \ ^'<iY 26,1(44. Ihomas \\ horwood, Cap- 
R.N. (again). ' . • i> >t 

-i-,-i T-i i\? tain, R.N. 

1(()1. Edward Mason. ' 

1761. Sir Richard Temple. 
1761. Sir John Bentley, Caji- 
tain, R.N. 



Jan. 1745. Edward Falkingham (1), 

Captain, R.N. 

May 1746. James Compton, Captain, 

R.N. 

Dec. 1747. William Davies, Captain, 

n.N. 

Gibraltar and Minorca : — 

Dec. 1(1, 1742. Edward Falkingham (1), 
Captain, R.N. 

Mar. 1722. Thomas Kcmpthorne, June 29, 1744. Tin mias Tret'usis, Captain, 

Captain, R.N. II.N. 

July 17."'6. Thomas Mathews, Cap- Feb. 25, 1747. John Towry, Captain, 

tain, R.N. R.N. 

April 1742. Charles Brown, Captain, j June 22, 1756. Charles Colby, Captain, 

K.X. R.N. 



Commissioners at H.M. Dock- 
yards, KTC. 
C/iatham : — 
Nov. 1714 James Littleton, Captain 
and Rcar-Admiral. 



' The business of these Yards was conducted by the Commissioners in London, 
after the death of Captain Davics on February IGtli, 1759. 



1714-1762.] 



THE NAVY ESTIMATES. 



The following statement of the sums annually voted by Parlia- 
ment for the " extra " and for the " ordinary " expenses of the 
Royal Navy, and of the number of seamen and ^larines authorised 
for each year, is taken from Derrick's ' Memoirs'^ of the Else and 
Progress of the Royal Navy.' ^ It should be explained that the 
money voted under the head of " extra," was almost invariably 
used for building or repairing ships, for providing furniture and 
stores for such vessels, or for improving the Royal Dockyards ; but 
that, occasionally, portions of the money were employed for the 
replenishment of the supplies of hemp, timber, etc., when the 
quantities in hand happened to be low, and for other special 
services : — 



Year. 


E.Ktl-d. 


Ordiuary. 


No. of Seamen ' 
and Marines.! 


Year. 


Extra. 


I'd i nary 


No. of Seamen 
and Marines.! 




£ 


£ 






£ 


£ 




1715 


237,277 


233 


471 


/(a) 10,000 
\{h) 16,000 


1739 
1740 






222,689 

199,704 


12,000 
35,000 


1716 


230,623 


233 


849 


10,000 


1741 






184,691 


40,000 


1717 


200,761 


226 


799 


10,000 


1742 






188,756 


40,000 


1718 


165,317 


224 


857 


10,000 


1743 






188,558 


40,000 


1719 


88,494 


212 


638 


13,500 


1744 






192,834 


40,000 


1720 


79,723 


217 


918 


13,500 


1745 






200,479 


40,000 


1721 


50,200 


219 


049 


10,000 


1746 






198,048 


40,000 


1722 




218 


799 


7,000 : 


1747 






196,259 


40,000 


1723 




216 


388 


10,000 


1748 






208,827 


40,000 


1724 




214 


622 


10,000 


1749 






285,878 


17,000 


1725 




214 


295 


10,000 


1750 


197,896 


293,625 


10,000 


1726 




212 


181 


10,000 


1751 


140,257 


290,302 


8,000 


1727 




199 


071 


20,000 


1752 


100,000 


277,718 


10,000 


1728 




205 


561 


15,000 


1753 




280,206 


10,000 


1729 




206 


025 


15,000 


1754 


100^000 


278,747 


10,000 


1730 


120^618 


213 


168 


10,000 


1755 


100,000 


280,288 


12,000 


1731 




212 


034 


10,000 


1756 


200,000 


219,021 


50,000 


1732 


60,000 


212 


885 


8,000 1 


1757 


200,000 


223,939 


55,000 


1733 


104,003 


211 


495 


8,000 


1758 


200,000 


224,421 


60,000 


1734 




202 


670 


20,000 


1759 


200,000 


238,491 


60,000 


1735 




198 


914 


30,000 


1760 


200,000 


232,629 


70,000 


1736 


30^167 


217 


269 


15,000 


1761 


200,000 


258,624 


70,000 


1737 


50 , 000 


219 


201 


10,000 


1762 


200,000 


272,226 


70,000 


1738 


40,000 


222 


885 


/(c) 10,000 
\(cO 20,000 











1 The cost of these was in addition to the sums specified in the "Extra" and " Ordiuary " columns, 
(a) Numbei- to Midsummer. (6) Number from Midsummer to December 31st. (c) Number to April 10th. 
{d) Number from April 10th to December 31st. 

For several years after the death of Queen Anne, the number of 
ships belonging to the Royal Navy showed no increase, but rather 
a slight diminution. Nevertheless there was, even in those days, 
an increase in the total tonnage. But, from the death of George I. 



4to. London, 1806. 



CIVIL BISTOIir, 1714-1762. 



[1714-1762. 



onwards, the Navy grew enormously There was no tendency to 
add to the number of the first and second rates — vessels which 
were only useful for special purposes, and which, as late as the 
middle of the eighteenth century,^ it was customary to lay up 
every winter. Of the  third, fifth, and sixth rates, and of the 
sloops, on the other hand, increasingly greater numbers were built. 
The third rates were the vessels which experience showed to be, 
upon the whole, most serviceable for the line-of-battle. The fifth 
and sixth rates were the ships with which the country found it 
could best deal with the enemy's cruisers ; and the sloops were 







iH!Sgi[5iffli 



K?fp 







^Jlffe^^ 





THE FKEN'CH Inviiicibh, 74. 
Taken hij Vice- Admiral Anson. 1747 



THE 81'ANISH (rioriosu, 74. 
Taken bij the Russell, 80, 1747. 

{From ihe drawiiKjs hij Chaniock.) 



the natural foes of small privateers, and the natural agents for 
the general policing of the seas. That the number of fourth rates 
did not increase is attributable to the gradual discovery of the 
fact that fifty and sixty-gun ships, while too small and light for 
the line-of-battle, were too large and heavy for ordinary cruising 
purposes. They continued to be built in small numbers, chiefly 
because they were suitable craft for service in the colonies, and, as 
flagships, on the less important stations, ii^. war, and almost every- 
where in peace; and, because they continued to be l)Milt, they 
occasionally foinid their way into tlic linc-ot'-battle. J^)Ut occupying, 

' Vcninii'H corressiiondence with the Ailniiralty in 174") is lull dC rot'ereiices to the 
danger of keeping tUrec-decker.s i\t s(m duriiiu; the wintci- iiKniths. 



1714-1762.] 



STRENGTH OF THE FLEET. 



as they did, an intermediate position between the hne-of-battleships 
and the regular cruisers, and belonging positively to neither, their 
value was limited in both directions. 

The " state" of the fleet at four different dates during the period 



now under review is given below :- 



Rates or Classes. 



First-rates, 100 g:uns . 
Second-rates, 84 to 90 guns . 
Tliird-rates, (!4 to 80 guns . 
Fourtli-rates, 50 ' to tJU guns. 

Ships of the line, or of .50 guns ] 



and upwards 



Fifth-rates, 30 to 44 guns . 
Sixth-rates, 10 = to 30 guns . 
Sloops, 8 to 20 guns . 

Bombs 

Fireships 

Busses 

Storeships 

Hospital ships 

Yachts 

Hoys, lighters, transports 
Hulks ': 

Ships under the line, or of) 
less tlian 50 ffuns . . . I 



Death of 

Qiieeu Auue. 

Aug. 12th, 17U. 



No. 



/ 
13 

42 
69 



131 



42 
25 

7 
4 
1 



] 



15 
13 

8 



116 



Burthen 
Tons. 



Death uf 

George I. 

June 10th, 1727. 



No. 



11,703 7 
19,323 13 

47,768! 40 
51,379| 64 



Burtheu 
Tons. 



130,173124 



19,836 

6,631 

869 

597 

263 

516 

i,521 
1,009 
5,774' 



27 

27 

13 

2 

3 

i 
1 

12 

14 

9 



37,046109 



Total ships of all classes . i247 167,219 233 



Peace. 
Dec. 31st, 17i2. 



No. 



Burthen 
To:is. 



Death of 

George II. 

Oct. 25th, 17B0. 



Nr. 



12,945 5 
20,125 13 



47,9.58 
50,754 



47 
67 



131,782132 



15,065 
9,700 



39 
39 

1,390: 34 
417 

1,057 

"546 

532 

1,378 

1,216 

7,719 



10 

23 

9 



39,080,159 



5 
13 



9,602 
21,250 
65,2771 74 
69,155' 63 



28,813' 54 

19,129, 61 

8,036| 65 

1,104 14 



678 

i,195 
2,037 
8,648 



3 

2 

3 

12 

33 

12 



69,640 257 



Burthen 
Tons. 



9,958 

22,82.5 

109,494 

67,901 



165,284155 210,177 



39,173 

31,618 

12,859 

4,117 

2,337 

242 

1,554 

2,791 

1,518 

2,761 

11,957 



110,927 



170,862 291 234,924*412 321,104 



1 The 5u-gun ships were nut counted as of the line-of-battle after about 1756. 

- l\[ost ships of under 20 guns were counted as sloops, i.e., Commanders' commands, after about 1750. 

The Seven Years' War (1756-1762) saw the introduction to the 
service of a class of vessel which, for nearly a hundred years after- 
wards, was of the highest value. This was the regular frigate, 
built to cruise at good speed, and carrying a reasonably heavy 
armament on one deck. There had previously been no vessels 
that thoroughly fulfilled this ideal. The forty-four, and even the 
forty-gun ships of an earlier date were cramped two-deckers ; and 
below them, until after 1745, there was nothing more formidable 
than the wretched twenty-gun ship, carrying nine-pounders as her 
heaviest weapons. Genuine frigates, mounting twenty-eight guns, 
began to be built about 1748 ; but still no larger gun than the nine- 
pounder found a place in them. The twelve-pounder thirty-two- 
gun frigate appeared at about the same time, the earliest examples 



8 



CIVIL HISTORY, 1714-1762. 



[1714-1702. 



being the Adventure (1741), and Diana, Juno, Southampton, and 
Vefital (1757). Then came the twelve-pounder thirty-six-gun frigates, 
the best British fighting cruisers of the days before the accession of 
George III. The first of these, the Pallas and the Brilliant, were 
built under the superintendence of Sir Thomas Slade in 1757. Yet 
even they were inferior to thirty-six-gun frigates which were in 
possession of the French at about the same time. In a table 
given hereafter, the student will find materials for comparing the 
British Brilliant, 36, of 1757 with the French Aurore, which was 
captured from her original owners in 1758, and added to the Eoyal 
Navv as the Aurora, 8(5. 




THE Terrible 74. taken from the erench, 1747. 
(From a drawhio hij John Chaniock.) 



The first half of the eighteenth century witnessed repeated 
efforts to estabhsh unvarying standards of size, tonnage, and 
armament for each of the classes of men-of-war then in most 
general use. At least two of these efforts— those of 1719 and 
of 1745 — met with considerable success ; and the rules tentatively 
adopted in each of those years were for some time largely, though 
not exclusively, adhered to in the construction of ships. But it was 
pi-obably discovered that to aim at rigorous uniformity was to check 
improvement ; and, after about the year 1755, all efforts in this 
direction were wisely relinquished. Seeing, however, that many 
vessels were built accordincr to these successive " establishments," 



1714-1762.] 



ESTABLISHMENTS AND BATES. 



it may not be deemed improper to give here some particulars of 
them : — 



■"■a 



II- 



P to ^ 



w 



1719 



1733 



1741 



1745 




1 hree-deckers. 



Two-deckers. 



^0. of ffims 



100 



9? 
and 
90 



24 



80 



74 



20 



64 



60 



53 



44 



Leugtb ou gundeck, ft. in. 174 '164 158 
140 7 132 5 128 



ton 1 



Length of keel for 

nage,"l ft. in ] 

Breadth, extreme, ft. in. . 
Depth in hold, ft. in. . 
Burthen in ions 



50 
20 
1869 



47 2 
18 10 
1566 t 



44 
18 
1350 



Length on gundeck, ft. in. 174 
Length of keel for ton-| , ,_ „ 

nage, ft. in M*" ^ 

Breadth, e.xtreme, ft. in. . i 50 
Depth ill hold, ft. in. . . 20 6 
Burthen in tuns . . . 1869 



166 

134 

47 
19 



158 
1127 



142 4 



Length on gundeck, ft. in. |175 
Length of keel for ton 
nage, ft. in. . . . , 
Breadib, extreme, ft. iu. , 
Depth in hold, ft. iu. . 
Burthen iu tons 



1623 



45 i 

18 ' 
1400 



16S 
137 



50 
21 



161 

130 10 

I 



48 0, 46 
20 2 19 4 
1892 ) 1679 1472 



Length on gundeck, ft. iu, 
Length of keel fur ton- 
nage, ft. in 

Breadth, e.xtreme. ft. iu. . 
Depth in hold, ft. iu. . . 
Burthen iu tons 



178 170 
} 144 64 138 



Complement of men 



/ 



1745 



111 ^' 
1(1 1- 



1719 
1745 



flluskets, bayonets, cart-| 
1 ridge-boxes ... .J 

P;iirs of pistols .... 

Pole-axes (boarding-axes) 

Swords (cutlasses) with| 
belts / 

Hanil gr nades .... 

(Weight of bower anchors,) 

I cwts J 

[/Weight of bower anchors,) 



.-)1 u 
21 6 
2000 

780 
850 
850 
850 



cwts. 



200 

50 
50 

200 

200 



81 



4S 
20 
1730 

680 
750 
750 
750 



165 

4 134 101 

6 47 

6 20 

1585 



520 
600 
600 
650 



151 

123 2 

41 6 
17 4 
1128 

151 
122 

43 5 

17 9 
1224 I 

154 
125 5 

44 

18 111 
1291 ! 



144 
117 



134 

7 109 8 



39 36 
16 5 15 2 
' 9.J1 I 755 



144 
116 



134 
4 108 3 



41 5' 38 6 
16 11 15 9 
1068 853 



147 
119 



140 
9 113 9 



40 

124 0, 
101 8 

33 2 

14 
594 



124 




100 3 




35 8 




14 6 


, , 


lain 


■• 



42 
1» 1 
1123 



126 
102 6 



40 36 

17 2^ 15 5* 

968 706 



iico o; 

1131 4! 

45 0, 
19 41 
1414 



150 Ol44 133 
123 0| 117 8^108 10 
37 6 



42 8 
l-i 6 
1191 



600 



440 
480 
4s0 
520 



200 

50 
50 

200 

200 



200 

I 
50 i 
50 I 

200 

200 , 



470 

180 

50 
50 

200 

l.>0 



3B5 
400 
400 
420 



41 
17 8 
1052 



280 
300 
300 
350 



16 

814 



250 
250 

280 



106 

87 9 

I 28 4 

I 9 2 

374 



106 

85 8 

30 6 
9 5 
429 



112 

91 6 

32 
11 

498 



113 
93 4 

32 

I 11 

I 508 



190 



160 



130 
140 
140 



liO 


100 




' * 1 


40 


30 






40 


35 






140 


120 






100 


100 







67-5 
73'5 



61-5 .. 51-5 
69-5 |69-5 58-7 



46-5 
53 



39-5 
49 



31-5 



80 

20 

50 

80 
100 

21 



/Diameter of bower cables,! 

]l in i 

/Diameter of bower cables,! 



23 



24 



00 



23 



21 




40-5 



29-5 



10 



1 4 



1 In 1719 Iha method of determiniug the length of keel for tonnage, and the rule fur computing tonnage, were 
settled by the Lords of the Admiralty as follows : — 

" Ou a straight line with the lower part of the rabbit of the keel ere:t a perpendicular or square line to the 
upper edge of the wing trausum, at the afterpartof the plank ; and, at the stern, 10 the forepart of the plank at 
5">s pjrt of the height of the wiug transom. The length between the said perpendiculars, addeJ to .^^^^ of the 
extreme breadth (allowing fur the stern and stern post, wiihouf. the rabbit), from which subtract ./V"" of the 
height of the whig transom for the rake abaft, and also ^""s of tue main breadth for the rake afore, leaves 
the length of the keel for tonnage. Multiply this by thj breadth, and the product by half the breadth, and 
divide by 94. The result gives tha tonnage." 

A simpler and t!iore commonly-used method, both before and after the offtcial adoption of the above liighly- 
conventional formula, was: to multiply the lengtli of the keel into the extreme breadth of the ship within-board, 
taken along the midshiis beam, and to multiply the product by the depth of the hold from the plank joiuiug to the 
keelson upwards to the main deck ; and to divide the last product by 94. The result gave the burthen iu t()ns. 
See Derrick ; ' ]\Icms. of the Roy. Navy,' 301 ; Falconer, ' Diet, of the .Marine ' ; Willett, in ' Archaeologia,' ii. 154. 
The last erroneously eaj's that the number to be divided by was 96. 



The estabhshments of 1733 and 1741 were proposed, but never 



10 



CIVIL HISTORY, 1714-1762. 



[1714-1762. 



officially adopted. Many ships were nevertheless bnilt in accord- 
ance with them. 

The establishment of 1745 was generally adhered to for about 
ten years. There was never afterwards any regular establishment 
so far as dimensions were concerned. 

The mode in which these and other vessels of the period were 
armed can be seen at a glance on reference to the tables on the 
following pages. 

Although practically all the ships of the Navy were armed ac- 
cording to a regular "establishment" as thus indicated, many vessels 
were built upon lines which differed from any of the " establish- 
ments " for dimensions and tonnage ; and it is therefore well to give 
particulars of a few craft, both British built ships and prizes taken 
from the enemy and added to the service, which may be regarded 
either as typical specimens of the best home constructions of the 
time, or as models, the capture of which drew the attention of 
British constructors to points wherein foreign designers excelled 
them. These will be found on page 12. 

The estimated cost of building and equipping a ship of each of 
the principal classes, and of storing her with eight months' boat- 
swain's and carpenter's stores, according to the Navy Board Kegula- 
tions, was, in 1710, 1733, and 1741 respectively: — 







1719 


1733 


1741 


Rate. 


Guxs. 


Cost of 


Total 

Cost 

rea<iy 

for f^ea. 


Cost of 


Total 

O'St 

ready 

for .Sea. 


Cost of 


Total 

Co.-t 

ready 

for Sea. 


Hull, Rigging 
Masts and and 
Yards. .Stores. 


Hull, Eigg'ng 
A'asts and and 
Yards. , Stores. 


Hull, 

Masts and 

Yards. 


Rigfliug 
and 

.Stores. 


I 
II 

III 

IV 

y 

VI 


100 
90 
80 
70 
60 
50 
in 

20 


£ £ 

32,707 7,476 
26,622 6,264 
21,937 5,400 
17,202 4,512 
14,027 3,804 
10,192 3,020 
(;,355 2,:!5n 

3,216 1,496 


£ 
40,183 

32,886 
27,337 
21,714 

17,831 

13,212 

8,731 

4,712 


£ 

32,725 
27,591 
22,750 
18,666 
15,753 
1 1 . 753 
7,254 
3,689 


£ 

7,957 
6,897 
5,950 
5,202 
4,539 
3,625 
2,881 
1,823 


£ 
40,682 

34,488 
28,700 
23,868 
20,292 
15,110 
10,135 
5,512 


£ 
33,110 

28,543 
23,920 
19,687 
16,564 
13,064 
7 , 554 
J 2S2 


£ 

8,050 
7,135 
6,256 
5,488 
4,786 
4,117 
3,003 
2,117 


£ 
41,151 

35,678 

30,176 

25,175 

21,350 

17,185 

10,557 

6,399 



Many improvements wliicli increased the material efficiency of 
the Koyal Navy were made in the period 1714-1762. One of these 
was the invention of the reflecting quadrant, an invention usually 
associated \\it1i tlio name of Doctor Hadley, and introduced Ity him 



1714-17G2.] 



GUNS. 



11 



Particulars 


OF Service Gi 


JNS (Establishment of 1' 


■43).i 




Nature. 2 


Leu 


frfli ^i'-.;,.K*^ (',.i:i.,.,. 




Chaiiges. 






Windage 
Allow- 
ance. 






Proof. 


Service. 


Salut 


ng- 


Scaling. 




Ft. 


111. 


Cut. 111. 


Lb. oz. 


Lb. oz. 


Lb. 


oz. 


Lb. oz. 


lu. 


42-pouiider 


10 





G5 7-03 


25 


17 


11 


4 


3 4 


•35 


32-poiuKler 


!) 


6 


55 (J -43 


21 8 


14 


9  


4 


2 12 


•33 


24-pounder (a) 


!l 


fi 


50 5-84 


18 


11 


( 





2 


•30 


(h) 


!) 





4G 












9 y 


18-pounder (a) 




() 


42 5-3 


15 


9 


G 





1 8 


•27 


(b) 




() 


3!' 












■> ? 


12-pounder (a) 




(; 


3() 4-G4 


12 


(J 


4 


12 


1 


•24 


(b) 







32 












5 9 


(c) 




(i 


31 


, , 










? 5 


9 -pounder (a) 


!) 


() 


28-5 4-22 


9 


4 8 


4 





12 


•22 


(b) 


« 


() 


27 












> •> 


(c) 


H 





2G 












5 > 


(d) 




6 


24 












) ' 


(e) 


7 





23 












? ) 


(i-pounder (a) 


1) 





24-5 3-G7 


G 


3 







8 


•19 


(b) 


H 


6 


90 












) 9 


(c) 


K 


21 












9 > 


(d) 


( 


(i 


20 












, 


('-O 


( 





19 


, , 










y ? 


(/) 


G 


G 


17 












1 1 


4-pouiider 




. 


3-22 


4 


2 


2 





G 


•18 


3-pounder 


4 


G 7 ' 2-91 


3 


1 8 


1 


8 


4 


•14 


3-]X)uiider^ . 


3 


G 


1-5 1-G9 


s 


4 




4 


1 





1 I'rom Jlountaine, 'Practical Sea-(iunner's Companion,' 1747. 

- The reference letters in this column refer to the similar letters emploj-ed iu the next table (Disposition of Guns). 

3 These were swivels, usually mounted on the bulwarks, etc., and sometimes referred to as patereroes. 

Disposition of the Guns in the various Classes of H. M. Ships, 1716, 1743, 1757. 



Ci-ASSES OF Ships. 



— *i 



o 



100 

91 

90 

80 

99 
99 

9' 

74 
70 
64 

99 

60 



58 
50 



ti^uns 



(large class) . 
(ordinary class) 



(large class) . 
(ordinary class) 



(large class) . 
(ordinary class) 



(large class) . 
(ordinary class) 

(small class) . 



(large class) 



1716 

1743 
1757 
1757 
1716 
1743 
]757 
1757 
1716 
1743 
1757 
1757 
1757 
1716 
1757 
1743 
1757 
1757 
1716 
1757 
1757 
1743 
1757 



Lov\er Deck. 




Middle 
Deck. 


Upper Deck. 
No. Prs. 


Quarter 
Deck. 


Foi- 


ecastle. 


No. 


Prs. 


N 

2 

2 


0. 1 Prs. 
3 24 


No. 


Prs. 


No. 
4 


Prs. 


28| 

28 
28 


42 or 
32 


28 12 


12 


6 


6 


42 
42 


B 24 (rt) 
3 24 


28 12 (rt) 
28 12 


12 
12 


6(c) 
6 


4 
4 


6(a) 
6 


28 


32 


3 


[) 18 


30 12 






2 


9 


26 


32 


2 


S 18 


26 H 


10 


6 


2 


6 


26 
26 


32 
32 


2 

2 


5 18(a) 
J 18 


26 12(/.) 
26 12 


10 
10 


6(a) 
6 


2 
2 


6(c) 
6 


26 


32 


2 


3 18 


24 9 


4 


6 






26 


32 


2 


3 ! 12 


24 6 


4 


6 


.. 




26 
26 


32 
32 


2 
2 


3 18 (6) 
3 12 


24 9(a) 
24 6 


4 
4 


Q(d) 
6 


.. 


•• 


28 


32 


. 




30 24 


12 


9 


4 


9 


28 


32 








28 18 


14 


9 


4 


9 


26 


24 








26 12 


14 


6 


4 


6 


28 


32 








28 18 


12 


9 


2 


9 


26 
26 


32 

24 








26 18 (b) 
26 12 


10 
10 


9(d) 
6 


2 

2 


9(b) 
6 


26 


24 






. 26 12 


8 


6 


2 


6 


24 


24 






. 26 9 


8 


6 


2 


6 


26 


24 








26 12 


6 


6 


2 


6 


24 


24 








26 9 


8 


6 


2 


6 


24 
22 


24(a) 
24 




] 

i 


1 


24 12 (a) 
22 12 


8 
4 


6{d) 

6 ; 


2 
2 


6(b) 
6 



12 



CIVIL HISTORY, 1714-1762. 



[1714-1762. 



DisrosiTiox OF THE GuNS, ETC. — continued. 



Lower Deck. 



IMiilclle 
Deck. 



Upper Deck. 



Quartei' 
Deck. 



Forecastle. 



Classes of Shu's. 



.as 

I IV] 



50 


guns 


(ordinary class) . 


1716 


,, 




.1 


1743 


., 






1757 


44 




(lartri' class) . 


1757 


•• 




(urclinary class) . 


1743 
1757 


4U 






1716 


36 












1757 


32 












1757 


30 












1716 


28 












1757 


24 












1757 


20 












1716 


9? 












1743 


91 












1757 


14 




(ship-rigged) . 


1757 


12 




,, 


1757 


10 




,, 


1757 


8 






,. 






1757 



No. I Prs. ; No. Prs. , No. ! Prs. No. Prs. No. Prs. 



22 
22 
Tl 
20 
20 
20 
20 

"s 

2 


le 

24 ( 

If 

I8( 

It 

11 

< 

oV 


5 . 

1 

b) '. 
i . 

) . 

e) : 





22 9 
22 12 (c) 
22 9 



22 
20 
20 
20 
26 
26 
20 
24 
20 
20 
20 
20 
14 
12 
10 
8 



9 
9(c) 

9 

6 
12 
12 

6 

9 
9(e) 

6 

9 

9 

6 

4 

4 



i «(/) ■• 



8 
4 
2 
4 
2 



6 2 


6 


6(e) 2 


(i(c) 


6 2 


t; 


2 


6 



6 
6 
4 
3 
3 



6 
6 



Typical Ships of War, 1714-1762. 











LeuR 


thof 












.Shu-. 




Dat. of 
Launch 










Beam. Depth. 


Burthen 
in Tous. 




'A 




Gua 
Deck. 

ft. iu. 


Keel. 
















ft. 


iu. 


ft. 


in. ft. 


in. 




Boyal Siivereign 


100 


1728 


175 





140 


7 


50 


3*20 


1 


1883 


h'oyal George . 


100 


1756 


178 





143 


5*51 


9*21 


6 


2047 


Burlhur 


90 


1716 


163 





131 


9 47 


3 18 


6 


1565 


Blenheim 


90 


1761 


176 


1 


142 


3 49 


1 21 





1827 


Cormcall 


80 


1726 


158 





128 


2 


44 


6 18 


2 


1350 


Princess Amelia 


80 


1757 


165 





133 





47 


3 20 





1579 


Invincible . 


74 


*1747 


171 


3 


139 


0^9 


3 21 


3 


1793 


Terrible . 


74 


*1747 


164 


1 


133 


11 47 


3 20 


7* 


1590 


Mars 


74 


1759 


165 


6 


134 


4 46 


3 19 


9 


1556 


Priitcesa 


70 


*1740 


165 


1 


130 


3 49 


8 22 


3 


1709 


Mduiiiouth . 


70 


1742 


151 





123 


2 48 


5 17 


9 


1225 


Dor>iet»hire . 


70 


1757 


162 





134 


4g44 


10 19 


8 


1436 


Ciiptain . 


64 


1743 


151 





122 


43 


6 17 


!» 


1230 


Bhjinoulh . 


60 


1722 


144 


7 


118 


.•!9 


16 


5 


954 


Bipon . 


60 


1758 


155 


5 


128 





42 


7 18 


7 


1242 


Conquistador . 


60 


*17t;2 


155 


9 


128 


6 


43 


3 19 


3 


1278 


Oxford . 


50 


1727 


134 


6 


109 


10 


36 


3 15 


2 


767 


Bomney . 


50 


1752 


146 





120 


8J30 


4*17 


2 


1046 


Ludlow Castle . 


44 


1744 


126 


105 


103 


8 36 


•^ 15 


5* 


725 


Plicenix . 


44 


1759 


140 


9 


116 


10f37 


lgl6 





856 


Brilliant 


36 


1757 


128 


4 


106 


2- 35 


8 12 


4 


718 


Aurora . 


36 


*1758 


144 





118 


'.) 38 


8^15 


2 


94(; 


Juno 


32 


1757 


127 


10 


107 


Oi 34 


3 11 


10 


667 


Crescent . 


32 


♦175S 


130 


5 


107 


6^35 


9 11 


2 


731 


Coventry 


28 


1757 


118 


n 


97 


0*34 


OS 10 


6 


599 


Lolpltiii. 


24 


1751 


113 





93 


4 32 


1 11 





511 


Gibraltar . 


20 


175.; 


107 


8i 


88 


30 


4 9 


8 


430 


Snirpion 


14 


1746 


91 


>_> 


74 


1U26 


4 12 





276 


I'^nrnace, b:iiiili. 


M 


1740 


91 


1] 


73 


llf 


26 


4 11 





273 


Terror, Inimlj . 


S 


1759 


91 


6 


74 


It 


27 


8 12 


1 


301 


Princess Auifusta 


yt. 


,1710 


73 


8 


57 


7* 


22 


6J 9 


6 


155 


lloynl Cliarioltf 


y'- 


1719 


90 





72 


2.i 


24 


7 11 





• Mj-i 



A\here, and by whom Built. 



Cliatham, J. Eosewcll. 

AVodlwicli, J. Pownall. 

Dcptford. 

Wdohvich, J. Pownall. 

Dcptford. 

Woolwich, J. rowiiall. 
*Takcn from Ihc French. 
*Takcn from tlx' French. 

AVoolwicli, .1. I'ownall. 
*Taken from the Spaniards. 

Dcptford. 

Portsmouth, E. Allen. 

"Woolwich, J. Holhmd. 

Chatham. 

Woolwicl), J. rownall. 
*Takcn from tln'SiJuniards. 

Portsmouth. 

Woolwich, J. Harris. 

Tliames. 

Tliames. :\1. IJalson. 

I'lymouth. 
*'l'akcn from the Freiicii. 

Thames, Alexander. 
*Takcn from the Frencli. 

Bcaulieu, H. Adams. 

Woolwicli, Fcllowcs. 

IJeuulieU. II. Adams. 

I'xiiulien. 

Thames. 

llarwicli, Ikiriiard. 

Dejitford, J. Allen. 

Dejitford. .1. 11 -Hand. 



1761.] 



HARBISON'S TIMEKEEPEIi. 



lo 



about 1731. But after Hadley's death, there was found among his 
papers a document in the handwriting of Sir Isaac Newton, con- 
taining a drawing and description of an instrument somewhat 
similar to Hadley's ; so that, apparently, the credit of the innova- 
tion should be divided between these men of science, if not given 
altogether to the elder of them. 

The efforts which had been made under Queen Anne to induce 
inventors to turn their attention to the perfection of methods for 
discovering the longitude at sea, were continued ; and in 1758 a new 




HADLEY S QUADRANT. 

{From John Robertson's 'Elements of NavUnttion.' London, 1742.) 



Act was passed in furtherance of the desired object. In 1761 the 
Board of Longitude decided to give official trial to the timekeepers 
of Mr. Harrison, a watchmaker who had produced a clock or 
chronometer of unusual accuracy ; and at the instance of the Board, 
the Admiralty placed the Deptford, 50, Captain Dudley Digges, at 
Mr. Harrison's disposal for the purpose. The ship, with Harrison 
on board, sailed from Portsmouth on November 18th ; and, both at 
Madeira and at Jamaica, it was found that the timekeeper which 
had been experimented with still showed the correct time. From 
Jamaica, Harrison returned to England in the Merlin, 14, Captain 



14 CIVIL HISTORY, 1714-1762. [1755. 

Richard Carteret. On March -iBrd, 171J-i, the Merlin fell in with 
the Essex, 64, Captain Alexander Schomberg, which had been off 
Scilly on the preceding evening. Her reckoning agreed exactly with 
that of the timekeeper; and on the 26th, when Harrison reached 
Portsmouth, he found that his instrument, in spite of much shaking 
owing to bad weather, had lost only 1 minute 54*5 seconds since it 
had left England more than four months earlier. This result marked 
a great advance upon anything that had been attained up to that time. 

It was at about the same time that the experiment of coppering 
ships' bottoms to preserve them against the worm was first officially 
tried in the Navy. In 1761, the Alarm, 32, was so treated, but, 
although the effect was found to be satisfactory, the general 
introduction of the improvement was impeded for several years, 
owing to the galvanic action which was set up between the copper 
and the iron bolts of the vessel's hull, and to the evils which this 
action wrought. The difficulty was ultimately got over by using 
only copper fastenings in the under-water portion of ships' 
hulls; yet it was not until 1783 that this measure of precaution 
was ordered to be generally adopted, and, until then, copper 
sheathing, while applied to specimens of every class of ships, 
was very far from being universal in the service. 

To encourage home manufactures, it was enacted in 1746 that 
every ship built in Great Britain or in the American colonies should, 
when first prepared for sea, be provided with a suit of sails made of 
cloth woven in Great Britain, under penalty of i'50 ; and that every 
sailmaker in Great Britain or the plantations should, upon failing 
to place his name and address legibly and fully upon each new sail 
made by him, be fined i'lO. 

After the burning of Eudyard's w^ooden tower in 175,5, the 
lessees of the Eddystone Light, by the advice of the Royal Society, 
placed the work of constructing a new hghthouse in the hands of 
John Smeaton, F.R.S., a distinguished engineer. Smeaton built 
his tower entirely of stone, dovetailing every block into its neigh- 
bours, and so making the column practically solid. Operations were 
begun on August 5th, 1756 ; the first stone was formally laid on 
June 12th, 1757, and the last on August 24th, 1759; and a light 
from twenty-four candles, weighing five to two pounds,^ was shown 

^ Smeaton invented a timepiece, wliich struck a single blow every half hour, 
and so warned the keepers to snuff these candles. The original now belongs to the 
Corporation of Trinity Tfonsc. 



1731.] KING'S REGULATIONS AND ADMIRALTY INSTRUCTIONS. 15 

from the rock on October 16th, 1759, and thenceforward every night 
until 1810, when the candles gave place to oil lamps and reflectors. 
Smeaton's tower, it is almost needless to add, remained effective 
mitil, in 1879-81, owing to the base on which it stood having been 
seriously shaken by the sea, a new tower, Douglass's, had to be 
built on a neighbouring rock. Part of Smeaton's tower was there- 
upon removed, and reconstructed on Plymouth Hoe. 

Several other lighthouses which were in their day triumphs of 
engineering, were erected during the first half of the eighteenth 
century. One of the best known towers, that on the island of 
Skerries, near Holyhead, dates from 1730. At about the same time, 
also, lightships began to be placed round the coasts. The one first 
moored in English waters was fitted out in 1731 by Mr. Eobert 
Hamblin for the Nore Sand, at the mouth of the Thames ; the next, 
in 1736, by Mr. Daniel Avery for the Dudgeon Shoal, Norfolk. 

Until 1730, every commander-in-chief, with the sanction of the 
Admiralty, issued his own code of instructions. In that year the 
volume of material provided by the accumulations of lapsed codes 
was in some measure digested ; many additional instructions were 
set forth ; the principles of naval usage were crystallised ; and 
in 1731 there appeared the first issue of ' The King's Regulations 
and Admiralty Instructions.' This book has since been revised at 
intervals, but it remains in substance very much what it was in 
1731, and most of the important alterations that have been made in 
it are merely such as have been necessary to bring it into conformity 
with modern ideas and modern conditions.-^ 

In 1717, the rate of pilotage for pilots of Deal, Dover, and 
Thanet, taking charge of ships in the Thames and Medway, was 
fixed by Act of Parliament at ten shillings per foot of draught. The 
Act w^as subsequently amended with a view to prevent these pilots, 
who, of course, possessed exceptional opportunities for smuggling, 
from engaging in that pursuit. The repression of smuggling, indeed, 
was a burning question during the whole of the period now under 
review, and especially in war time. The smuggler, besides being a 
professional cheater of the revenue, was, of necessity, a man of lax 
patriotism and easy conscience, and one whose success depended 
upon his maintenance of good relations with both sides of the 

^ 'The King's Eegulations and Admiralty Instructions' contain, as it were, the 
civil code of tlie Navy. The penal code is supplied by the Naval Discipline Act. 
See p. 17, infra. 



16 CIVIL EISTORY, 1714-1762. [1745. 

Channel. He was, consequently, ever available as a spy. The 
frequency with which he impeded, and sometimes even confounded, 
the operations of the Navy, appears in the correspondence of several 
of the flag-officers of the time ; and there is very little doubt that 
the many treacherous betrayals, which, in the reigns of the first two 
Georges, prevented the secret carrying out of naval plans and 
combinations, were, as often as not, attributed to grave Jacobite 
and French sympathisers, when they were really the work of 
persons owning no more serious political conviction than that he 
who paid duty was a fool. There are several pregnant references 
to this subject in the letters of Admiral Edward Vernon, who was 
in command in the Downs at the time of the young Pretender's 
descent in 1745. Advocating the more extensive recruiting of the 
Navy from the seaport towns, he writes of men who " are now 
thought to be principally employed in the ruin of their country by 
the smuggling trade, and as daily spies to give the enemy intelligence 
of our proceedings," and goes on to say : — 

" I can't but thiuk it a seasonable time to suggest to their Lordships tliat tliere are 
said to be in this town of Deal not less than two hundred able young men and seafaring 
people who are known to have no visible way of getting a living but by the infamous 
trade of smuggling, many keeping a horse and arms to be ready at all calls. At Dover, 
it is conjectured, there may be four hundred : at Eamsgate and Folkestone, three 
hundred each. And it is said that, within these three weeks, no less than nine cutters 
at a time have gone off from Folkestone to Boulogne ; and it is conjectured that, from 
the town of Folkestone only, a thousand pounds a week is run over to Boulogne in the 
smuggling wa}\ And, about six or seven days past, a Dover cutter lauded goods in the 
night vmder the Castle, that was carried off by a i)arty of sixty horse, and the cutter 
supposed to have done it came into Dover pier next day ; and, though most believed it 
was she, no one proceeded against them in any inquiry about it. This snuiggling has 
converted those employed in it, first from honest, industriovis fisliermen, to lazy, drunken, 
and profligate smugglers, and n()W to dangerous spies on all nur proceedings, for the 
enemy's daily information." ' 

And again : — 

" Captain Scott, in the Badger, is just returned from his cruise off the coast of 
Sussex. On the 25th of last month he was informed of a cutter being going from 
Fairleigh to Boulogne that night ; but she was gone over before he could get there. 
On the 3rd of this month, he got sight of the French dogger privateer, and chased him, 
and neared him as the other was edging down to get to leeward of him ; and, when he 
got within shot of him, he exchanged some guns witli him; but the other, getting 
afore the wind and hoisting her studding sails as the night was coming on, he soon lost 
sight of him. He has the repute there of being a confederate with the smugglers, and a 
convoy to them. I send you enclosed Captain Scott's day's work, when he seized two 
of tlie smugglers' boats, in which you have the names of the two reputed notorious 

' Letter of November loth, 1745. Letter Book in Author's Coll. 



1749] THE ARTICLES OF WAR. 17 

smugglers they belong to : which are George Harrison and Zebulon Morphet ; and a 
copy of the Collector of Customs' certificate that they are reputed as such. And a 
little before that, above a hundred horse had been upon the shore to carry off goods 
brought by another cutter ; and, by all accounts, they carry on as great an intercourse 
with the French now as they did in time of profound peace with them : by which they 
are undoubtedly their daily spies to inform them of all our proceedings. I am informed 
there are lawyers who say, as the laws now stand, such an intercourse with his 
Majesty's enemies is now by our laws high treason ; and, if so, I should think we want 
a speedy proclamation to inform these infamous wretches that it is high treason ; and 
they shall be prosecuted as such ; for, surely, no nation but this would suffer itself to 
be daily betrayed with impunity." 

While smuggling and smugglers' treachery at home engaged the 
attention of the authorities, piracy required, once more, their 
energetic interference in the West Indies ; and on September 5th, 
1717, a proclamation was issued, offering a pardon for piracies 
committed before January 5th, 1717, to all such pirates as should 
surrender themselves within a twelvemonth. After the expiration 
of that period of grace, a reward would be paid to any of his 
Majesty's officers, by sea or land, upon the legal conviction of a 
pirate taken by him. The rewards promised were : for a captain 
(master) £100 ; for any officer from a lieutenant down to a gunner, 
£40 ; for any inferior officer, £30. Any private seaman or other man 
who should deliver up a pirate captain (master) or "commodore," 
would, upon the offender's conviction, be entitled to £200. 

In 1749, there was brought in " a Bill for amending, explaining, 
and reducing into one Act of Parliament, the laws relating to the 
Navy." One of the results of this Bill, had it been passed in its 
original form, would have been to subject officers on half-pay to 
martial law. The measure was, in consequence, strongly opposed 
and petitioned against. The upshot was that the obnoxious clauses 
were deleted. The Bill then passed ; all older laws for the govern- 
ment of the Navy were repealed ; and, in place of them, the first 
regular Articles of War ^ were established. In the same year, another 
Act authorised the Admiralty for the first time to grant commissions 
to flag-officers, or officers commanding-in-chief, to assemble courts- 
martial in foreign parts. 

The changes and alterations which more intimately affected the 

1 This was the Consolidation Act of George II. 22. It was based upon the Act of 
13 Car. II. c. 9. Being found to be too stringent, it was amended in 19 Geo. III. 
In the amended form, it is the foundation of the existing Articles of War ; which, in 
almost exactly their present guise, date from 1847. The proper name of the measure is 
The Naval Discipline Act. It receives small alterations and amendments from time 
to time. 

VOL. III. C 



18 CIVIL HISTORY, 1714:-1762. [1714-1762. 

personnel of the Royal Navy between 1714 and 1762, were numerous. 
The more important of those relating chiefly or exclusively to the 
seamen may be first noted. 

In 1735 an Act^ appropriated the forfeited Derwentwater estates 
to the completion and support of Greenwich Hospital, and extended 
the benefits of the Hospital so as to allow maimed merchant seamen 
to participate more fully in them. A little later two naval Acts were 
passed. One was for procuring a better supply of seamen to serve 
in the Navy ; for permitting merchant vessels to be navigated by 
foreign seamen in a proportion not exceeding three-fourths of the 
crew ; and for giving the right of naturalisation to such foreigners, 
after two years' service in British ships. The other was to prevent 
the impressment of seamen aged fifty and upwards, or aged less 
than eighteen ; of foreigners serving in merchant vessels ; of sea 
apprentices of under three years' service ; and of all persons under- 
going their first two years' service at sea.^ In 1749, Mr. Henry 
Pelham brought in a Bill to revive the system of registering seamen ; 
but, it being violently opposed, he withdrew it. In 1758, another 
Bill, brought in by Mr. George Grenville, though opposed in the 
Upper House, was ultimately carried. It provided in general for 
the encouragement of na\Til seamen, and, in particular, for the 
estabhshment of more regular and frequent payment of wages ; and 
for enabling seamen to remit money for the support of their wives 
and families by means of tickets payable in cash on demand by any 
collector of customs or excise. An Act of 1747 authorised masters 
of merchant vessels to detain from the wages of their seamen 
sixpence a month, as a provision for the widows and children of 
men drowned. 

On April 3rd, 1744, a royal declaration assigned to the officers 
and crews of men-of-war all property in prizes taken by them : and, 
to the officers and crews of privateers and letters of marque, such a 
proportion as might be conceded to them by the agreement of the 
owners. It also provided that shares not claimed within three years 
should go to Greenwich Hospital. 

Bounties to seamen were several times offered. In 1734, the 
rate was '20s. for an able-bodied seaman, and 15.s. for an able-bodied 
landsman. In 1740, it was 42s. for an able-bodied, and 30s. for an 
ordinary seaman. In 1742, it rose to 100s. for an able-bodied, and 
60s. for an ordinary seaman ; and it was further ordered that the 
1 8 Geo. II. c. 29. ^ 13 q^^^ jj^ p. 3. 



1740.] OFFICERS' PAY. 19 

widows of such bounty men as should be killed on service were to be 
granted a sum equivalent to a year's pay of their late husbands. In 
the same year, apparently to keep down rivalry, pay in the merchant 
service was, for a time, restricted by Act of Parliament to a 
maximum of 35s. a month. 

'The pay of officers remained as it had been at the conclusion of 
the period 1660-1714 ; but the position of officers of nearly every 
rank was improved in various ways. Surgeons were, for the first 
time, given half-pay in 1729 ; and, in 1749, an increased number, 
both of surgeons and of masters, were granted half-pay. The 
number then entitled to it was, in each case, fifty, of whom the first 
thirty received 2s. 6fZ., and the remaining twenty, 2s. a day. 

The number of domestics and servants allowed to officers had been 
considerably reduced at the end of the seventeenth, but was again 
increased in the first half of the eighteenth century ; and, in 1740, it 
stood thus : — ^ 



50, of whom 16 only to be borne as servants on the books. 
'^0, „ 12 „ „ „ 

20 10 

-^*^j ?J -^^ >5 f) yt 

4 per 100 of the complement. 



Admiral of the Fleet 

Admiral . 

Vice- Admiral . 

Bear- Admiral . 

Captain 

Lieutenant, Master, \ 

Second Master, Pur- i • i • i • oa t, 

' , > 1, m ships havmg 60 men or above. 

ser. Surgeon, Chap- 1 
lain and Cook, each ^ 
Boatswain, Gunner, -i 2, in ships having 100 men or upwards, and 1 in ships 
Carpenter, each . . j having between 100 and 60. 

This generous allowance of servants permitted captains to take to 
sea with them young gentlemen who aspired to the position of 
officer ; and the better captains usually benefited the service by 
having with them a large proportion of "servants" of that kind, 
training under their own eyes. Yet, even captains who were heartily 
devoted to the interests of their profession, took with them to sea, in 
those days, many retainers of a class that would, nowadays, be 
deemed very superfluous in a man-of-war. Tailors, barbers, footmen 
and fiddlers, followed their patron. As late as 1785, Commodore 
Edward Thompson, who, it is true, always had his quarter-deck 
crowded with such young gentlemen as were destined, a few years 
later, to shine in the front ranks of the service, had a painter on 
his personal staff, and used to summon the poor artist on deck at 

■* And so remained until April, 1794. 

c 2 



20 CIVIL HISTORY, 17U-1762. [1718. 

strange hours to record impressions of sunrise effects or nocturnal 
storms. 

In 1718, it was, for the first time, formally ordered that captains 
should, if duly qualified, be promoted by seniority to flag-rank, and 
so onward to the rank of full admiral. But since, in those days, 
the entire flag establishment consisted only of nine officers, viz., an 
Admiral of the Fleet, an Admiral of the White, an Admiral of the 
Blue, and Vice and Eear-Admirals of the Red, White and Blue 
respectively, captains soon began to grow very old ere, in con- 
sequence of deaths above them, they became eligible for advance- 
ment. If, also, the order had been loyally carried out — which it 
was not — and had not been followed by other modifications, it 
would presently have resulted in a flag-list composed exclusively 
of officers too aged to go afloat. The threatened evil w^as fended 
off by the gradual increase of the flag-list in 1743 and subsequent 
years, and by the provision, in 1747, of arrangements in virtue of 
which senior captains, indisposed, or too infirm, to accept active 
flag-rank, might be superannuated as rear-admirals, with pay at 
the rate of 175. Q>d. a day. The first officers to be superannuated 
under this scheme were captains of 1713, or, to put it otherwise, 
captains of thirty-four years' service in that rank. Some of them 
were septuagenarians. 

The establishment of a regular uniform for certain officers of the 
Eoyal Navy dates from 1748. Three years earlier, some officers 
appear to have petitioned the Admiralty for the boon ; and, in 1746, 
sundry captains, at Anson's wish, prepared tentative coats from 
which a uniform pattern might be selected. But, though a captain 
may have designed the uniforms which were finally adopted, King 
George II. himself decided upon the colours of them. Having 
noticed the Duchess of Bedford, wife of the First Lord, riding in 
the Park in a habit of blue, faced with white, his Majesty chose 
blue and white for the first uniform dress of his officers. The 
innovation applied only to admirals, captains, commanders, lieu- 
tenants, and midshipmen, and the wearing of the new uniform was 
made compulsory, as regards these ranks, by an order dated April 
14th, 1748. But there were difficulties in the way of obedience. 
Patterns were not sent to foreign stations, nor were the regulations 
sufficiently explicit to enable officers, by their aid only, to instruct 
their tailors concerning what was required. It is therefore probable 
that, for several years, the order was not fully carried out. 



1748.] OFFICERS' UNIFORM. 21 

Admiralty patterns of these uniforms were lodged at the Navy 
Office and the Dockyards, but they have not been preserved. A few 
coats, waistcoats, breeches and hats, for captains and lieutenants, 
were, however, found at Plymouth, in 1846, and are now in the 
Eoyal United Service Institution. 

" The hats are three-cornered in shape ; one is trimmed with silver or tarnished gold 
lace ; and both bear the silk cockade instituted by George I. Lace and frills being 
then worn, there are no collars to the coats. They are made of thick blue cloth ; the 
lappels, which button back, are blue ; but the cuffs of the captain's coats are white, 
and the sleeves of all are purposely made short to allow the laced sleeves of the white 
kerseymere waistcoats to show beyond. There are two kinds of buttons, one flat, 
bearing a rose ; the other round and plain. Although we have not the patterns, 
pictures of the dress of the admirals and midshipmen have come down to us, the 
embroidery and lace on those of the flag officers being most elaborate." ^ 

Some written advice, given by Edward Thompson,^ in 1756, to a 
relative who was about to enter the Navy, throws light upon the 
condition of young gentlemen in the men-of-war of the time. 

" Here," he says, " are no back doors through which you can make your escape, 
nor any humane bosoms to alleviate your feelings ; at once you resign a good table for 
no table, and a good bed for your length and breadth ; nay, it will be thought an 
indulgence, too, to let you sleep where day ne'er enters, and where fresh air only comes 
when forced." ..." Your light for day and night is a small candle, which is often 
stuck at the side of your platter at meals, for want of a better convenience ; your 
victuals are salt, and often bad ; and, if you vary the mode of dressing them, you must 
cook yourself. I would recommend you always to have tea and sugar ; the rest you 
must trust to, for you'll scarce find room for any more than your chest and hammock, 
and the latter at times you must carry upon deck to defend you from small shot, 
unless you keep one of the sailors in fee with a little brandy (which is a good friend 
at sea, but always drink it mixed with water.") ..." Low company is the bane of 
all young men ; but in a man-of-war you have the collected tilths of jails. Con- 
demned criminals have the alternative of hanging, or entering on board. There's not 
a vice committed on shore but is practised here. The scenes of horror and infamy on 
board of a man-of-war are so many and so great that I think they must rather disgust 
a mind than allure it. I do not mean, by this advice, to have you appear a dull 
inactive being, that shudders amidst these horrors. No ; I would wish you to see them 
in their own proper shapes, for, to be hated, they need to be seen." ..." You will 
find some little outward appearance of religion — and Sunday prayers ! — but the con- 
gregation is generally drove together by the boatswain (like sheep bj^ the shepherd), 
who neither spares oaths nor blows." ^ 



^ ' The British Fleet,' 500. The first Admiral's uniform is well shown in the 
portrait of Lord Anson, forming the title-page to this volume. This was painted 
between 1748 and 1761. 

^ Died Commodore on the West Coast of Africa, January 17th, 1786. He edited 
some old writers ; wrote plays, stories, and songs ; and was a friend, and also 
probably a benefactor, of Dr. Samuel Johnson. 

^ ' Seaman's Letters,' i. 147. 



22 CIVIL HISTORY, 1714-1762. [1756. 

Concerning subordinate officers, and the abuse of power by 
superiors, Thompson wrote : — 

" The disagreeable circumstances and situations attending a subaltern officer m the 
Navy are so many, and so hard, that, had not the first men in the service passed the 
dirty road to preferment to' encourage the rest, they would renounce it to a man. It is 
a most mistaken notion that a youth will not be a good officer unless he stoops to the 
most menial offices ; to be bedded worse than hogs, and eat less delicacies. In short, 
from having experienced such scenes of filth and infamy, such fatigues and hardships, 
they are sufficient to disgust the stoutest and the bravest, for, alas! there is only a little 
hope of promotion sprinkled in the cup to make a man swallow more than he digests 
the rest of his life. The state of inferior officers in his Majesty's service is a state of 
vassalage, and a lieutenant's preferment the greatest in it ; the change is at once from 
a filthy maggot to a shining butterfly. Many methods might be introduced to make 
the lower officers of more consequence on their duty, and their lives more agreeable to 
themselves ; for that power of reducing them to sweep the decks, being lodged in the 
breast of a captain, is often abused through passion or caprice ; besides, it is too 
despotic an authority to exercise on a man who has the feelings of an Englishman. 

" We are likewise to recollect that all commanders of men-of-war are not gentle- 
men, nor men. of education. I know a great part are brave men, but a much greater, 
seamen. I allow the maxim of learning to obey, before we command oursL4ves ; but 
still there is no reason to be vulgar, for we are to consider these young people are the 
active machines of duty, the wheels which give motion to the main body ; and it is 
absolutely necessary to give them authority in their office to carry on the duties of the 
ship: but rendering them low in the eyes of the people creates a contempt for 
midshipmen in general, and turns that necessary respect due to them into contempt. 

" I propose to warrant this body of officers, and make them answer to the Board of 
Admiralty for their conduct. They should possess a third table in the ship, and have 
the countenance of their sujieriors. This would enliven their servitude, and make 
them of consequence on their duty." ^ 

But some improvement was already to be noticed, for Thompson 
continues : — 

" The last war, a chaw of tobacco, a rattan, and a rope of oaths were sufficient 
qualifications to constitute a lieutenant ; but now, education and good manners are 
the study of all ; and so far from effeminacy, that I am of opinion the present race 
of oflicers will as much eclipse the veterans of 1692 as the polite the vulgar." ^ 

There was, however, as yet Httle improvement either in the code 
of morals, or in the sanitary provisions on board his Majesty's ships. 
There is evidence that, towards the end of the seventeenth century, 
women were systematically carried to sea in the proportion of so 
many per company of Marines ; and Thompson, writing in the 
middle of the eighteenth, after describing the unsavoury persons 
and dwellings of the negroes of Antigua, goes on : — 

" But bad smells don't hurt the sailor's appetite, each man possessing a temporary 
lady, whose pride is her constancy to the man she chooses; and in tliis particular they 

' ' Seaman's Letters,' i. 140. ^ lb. 144. 



1756.] SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE NAVY. 23 

are strictly so. I have known 350 women sup and sleep on board ^ on a Sunday 
evening, and return at daybreak to their different plantations." ^ 

As for sanitation, suffice it to say, by way of example, in addition 
to the many cases which will be cited in the two following chapters, 
that, in 1756, at the time of the outbreak of war with France, when 
she had been on no long cruise, and had been exposed only to the 
hardships of a few months of service in the Channel, the Stirling 
Castle, 64, Captain Samuel Cornish, arrived at Portsmouth with four 
hundred and eighty men, of whom two hundred and twenty-five 
were the pressed refuse of gaols and scum of streets. She was full 
of fever and other sickness, and, when the diseased had been sent 
ashore, but one hundred and sixty men remained for duty. Less 
than three months later, when, having filled up her complement in 
England, she had proceeded to New York, Edward Thompson 
wrote from her : "We have now one hundred and fifty-nine people 
ill in fluxes, scurvies, and fevers." Two months afterwards, ashore 
at English Harbour, Antigua, he added — 

" I have been long declining with the white flux, and, for recovery, am stuffed into 
a small room with twenty-six people ; but am now in better health. I officiate as 
chapilain, and bury eight men in a morning. Fluxes and fevers are the reigning 
distemper, and both I attribute to the water drunk by the seamen, which is taken out 
of tanks or cisterns, built by Admiral Knowles. It is all rain water, and covered 
close up, which, for want of air, breeds poisonous animalculje, and becomes foul and 
putrid. The melancholy effects it produces might be in a great manner prevented by 
boiling the water before it is issued, or ordering the people to do it. This would 
destroy the vermin, and correct the putrefaction. I am convinced from long observa- 
tion that most of the distempers in southern climates arise from the water drunk, as 
ship sicknesses do from the bilge water ; which is evidently proved in leaky ships 
being always healthful. I therefore recommend to all officers, naval and mercantile, 
to let in salt water every day, and boil their fresh, for the good of themselves and 
cargoes." 



^ He speaks of H.M.S. Stirling Castle, 64, carrying 480 men. 
^ ' Seaman's Letters,' ii. 24. 




( 24 ) 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

MiLiTAEY History of the Royal Navy, 1714-1762. 

MAJOR OPERATIONS. 

Accession of George I. — Trouble with Sweden — Norris to the Baltic— Co-operation 
with Holland, Denmark, and Kussia — A Swedish conspiracy — Byng to the Baltic 
in 1717 — The Quadruple Alliance — Irritation of Spain — Byng to the Mediterranean 
in 1718 — Spanish operations in Sicily — The battle off Cape Passaro — The British 
and Spanish accounts — Mahan's comments — War with Si)ain — Projected invasion 
of England — Dispersal of the Spanish fleet — The Eoss-shire fiasco — Eeduction of 
Sicily — Peace with Spain — Xorris in the Baltic in 1718 — Alliance with Sweden — 
Norris in the Baltic in 1719, 1720, and 1721 — Peace between Eussia and Sweden 
— The Treaty of Vienna — The Treaty of Hannover — Jennings to the coast of 
Spain — Wager to the Baltic — Hosier to the West Indies — Sickness in the Heet — 
Death of Hosier, Hopsonn, and St. Loe — Wager relieves Gibraltar — Norris in the 
Baltic — Death of George I. — The Treaty of Seville — Difficulties in the New 
World — Norris to Lisbon — Haddock to the Mediterranean — Spanish depredations 
— Jenkins's ears — Eeprisals granted — War with Spain — Anson's expedition — 
Edward Vernon — Vernon to the West Indies — Capture of Puerto Bello — Enthusiasm 
in England — Co-operation between France and Spain — Vernon reinforced — France 
holds her hand — Vernon at Chagres — Vernon again reinforced — Death of Cath- 
cart — Beauclerk and de Boisgeroult — Unsuccessful cruises of Haddock, Balchen, 
and Norris — Junction of the French and Spanish fleets in the Mediterranean — 
Vernon's difficulties with Wentworth — Attack upon Cartagena — Early success 
— Failure of the attempt — Attack on Santiago de Cuba — Abandonment of the 
])lan — Criticism of the scheme — The commanders censured — Projected expedition 
against Panama — Collapse of the venture — Eecall of Vernon and Wentworth — 
Lestock joins Haddock in the Mediterranean — Lestock's character — Mathews 
commander-in-chief in the Mediterranean — Friction between Mathews and Lestock 
— Blockade of Toulon — Martin at Naples — Martin to Alassio— Ogle in the West 
Indies — Eepulse of the attack on La Guayra — Eepulse at Puerto Cabello — France 
supports Spain — Norris in the Channel — Escape of de Eoquefeuil — War with 
France and Spain — The Dutch join Great Britain — Disposition of the fleets — 
Navarro and de Court leave Toulon — Mathews's action oft" Toulon — Suspension 
and trial of Lestock — Trials of captains — The court-martial and the Lord Chief 
Justice — Trial of Mathews — Eowley in the Mediterranean — Gabaret escapes him — 
Hardy blockaded— Balchen relieves him — Loss of the Victory — Barnet in the 
East Indies — Davers at Jamaica — French intrigues in North America — Annapolis 
summoned in vain — Schemes of the Pretender — He lands in Scotland — His escajDe 
— Cai)ture of Louisbourg — Townsend to the West Indies — Aflairs in the Mediter- 
ranean — French failures in North America — Lestock on the coast of France — 
Peyton and La Bourdonnais— Fall of Madras — Duplicity of Dupleix — Lisle and 
de Cxmflaus — Disgrace of Mitchell — Medley in the Mediterranean — French ex- 
pedition to Cape Breton — Anson's action with de La Jonquiere — Hawke defeats 
de L'Elenduere — Trial of Captain Fox — Exhaustion of France — Boscawen to the 



1714.] 



DIFFICULTIES IN THE NORTH. 



25 



East Indies — Failure at Pondicherry — Peace of Aix-la-Ohapelle — Surrender of 
Madras — Knowles takes Port Louis— Attempt on Santiago de Cuba— Knowles's 
victory off Havana — Trial of Knowles— Pocock takes a French convoy — Losses 
during the war — Terms of the peace — French aggressions — Keppel to North 
America— French designs on Canada — Boscawen to North America— Capture of 
the Ahide and Lya — Threatened invasion — French expedition to Minorca — 
Operations against Angria — Success of Holmes — Pieconnaissance of Brest — British 
weakness in the Mediterranean — Byng ordered to Minorca — Byng's action with 
de La Galissonniere — The dispatches — Byng superseded, tried, and executed — 
Conclusions on his case — Fall of Minorca — Watson takes Calcutta — Fall of 
Chandernagore — D'Ache to the East Indies — Forrest's action with de Kersaint — 
Expedition to Louisbourg — Misfortunes of the fleet — The expedition abandoned — 
Escape of du Revest — Expedition against Eochefort — Pocock's action off Cudda- 
lore — Capitulation of Fort St. David — Pocock's action off Negapatam — With- 
drawal of d'Ache — Kempenfelt relieves Madras — Siege and capture of Louisbourg 
— Boscawen and du Chaffault — Marsh to West Africa — Kej^ii^el takes Goree — 
Capture of the OrpMe and Foudroyani — Hawke at He d'Aix — Howe's expedition 
to the French coast — Capture of Cherbourg — Disaster at St. Cas — Renewed French 
preparations — Pocock again engages d'Ache — The Dutch at Chinsura- — Failure at 
Martinique — Operations at Guadaloupe — The conquest of Canada — Saunders in 
the St. Lawrence — Boscawen to the Mediterranean — Boscawen defeats de La Choe 
— Rodney off Le Havre — Blockade of Brest — Hawke defeats de Conflans — • 
Blockade of Pondicherry — Hurricane in the East Indies — Fall of Pondicherry — 
Norbury's action in the West Indies — French attem23t against Quebec — Montreal 
occupied — Elliot defeats Thurot — Boscawen and Hawke in Quiberon Bay — 
Further operations in the East Indies — Keppel's expedition against Belleisle — The 
Family Compact — War with Spain — Capture of Manila — Conquest of Martinique 
— Conquest of Grenada and St. Lucia — Pocock reduces Havana — Misfortunes of 
Pocock's fleet — De Terney at Newfoundland — Recapture of St. John's — The raid 
on Buenos Ayres — Enforcement of the right of search — The Treaty of Fontaine- 
bleau — Results of the Seven Years' War. 




POPULAR MEDAL COMMEMORATIVE OF MATHEWS's ACTION OFF TOULON 
FEBRUARY IItH, 1744, AND OF THE FRUSTKATION OF THE 
THREATENED INVASION OF ENGLAND AT ABOUT THE SAME TIME. 



{From an urUjinal kiiidlij lent by H.S.II. Captain Prime Louis 
Battenberg, R.N.) 



of 



Although, at 
the accession 
of George I., 
Great Britain 
was at peace 
with all the 
world, the re- 
lations of the 
country with 
certain north- 
ern powers 
were far from 
being satisfac- 



tory ; and from 
the first it was foreseen that difficulties were likely to arise, and 
to call for the active employment of the Navy towards their solution. 



26 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-17G2. [1716. 

Sweden had not yet allied herself with Eussia, and was, in fact, 
still at war with her and with Denmark ; and Swedish privateers 
had seized many British ships which were alleged to contain arms, 
ammunition, and stores, destined, in contravention of treaty, for 
the service of the Tsar. Eemonstrances had been made by the 
British minister at Stockholm, but they had produced no results. 
The Dutch, who had similar causes of complaint against the 
government of Charles XII., found it equally difficult to obtain 
either redress or apology ; and it was therefore determined by Great 
Britain and Holland to despatch a combined fleet to the Baltic in 
1715 to intimidate the Swedes, and to convoy, and prevent further 
undue interference with, the trade. 

The British contingent, under Admiral Sir John Norris (B.) and 
Bear- Admiral Sir Thomas Hardy (B.), was made up of twenty ships 
of the line, besides a few small craft. It sailed from the Nore on 
May 18th, and, reaching the Sound on June 10th, there joined the 
Dutch contingent of twelve sail under Rear- Admiral Lucas de Veth. 
The merchantmen were escorted to their ports, but nothing of 
importance happened during the rest of the year. In 1716, Sir 
John, unwilling to adopt strong measures against Sweden unless 
he had the gravest reasons for doing so, sent an officer to Stockholm 
to inquire whether or not the practice of seizing British and Dutch 
ships was to be persisted in. A vague and ambiguous reply being 
returned, it was determined by the allied commanders, in pursuance 
of orders from home, to make a demonstration of an exceptional 
nature. A Danish squadron lay at Copenhagen. There also lay a 
Russian squadron under the Tsar Peter himself. After the necessary 
negotiations had taken place, it was agreed that, while the Dutch, 
then under Commodore Hendrik Grave, with five British men-of- 
war, should convoy to their destinations such merchantmen as had 
followed the fleets, the British, Russian, and Danish squadrons, 
forming for the moment a single fleet, should proceed up the Baltic, 
in order to let it be seen that, rather than permit any further 
meddling with her trade, Great Britain would take active part 
against Charles XII. The Tsar Peter became, for the nonce, com- 
mander-in-chief ; Norris assumed command of the van, and Count 
Gyldenlove,^ the Danish admiral, took the rear under his orders. 

^ Ulrich Christian Gyklenlove, kimwii in England as Count Gueldenlew, was a 
natural brother of King Frederick IV. of Denmark, and liad commanded the Danish 
fleet at the time of Kooke's operations against Copenhagen in 1700. 



1716.] TEE EANNOVERIAN ENTANGLEMENT. 27 

The confederate fleet assembled in Kjoge Bay, and thence 
proceeded to Bornhohn, where, learning that the Swedes had 
retired to Karlskrona, unwilling to hazard an action, the Tsar gave 
directions that the convoys might continue their voyages to their 
various ports. He then, with his squadron, sailed to the coast of 
Mecklenburg. Norris and Gyldenlove took measures for collecting 
the homeward-bound trade, most of which joined them at Bornhohn 
on November 9th, and with them entered the roadstead of Copen- 
hagen on the day following. The remaining merchantmen, chiefly 
Dutch, anchored there on the 12th. Sir John Norris left behind 
him in the Baltic Captain William Cleveland, with seven ships, to 
act, if necessary, in concert with the Danes ; and, with the rest of the 
fleet, he returned to England. On his voyage he met with terrible 
weather, and, although he succeeded in preserving his convoy, he 
had the misfortune to lose the Auguste, 60, and the Garland, 24.^ 
The fleet arrived at the Nore on November 29th, 1716. 

The ostensible reasons for this Baltic expedition have been given 
above. It must be borne in mind, however, that the situation, as 
between Great Britain and Sweden, was exacerbated by the fact 
that George I., besides being King of Great Britain, was Elector of 
Hannover. In his latter quality he had purchased from Denmark 
territories which had been conquered from Sweden ; and, in order to 
defend these, he had declared war against Sweden, and carried on 
the conflict at a time when, in his quality of King of Great Britain, 
he was at peace with Charles XII. The Swedish monarch did not 
scruple to charge King George with having prostituted the honour 
of the British flag in order to serve the interests of Hannover ; and, 
although it may be that Charles, in his natural resentment, failed to 
do exact justice to his opponent, it cannot be denied that the 
personal union of the crowns of Great Britain and Hannover, if not 
in 1715-16, at least on many subsequent occasions, led Great Britain 
into ventures which, had her own interests only been consulted, she 
would never have embarked upon. 

The irritation of Sweden was increased by Norris's demonstration 
in the Baltic ; and one of the results was that, soon afterwards, 

^ So say all historians, but no authority can be found for one part of the statement. 
The Auguste, Captain Eobert Jolinson, ran ashore, it is true, on November 10th, 
her captain and most of her people being saved. The Garland, however, remained 
in commission, under Captain Ellis Brand, until February 22nd, 1717 ; from which 
fact it may be concluded that, if she went ashore, she did not at once become a total 
loss. There seems, too, to have been no court-martial. MS. List in Author's Coll. 



28 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 17U-1762. 



[1717. 



certain Swedish diplomatists, including the minister in London, 
associated themselves in plots, having for their object the further- 
ance of the cause of the Pretender. The discovery of these intrigues 
aroused the liveliest indignation throughout Great Britain ; and when 
Parliament met in 1717, it was formally resolved by the House of 
Commons to introduce a Bill to authorise the King to prohibit 
commerce with Sweden " during such time as his Majesty shall 
think it necessary for the safety and peace of his kingdom." On 




SIR JOHN NORRIS, KT., ADMIRAL OK THE FLEET. 
(Froxi the pic tire by Sir G. Encller. hi/ prnnisKiun of H. C. Nor r is. Esq.) 

March '2nd, the Bill liuving in the meantime been passed, a 
proclamation in accordance with its provisions was made public. 
To properly enforce the prohibition, it was requisite to send another 
fleet to the Baltic ; and on ^Nrarcli 30th, twenty-one ships of the line, 
with frigates and fireships, sailed for Copenhagen under Admiral Sir 
George Byng. A few days later, though in face of strong opposition, 
the Government obtained a grant of a quarter of a million sterling to 
enable the King " to concert such measures with foreign princes and 



1718.] THE QUADS UPLE ALLIANCE. 29 

states as may prevent any charge and apprehension from the designs 
of Sweden for the future." 

Byng agreed upon a plan of united action with Denmark, and 
made various dispositions to ensure the carrying out of the objects 
for which he had been sent to sea ; but his proceedings were, upon 
the whole, uneventful, the Swedes not venturing outside their ports. 
Beturning at the beginning of winter, he arrived in the mouth 
of the Thames on November 15th. A note of such small services 
as were performed by the cruisers of the fleet will be found in the 
next chapter. In the meantime, thanks largely to the good ofi&ces 
of France and Russia, the difficulties in the north were for the 
moment smoothed over, although, for many j'ears afterwards, they 
remained a source of much anxiety and expense to the Court of 
St. James's. 

" But this," says Campbell, " was not the only aflfair of consequence that employed 
the thoughts of the administration. We were then in close confederacy with the 
Emperor and France; and, in conjunction with these Powers, had undertaken to settle 
the affairs of Europe on a better foundation than the Treaty of Utrecht left them. 
With this view, the Triple Alliance was concluded on January 4th, 1717 ; and, that 
not answering the end expected from it, we next entered, as will be shown, into the 
famous Quadruple Alliance,^ which was intended to remedy all these defects, and to 
fix the general tranquillity for ever. Yet, by unforeseen accidents to which human 
policy will be always liable, this alliance proved the cause of an immediate war 
between us and Spain, and, in its consequences, was the source of all the troubles that 
disturbed Europe from the time of its conclusion ^ to the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle." 

The terms of the alliance were decided upon some months before 

the treaty was actually signed. It was determined that Spain 

should restore Sardinia to the Emperor, and that the King of Spain 

should renounce his claim to succeed to the French crown, while the 

Emperor was to renounce his claim to what had been guaranteed to 

Philip V. under the Treaty of Utrecht, and Philip was to surrender 

his claim to the Netherlands and to the Italian possessions of the 

Emperor. In return for Sicily, the Emperor was to hand over 

Sardinia to the King of Sicily, and was to recognise the right of 

the House of Savoy to succeed to the crown of Spain in the event 

of the failure of the heirs of Philip V. France and Great Britain 

undertook to assist the Emperor to acquire Sicily ; and France and 

the Empire undertook to maintain the Protestant succession in 

Great Britain.^ 

^ Of Great Britain, France, Holland, and the Empire. 

2 August, 1718. 

^ Koch & SchoU, ' Hist, des Traites de Paix.' 



30 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1718. 

The arrangement was excessively displeasing to Spain ; and no 
sooner had the House of Savoy transferred Sicily to the Emperor 
than Spain, whose policy was then controlled by Cardinal Alberoni, 
made preparations for attacking that island. Great Britain made 
corresponding preparations for enforcing the provisions of the 
still unsigned treaty, and, early in 1718, commissioned a large 
number of ships. The Spanish minister in London remonstrated. 
George I. rather bluntly replied that it was not his intention to 
conceal the object of his armaments, and that he purposed to send 
Sir George Byng to the Mediterranean with a powerful force " to 
maintain the neutrality of Italy against those who should seek to 
disturb it." 

In March, 1718, Byng was accordingly appointed Commander-in- 
Chief in the Mediterranean ; and on May 24th he received his written 
instructions. They were not as explicit as might have been wished ; 
but they appear to have been explained and supplemented in the 
course of an interview which the Admiral, ere he left London, had 
with Lords Sunderland and Stanhope, and Mr. Secretary Craggs.^ 
He was, upon his arrival upon his station, to inform the King of 
Spain, the Viceroy of Naples, and the Governor of Milan, that he had 
been sent to sea to promote all measures that might best contribute 
to the arrangement of such differences as had arisen between the 
two crowns, and to the prevention of any further violation of the 
neutrality of Italy, which he was to see preserved. He was also 
to enjoin both parties to abstain from acts of hostility, so that 
negotiations for peace might be begun and concluded. But, should 
the Spaniards persist, after all, in attacking the Emperor's territory 
in Italy; or should they land in any part of Italy for that purpose; or 
should they endeavour to make themselves masters of Italy (which 
would be a step towards the invasion of the kingdom of Naples), 
Byng was, to the best of his power, to hinder and obstruct them. If, 
however, they were already landed, he was to try by amicable means 
to induce them to abandon their project, and was to offer to help 
them to withdraw their troops ; and, should all his friendly offices 
prove ineffectual, he was to defend the territories attacked, by 
keeping company with, or intercepting, Spanish ships and convoys, 
and, if necessary, by openly opposing them. 

Sir George Byng sailed from Spithead on June 15th, 1718, with 
twenty ships of the line, two fireships, two bomb vessels, a store- 
^ See a letter from Craggs in Campbell, iv. 3-18. 



1718] 



BYNG TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 



31 



ship, a hospital-ship, and two tenders, and, passing Lisbon, sent the 
Bupej-t in thither for intelHgence. Being off Cadiz on June 30th, he 
despatched the Su-perbe with a letter to the British minister at 
Madrid, desiring him to inform the King of Spain of the presence 
of the British fleet, and of the instructions under which it was to 
act. The Spanish reply, returned after some delay, was curtly to 
the effect that Byng might execute his sovereign's orders. The 




GEORGE BYNG, VISCOUNT TORRINGTON, ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET. 

(From T. Houbmkciis engraving after the portrait l)ij Sir G. Kneller.) 



minister. Colonel Stanhope, continued, almost up to the very 
outbreak of hostilities, to endeavour to induce Spain to give way ; 
and in the meantime, foreseeing the probable futility of his efforts, 
he did his best to warn British merchants in the Spanish ports to 
take such measures as would protect their property against the 
results of any sudden rupture. 

Sir George, who had to contend with unfavourable winds, did 



32 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-17(;2. [1718. 

not make Cape Spartel until July 8tli. He was there rejoined by 
the Bupert and the Superhe, and learnt that Spain had been making 
great preparations for war, and that a considerable Spanish fleet had 
quitted Barcelona on June 18th for the eastward. Off Gibraltar, 
the Admiral was joined by a small division of ships under Vice- 
Admiral Charles Cornwall. The fleet subsequently watered at 
Malaga, and thence proceeded to Port Mahon, where it landed 
troops and took off the soldiers who had been in garrison there. 
It sailed again on July 25th, upon receipt of news that the Spanish 
fleet had been sighted on June 30th near Naples ; and on August 1st 
it anchored in the Bay of Naples. Sir George had previously taken 
care to apprise the imperial Viceroy, and the governor of Milan, of 
his arrival in the Mediterranean. 

The Spaniards had not been idle. They had landed the Marques 
de Lede in Sicily ; and, except the citadel of Messina, the whole 
island had quickly fallen to him with little or no resistance. The 
citadel was held by Savoyards; and as Savoy, under the terms of the 
understanding, was presently to surrender Sicily to the Emperor, it 
could scarcely be expected that the fortress would hold out for long. 
In these circumstances, the imperial Viceroy of Naples hurriedly 
embarked two thousand German troops ^ on board the British ships, 
and requested Sir George Byng to endeavour to throw them into 
Messina citadel, and the neighbouring Fort Salvatore, The fleet 
quitted Naples on August 6th, and on August 9th arrived off the 
Faro of Messina. 

The Spaniards were besieging the place which Byng desired to 
relieve ; but Sir George does not seem to have known how near their 
fleet was to him. Indeed, he had some reason to suppose that it 
was endeavouring to avoid him. Instead, therefore, of moving 
onwards to Messina and striking at once, he sent ashore the Captain 
of the Fleet, George Saunders, with a letter to the Marques de Lede, 
proposing a cessation for two months of the operations on shore, and 
adding that, unless a truce were agreed to, he would use all his force 
" to prevent further attempts to disturb" the dominions which his 
master stood engaged to defend. De Lede replied that he had no 
powers to treat, and that he intended to carry out his orders. Upon 
receiving this answer, Sir George weighed, with a view to place his 
fleet in front of Messina and to relieve the garrison of the citadel. 

' Tliese troops, uiuler General Wetzel, were, before the battle oft' Cape Passaro, set 
ashore at Reggio. 



1718.] BATTLE OF CAPE PASSARO. 33 

The stoiy of what followed is given in the formal relations which 
will be presently printed. 

"The eugagement wliich ensued can," says Mahan, "scarcely be called a battle 
and, as is apt to happen in such affairs, when the parties are on the verge of war, but 
war has not actually been declared, there is some doubt as to how far the attack was 
morally justifiable on the part of the English. It seems pretty sure that Byng was 
determined beforehand to seize or destroy the Spanish fleet, and tliat as a military man 
he was justified by his orders. The Spanish officers had not made up their minds to 
any line of conduct ; they were much inferior in numbers, and, as must always be the 
case, Alberoni's hastily revived navy had not within the same period reached nearly 
the efficiency of his army. The English approached threateningly near : one or more 
Spanish ships opened fire : whereupon the Knglish, being to windward, stood down and 
made an end of them. A few only escaped. . . ," 

The forces in face of one another were, as Captain Mahan 
indicates, as unequal in numbers as in discipline. Over leaf is a 
comparative statement of them. The ships of the British fleet are 
arranged according to Sir George Byng's order of battle, in which 
the Canterbury was to lead with the starboard, and the Bochester 
with the larboard tacks on board. The exact order of the Spaniards 
cannot be determined. 

Sir George Byng, in his despatches,^ thus describes the events of 
August 10th, and the following days : — 

From ox board the Barfleur, off of Syracusa, 
August 6th (O.S.). 

" Early in the morning, on the thirtieth of July,^ as we were standing in for 
Messina, we saw two scouts of the Spanish fleet in the Faro, very near us ; and, at the 
same time, a felucca, coming oft' from the Calabrian shore, assured us they saw from 
the hills the Spanish fleet lying by. Upon which the Admiral stood through the Faro 
after the scouts, judging they would lead us to their fleet ; which they did ; for, before 
noon, we had a fair sight of all their ships as they were drawing into line-of-battle. 

" On our approach, they went from us large, but in their order of battle, their fleet 
consisting of six and twenty men-of-war, great and small, two fireships, four bomb 
vessels, seven galleys, and several ships with stores and provisions. 

"The Admiral ordered the Kent, Superbe, Graf ton, and Or/brc?, being the best 
sailers in the fleet, to make what sail they could to come up with the Spaniards ; and 
that the ships which could get headmost, and nearest to them, should carry the lights 
usually worn by the Admiral,^ that he might not lose sight of them in the night ; 
while he made what sail he could, with the rest of the fleet, to keep up with them. It 
being little wind, the Spanish galleys towed their heaviest sailers all night. 

" The thirty-first,* in the morning, as soon as it was day, they finding us pretty 
near up witli their fleet, the galleys and smaller ships, with the fireships, bomb vessels, 



^ Sent home by his son, Pattee Byng. Gazette, No. 6(J73. 
^ I.e. August 10th, N.S. 

^ An Admiral commanding in chief carried three lights on the poop and one light 
in the main-top. 

* I.e. August 11th, N.S. 

VOL. III. D 



34 



MAJOR OTERATJONS, 1714-17G2. 



[1718. 















"t; 


^ 


























^ 




























c 






c3 


















V* '"^ • 




o 




. 


S 










= tir, 








^ r»-. >■ 






*^ 


*5 




^3 


S 


'-B ^ 


^ 


a o 


, I." 






-X ;:. X 








•I. 




■/, 




X 00 






C i-i 










c5 




o 


-fca 




S 


3 o 


"- c 




15i 


3% 




.i:5 3 " cs 


r; 


c 








"« 




i ':: 15 b '5 


c3^ 


r- ^ Pt3 


"^ M OS 3-; X" 






a «> ^ > 


.2 


^ 




*^ 








•^ — i-- — 1j^ 






o-S^- 


■^ « 


o 


;=;=.'-£'- -^ 


;3 




r>- 


-*^ 




^ 




''(2 




^g-^o b^ 


.>> .^ >i 


>> - - '--.'t: >! 








C>> 


J^ 


>> 






f^ = 




.c*s4: 




.S .5^ " - 


J= 


„ 




^ 


' " 


.a 




^ ^ ^ ^^ 


.o 3 




Hr-aHH 


.iJHfsir- 


H 


SKHCCH 


:c X 


HK 


H&3 


MKr- 


HWaaa 


^-H:CrHr 


 csa 



u 



1 - 



X 



y; 






C 1, .•. C "> >- 
• bi.z - i ? c a) 3 ^ 



o £,S .o- 



■s c o -5 j' ^ o := 









<!-';< 



O ^ y. 



03 ■= 



o 



c: "• ~ <; •- o 35 c 3 

OS •- .S -rr .S g c .05 I. 

£53.2coc3=3 

— »- »- 03 ^ 0/ . ^ 

<;<<;" -^ fi^ ■= fe -= 

C S C H S =*? =*? 

O O O O O Q • O . 

ccoaacpnCK 



• 2 S 

S 5 
OP 



3 o3 t- 3 
■—I Ct — aj 



« .^ 



a> 



■"-^ o o o 

= ii; a a 8 

• "T "3 "o C 5-^5 -^ ■'-'^' 

K o <5 fi. ^i >-: csh:; B 



.^2 r^ 

S — 
a to 

aJS c 



,0 



,«: 



o ooos^o<< 



kV^ 03 

.2c- 



a a 

o o 

o« 



■o 

fa 



3 



CD 






X 



cs 

v. 






3 



^^S 



1 "tt e 



^ i- 



' e c " " 















^ ^ H 









*" r^ ^ — 



..;r c3 



:2 s; 












- V o 

— ^ 

< 






P- 



"5 17! ^ Jr- :' 



fc 05 



= S aea 



£.a 



.£ .* "C -^ - 
.-/^ a S ■•' r- ■-, 



^■M ^^-riwju 



•^?--S, -? 






TT '^ ^ . •— 



- n _ .ii ?<J = »; S _i 

> " « .-^ J-, « -i -S ;- 



& 50.2 ii S 



O ;5 — - 



« C; q .2 ^ 



5 t- „ 

cU w^i- 
^Z -- rt '^' — « ' 

a; CC "— ^ (D £- ;^ 









an 



"= - w 



>6 



'. a 

• (3 

: ^ 



• .2 .b: S13 5 



a. 

a 



^ X O 2 C K s 









" .^ ^ 

oj P^ oj 03 _ j:: 

a S-- i=< 



C3 S  -= 



-^fa 



- O 












■>M 



^ ^ 






I 



~ o .J: 
s .a .■'•- 

„ r -e e § B 



•-I C-I M -^ \^ O X- 



X o; o .-I 



"^ ^rs 

■^ i . o*- 

JS ^ Xi Xi 



m '^ t^ 00 Oi O rH M 



-2 



tc'C ^ 

3 =J ~ 

-" .s "^ 

. .S s tc 

-5^3 

X r-. .= 3 

c; c 2 ,- 



t^tj 3 *■ 

S '=^ " S 

-— ~ c^ •< 

"= o f -5 

■3 11 3 c 

3 GJ G W 

a^~c? 



^ CI M ^ 



1718.] BYNG'S DESPATCH. 35 

and storeships, separated from the admiral and bigger ships, and stood in for the shore : 
after whom the Admiral sent Captain Walton, in the Canterbury, with the Argi/le and 
six ships moie. As those ships were coming up with them, one of the Spaniards ^ fired 
a broadside at the Argyle. 'J'he Admiral, seeing those ships engaged with the Spanish, 
which were making towards the shore, sent orders to Captain Walton to rendezvous, 
after the action, at Syracusa (where the Viceroy for the King of Sicily was, with a 
garrison). The like orders he despatched to the flags, and to as many ships as were 
within his reach, that place being defended against the Spaniards, and being the most 
proper port on that coast for the fleet to gather together again. 

" We held on our chase after the Spanish admiral, with three of his rear-admirals, 
and the biggest ships, which stayed by their flags till we came near them. The 
captains of the Kent, Superbe, Grafton, and Or/ord, having orders to make what sail 
they could to place themselves by the four headmost ships, were the first that came up 
with them. The Spaniards began, by firing their stern-chase[rs] at them : but they, 
having orders not to fire unless the Spanish ships repeated their firing, made no return 
at first. But, the Spaniards firing again, the Or/ord attacked the Santa Rosa, which, 
some time after, she took. The St. Charles ^ struck next Avithout much opposition, 
and the Kent took possession of her. The Grafton attacked the Prince of Asturius, 
formerly called the Cumberland,^ in which was Rear- Admiral Chacon : but, the Breda 
and Captain coming up, she left that ship for them to take, which they soon did ; and 
stretched ahead after another sixty-gun ship, which was on her starboard while she 
was engaging the Prince of Asturias, and kept firing her stern-chase into the Grafton. 

" About one o'clock, the Kent and Superbe engaged the Spanish admiral,* which, 
with two ships more, fired on them, and made a running fight until about three; wheu 
the Kent, bearing down upon her, and under her stern, gave her a broadside and went 
away to leeward of her. Then the Superbe put for it, and laid the Spanish Admiral on 
board, falling on her weather quarter : but the Spanish admiral shifting her helm and 
avoiding her, the Superbe ranged up under her lee quarter ; on which she struck to her. 
At the same time, the Barfleur being within shot of the said Spanish admiral astern, 
inclining on her weather quarter, one of their rear-admirals,'' and another sixty-gun 
ship, which were to windward of the Barfleur, bore down and gave her their broad- 
sides, and then clap'd upon a wind, standing in for the land. The Admiral, in the 
Barfleur, stood after them till it was almost night. But, it being little wind, and they 
galing from her out of reach, he left pursuing them, and stood away to the fleet again ; 
which he joined two hours after night. The Essex took the Juno ; the Montagu and 
Rupert took the Volante. A'ice- Admiral Cornwall followed the Grafton to support 
her ; but, it being very little wind and the night coming on, the Spaniard galed away 
from the Grafton. 

" Rear- Admiral Delavall, with the Royal Oak, chased two ships that went away 
more leewardly tlian the rest, (one of them said to be Rear-Admiral Canunock ®) but 
we, not having seen them since, know not the success. The ship which sufiered most, 
with us, was the Grafton, the captain of which, though he had not the fortune to take 



^ The San Isidoro, 46. ^ San Carlos. 

- ^ The Cumberland, 80, Captain Richard Edwards (a), had been taken by the French 
in 1707. See Vol. II. p. 513. In Spanish hands she carried a lighter armament than 
she had been built for. * 

* Real San Felipe. ^ Apparently the San Luis. 

® George Cammock had been a post-captain in the Royal Navy until 1714, and had 
repeatedly distinguished himself. Owing to his Jacobite leanings, he had been 
dismissed the service, and had entered that of Spain. The Pretender afterwards 
appointed him Admiral of the White. He is said to have died in banishment at 
Ceuta. Charnock, iii. 221. 

D 2 



36 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [17 IS. 

any particular ship, yet was engaged with several, behaved himself very much like an 
utlicer and a seaman, and bid fair I'nr stripping the way of those four ships that he 
pursueil; who escaped, not through his fault, but failure nf winil ; and his own sails 
and rigging were inuch shattered." 

"Fkom on hoard thk Barfieur, at sea, 
August 7th (0.^.). 

"Just now is returned one of the eight ships which the Admiral sent with Captain 
Walton to pursue those of Spain that went in with the shore, with a letter ^ from that 
Captain, dated the tifth instant, giving an account that he, with the said ships, had 
taken oue Spanish rear-admiral of sixty guns, one man-of-war of four and fiftj', one of 
forty,^ which gave the Argyle the first broadside, one of fovu- and twenty, one ship 
laden with arms, and one bomb-vessel ; and had burnt one mau-of-war of four and 
fifty guns, two of forty each, one of thirty, one fireship, one bomb-vessel, and one 
settee.^ At the writing of this letter. Captain Walton Avas making into Syracusa. 
The ship which brought this letter saw Hear- Admiral Delavall last night ; who had 
taken the Isabela, a ship of sixty guns, with which he was standing in likewise for 
Syracusa ; to which place we are now going ; and hope to get in there this night. 

"When the Admiral has joined the ships absent from the fleet, and which we 
judge are nnw in Syracusa with their prizes, he designs to send "\'ice- Admiral 
Cornwall, in tlie Ar(jyh', with seven or eight ships more, to carry the ships taken to 
Port Mahon, to be secured there till his Majesty's pleasure be known. He Avill also 
put ashore, in Sicily, the Spanish admirals and commanding officers, with as many of 
the common prisoners as will nut be necessary to help navigate the ships taken." 

What may be regarded as ati official Spanish narrative of the 
battle, and of the circumstances which led up to it, was compiled by 
the Marques de Beretti-Landi, and published at the Hague. It is 
interesting, as well as fair, to append the following translation of 
part of it : — 

"On August Dill, ill the iiKuning, the English tleet was disci ivered olf the tower of 
Faro. Towards night it lay by, off Cape della Metelle, opposite the tower in question. 
The Sjianish fleet was at the time in the Strait, but was without the detachment 
commanded by IJear-Admiral Don B. de Guevara, and some ships and frigates which 
had been sent to other places. As the intention nf the English Admiral in thus 
approaching was unknown, t!ie S|),\nis]i Admiral dctcrniiuod to (piit the Strait, and to 



' The letter here alluded to is the famous one which, erroneously, has so often been 
cited as a model of modest brevity and sailor-like conciseness. As given by Campbell, 
it runs: "Sir, we have taken and destroyed all the Spanish ships and vessels which 
were upon the coast, the numl)er as per margin. I am, etc., (t. Wai.ton." Even 
Mahan, following Cami)bell and Charnock, accepts this docked version of the letter as 
genuine, and connnents upon its shortness; yet, as a n)atter of fact, the real letter is 
one of some little length, and the above quotation forms oidy the first paragraj)h of it. 
Walton's blunt brevity is as mythical as certain \\eIl-l<iio\\ n stmics whit'h are 
associated with Fontenoy an<l Waterloo. 

^ The Han Jsiduru, 40. 

' Some of the vessels here said to have lieen liuint iiy Wahon were undouhtcdly in 
reality fired by Mari to save them from capture. It comes, liowc\i'r, almost to the 
name thing. 



1718. J THE SPANISH STORY. 37 

collect his forces off Cajse Spartiveuto, taking with him his vessels laden with stores, 
his object being the better to prepare against the designs of the English, seeing that an 
officer who had been sent by Sir George Byng to the Marques de Lede had not 
returned. This ofticer had had orders to suggest to the Marques a suspension of 
hostilities for two months; but tlie Marques had replied that he could do nothing 
without directions from his Court. And although it was believed that a courier had 
been despatched with the suggestion to Madrid, the Spaniards were unwilling to risk a 
surprise from the English fleet, and a resort to svich tactics as might be prompted by 
jterfidy. 

" On the morning of the 10th, the English fleet advanced further into the Faro, and 
was saluted by all the Spanish ships and vessels lying there. It is to be here noted 
that although Admiral Byng had convoyed to Reggio some transports having on board 
troops ^ of the Archduke, the officer who had been - sent to the Marques de Lede 
declared that this was not for hostile purposes, but merely to secure from any insults 
the transports which were under his protection. 

" The Spanish fleet sent out two light frigates to reconnoitre the English fleet ; and 
although these perceived that the English, whose designs were not understood, made 
all possible sail to close with the Spaniards, whose Admiral was ignorant whether the 
English came as friends or as enemies, yet the Spaniards, who were two leagues from 
the strangers, decided to withdraw towards Cape Passaro under easy sail, in order that 
there might be no pretence that they anticipated hostilities. Soon afterwards a calm 
supervened, and thus the ships of both fleets fell among one another ; w^iereupon the 
Spanish Admiral, witnessing the danger, caused his ships of the line to be towed away 
from the English with a view to collecting them in one body. Yet he did not permit 
the gallej's to commit any unfriendly act, such as they might have committed with 
advantage while it remained calm. When the Marques de Mari was near the land and 
was separated from his consorts in the rear and from the frigates and transports of his 
division, the weather changed, so that he strove in vain to regain the main body of the 
Spanish fleet. But the English, with dissimulation, held on their way, trimming their 
sails so as to secure the wind, and to cut off the Marques de Mari's division. When 
they had at length succeeded in this, they attacked him Avith six shijjs, forcing him to 
separate from the rest of the fleet and to retire towards the shore. As long as it was 
jiossible, the Marques defended himself against seven ships of the line, and, when he 
was no longer able to resist, he saved his people by running his vessels aground. 
Some of them were burnt under his own direction : others were taken by the enemy. 

" The rest of the English fleet, consisting of seventeen sail of the line, fell upon the 
Real San Felipe, Principe de Asturias, San Fernando, San Carlos, Saiita Isabela, 
and Sun Pedro, and the frigates Sant'i Rosa, Perla, Juno, and Volante, Avhich 
continued to make for Cape Passaro; and as, owing to their inferiority of force, they 
drew off in line, the English attacked their rearmost ship with four or five vessels, and 
cut her off. They did the same in succession with other ships, which, in spite of the 
fact that they made all the sail they could, were unable to avoid being captured. 
Thus, every Spanish vessel being separately fought by five, six, or seven of the enemy, 
the English finally subdued the Re'd San Felipej^ Principe de Asturias, San Carlos, 
Sarda Isabela, Santa Rosa, Volante, and Juno, though each offered a bloody and 
determined resistance. 

" While the Real San Felipe was engaged with the English, Eear-Admiral Don 
Balthazar de Guevara returned from Malta with two ships of the line, and, heading for 
the Real San Felipe, passed the English ships which were then alongside her, firing 
upon each. He then attacked such of Admiral Byng's vessels as followed the Real 



1 Under General Wetzel. 

^ Admiral Castaueta subsequently died of his wounds at Port Mahon. 



38 MAJOn OFEnATIOyS, 1714-1762. [1718. 

Stu) Felipe. These, being very mucli damaged, drew (iff in ilie iiiglit, and, after the 
action, remained fifty leagues at sea for three or fmir days, not only to repair the 
Spanish sliips wiiicdi they had captured, and whicli were most severely mauled, but 
also to make good their own damages. Admiral I'yng, therefore, could not enter 
Syracuse until August 16th or ITth, and then only with much difficulty."^ 

After giving some account of the services of individual ships and 
captains, the account continues : — 

"Such is the story of the action off Abola, or the Gulf of I'Ariga, in the Malta 
Channel, between the Spanish and English fleets. The English ships, thanks to ill 
faith and superior strength, -were able to beat the Spanish vessels singly, one by one : 
but it may be conceived, judging from the defence made by the latter, that, had they 
acted in unison, the battle might have ended more advantageously for them. 

" Immediately after the action, a captain of the English fleet, on behalf of Admiral 
Byng, arrived to make a complimentary excuse to the Marques de Lede, and to assure 
him that the Spaniards had lieen the aggressors, and that the battle ought not to be 
considered to constitute a ru])ture, seeing that the English did not take it as doing so. 
But it was replied that Sjjain, on the contrary, must hold it to constitute a formal 
rupture ; and that the Spaniards would do the English all possible damage and ill, by 
ordering the commencement of reprisals. In pursuance of this, several Spanish 
vessels, and Don Guevara's division, have already seized certain English ships." ^ 

" It is difficult," comments Mahan, " to understand the importance attached by some 
writers to Byng's action at this time in attackin.;: without regard to tlie line-of-battle. 
He had before him a disorderly force, much inferior both in nund)ers and discipline. 
His merit seems to lie rather in the readiness to assume a responsibility from which a 
more scrupulous man might have shrunk ; but in this, and throughout the campaign, 
he rendered good service to England, whose sea i)Owor was again strengthened by the 
destruction not of an actual but a possilile rival; and his services were rewarded by a 
peerage." ^ 

It will be well to conclude the history of the major operations of 
the Spanish War ere turning to the work done in the meantime by 
British fleets in the Baltic, where a state of unrest continued for 
several years. 

Sir George Byng, after having taken measures to enable the 
imperial troops to attack the Spaniards in Sicily, and to gradually 
make themselves masters of the island, proceeded to Malta, and 
brought away some Sicilian galleys, which, under the Marchese de 
Rivarole, had been blockaded there by Eear-Admiral Cammock. He 
returned to Naples on November 2nd. In the interval, Eear-Admiral 
Guevara, as related in the narrative of the Marques de Beretti- 
Landi, entered Cadiz, and seized all the English ships there, while 

' There are, of course, discrepancies between the Spanish and the British accounts 
as here given; but, upon the whole, the two agree unusually well. 

^ For the translation, I am indebted to Dr. Henry Lopes. 

' Not, however, until September Uth, 1721, when he was made Barou Byng uf 
Southill, and Yiscount Torrington. 



1719.] 



i^FANJSH HA IB OX SCOTLA^W. 



3D 



British merchants and their effects were laid hands upon in Malaga 
and other ports of Spain. Reprisals followed immediately, yet war 
was not formally declared until December 17th, 1718. 

Spain, though weak, was exasperated and obdurate, and was 
even more unwilling than at first to accept the terms dictated to her 
by the Quadruple Alliance. She therefore collected a considerable 
armament at Cadiz and Corunna, and boldly projected an invasion of 
the west of England by troops to be led by James Butler, the 
attainted Duke of Ormonde. A fleet, under Admiral of the Fleet 
James, Earl of Berkeley,^ and Admiral Sir John Norris, was fitted 
out, and cruised in the Channel in April ; and troops were con- 
centrated, especially in the west country and in Ireland ; but, long 




MEDAL COMMEMORATIVE OF BYNG S VICTORY Ob"F CAPE PASSAKO. 

(From an orUjhud kindly lent bij H.S.H. Captain Frimr Loiii^ of Battenherg, B.N.) 



ere these preparations had been completed, the Spanish expedition 
had been dispersed by a violent and long-continued storm, and the 
scheme had been rendered abortive. Three frigates and five trans- 
ports, however, conveying, among others, the Earls of Marischal and 
Seaforth, and the Marquis of Tullibardine, persisted in their design, 
and, pushing on to the coast of Ross-shire, there landed about four 
hundred men. These were joined by fifteen or sixteen hundred 
Jacobite Scots ; but they had no success. Their depot at Donan 
Castle was taken and destroyed by the Worcester, Enterprise, and 
Flamhorough, and they themselves were soon afterwards defeated 

^ So appointed on March 21st, 1719. He was then also Vice-Admiral of Great 
Britain and First Lord of the Admiralty, and he hoisted his flag with no fewer than 
three captains under him, viz., Vice-Admiral James Littleton (1st) ; Captain Francis 
Hosier (2nd, or Captain of the Fleet) ; and the captain of the flagship. 



40 MAJOli OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1719. 

at Glenshiel, whereupon the Spanish anxiharies surrendered at 
discretion. 

Sir George Byng sailed from Port Mahon for Naples early 
in the spring of 1719, and, thenceforward, co-operated wdth the 
Imperialists in the complete reduction of Sicily. In August, when 
that reduction was nearly accomplished, a dispute arose between the 
Admiral and the allies as to the disposal of the Spanish ships that 
still lay in the ports of the island. As a settlement of the question, 
so far as it concerned the ships at Messina, Sir George proposed to 
General Count de Merci, the Imperialist commander, that a battery 
should be erected, and that the vessels should be destroyed at their 
anchors. De Merci pleaded lack of orders ; but Byng, insisting that 
no commander needed specific instructions to destroy the property 
of an enemy, gained his point, in spite of the opposition of the 
Savoyards ; and most of the ships were duly bombarded and burnt 
or sunk. The citadel of Messina, and the remaining vessels, were 
handed over to the Imperialists by capitulation on October 7th, 1710. 
The Spanish troops in the island were not permitted to evacuate it, 
and were kept, by the fleet on the one hand, and by the Imperialists 
on the other, in much discomfort ; and this fact, combined w^th 
the persuasive force of an expedition which was fitted out against 
Vigo under Vice-Admiral Mighells and Viscount Cobham, and which 
will be described in the next chapter, at length induced the King of 
Spain to agree with the Quadruple AlUance. A cessation of arms 
resulted in Februar}^ 1720; and, soon afterwards, both Sicily and 
Sardinia were evacuated under the terms of a convention, the former 
going to the Empire, and the latter to Savoy. ^ Thus the objects for 
which Great Britain had entered into the war were attained. The 
wisdom of British interference is a matter which it is unnecessary 
here to discuss. 

The difficulties with Sweden, suspended for the moment in 1717, 
again became acute in 1718, and led to the dispatch of Admiral Sir 
John Norris once more to the Baltic. He sailed from the mouth of 
the Thames on April 28th, and from Solebay on May 1st, with a 
squadron composed of ten sail of the line," a bomb ketch, and a 

* Authorities for tlie War of the Quadruple AlUance : ' Accuuut of the Exped. of 
tlie Brit. Fleet to Sicily'; ' Aunals of K. George IV.'; 'Historical Itegister'; 'Corps 
Uuiv. Diplomatique,' viii. pt. I. ; Chandler's ' Debates,' v. aud vi. ; ' Merc. Hist, et L'ol.' 
xliv. and xlv. ; ' Mem. pour servir k I'Hist. de I'Espagne,' iii. ; Letters of Earl 
Stanhope, Alberoni, Beretti-Landi, etc. ; London Gazette. 

"^ Cuinherland, 80, (flag). Captain William Faullnior: Burkinrihuii, 70, Captain 



1720.] EXPEDITIONS TO THE BALTIC. 41 

fireship, with Rear- Admiral Jaraes Mighells as second in command, 
and with a number of merchantmen in convoy. Upon his arrival off 
Copenhagen, he was joined by a Danish squadron, with which he 
cruised to the northward ; but as the Swedes, upon his approach, 
shut themselves up in their ports, no naval action resulted. Sweden 
was, however, by no means intimidated by the action of the Allies. 
She made peace with the Tsar ; and, having thus freed herself from 
anxiety in one direction, turned with renewed energy to prosecute 
the land war with Denmark, whose territories she invaded with 
two considerable armies. In this campaign, although it was upon 
the whole successful, Sweden suffered the loss of her brave but 
quixotic king. Charles XII. was killed by a cannon ball at 
the siege of Frederikshald on December 11th, 1718. Sir John 
Norris, with the fleet, had returned to England in the month of 
October. 

After the death of Charles XII. and the accession of Queen 
Ulrica Eleanora ^ the policy of Sweden changed. She entered upon 
very friendly relations with Great Britain, and, on the other hand, 
was attacked by her late ally and Great Britain's old friend, Peter 
the Great. The Bussians ravaged the Swedish coasts until, a fresh 
British fleet having been entrusted to the command of Sir John 
Xorris in June, and having joined the Swedish fleet in September, 
1719, the enemy was obliged to take refuge in the harbour of Reval. 
A little later, the old quarrel between Sweden and Denmark was 
settled by British mediation : ^ but when Norris, in order to avoid 
being frozen up there, left the Baltic in November, Sweden and 
Bussia remained unreconciled, in spite of the efforts which had been 
made by Lord Carteret — afterwards Earl Granville — the British 
minister at Stockholm, to pacify them. 

In 1720 Russia's attitude continued as before, and Sir John 
Norris went back to the Baltic to protect Sweden during the open 
weather. He sailed on April 16th ; was joined in May by a Swedish 
squadron under Admiral Baron Wachtmeister ; and, after cruising off 



Tudor Trevor ; HamjJton Court, 70, Captain Robert Coleman ; Prince Frederick, 70, 
Captain Covill Mayne ; Salisbury, 50, Captain John Cockburne (1); Defiance, 60, 
Captain Joseph Soanes ; Winchester, 50, Captain James Campbell (1) ; Guernsey, 50, 
Captain Charles Hardy (1) ; and Windsor, 60, Captain Francis Piercy. These were 
afterwards joined by a few other vessels. 

Whose consort, Friedrich of Hessen-Cassel, was presently chosen king, to the 
great annoyance of Russia. 

'^ Though the formal treaty of peace was not signed until the summer of 1720. 



42 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1725. 

Reval, returned to England in Xoveniber/ In 1721, Sir John was 
employed in the same way, his mission being, however, not only to 
protect Sweden, but also to lend moral support to the mediatory 
efforts of the British minister at Stockholm. He sailed from the 
Nore on April 13th with a fleet of twenty-one ships of the line, two 
iireships, three bombs, and two tenders, and with Rear-Admiral 
Francis Hosier (W.), and Rear- Admiral Edward Hopsonn (B.), in 
command under him. His appearance in the Baltic undoubtedly 
favoured the conclusion of peace between the belligerents : and on 
September 10th hostilities between Sweden and Russia were 
formally terminated by the Treaty of Nystadt. Sir John dropped 
anchor at the Nore on October 20th. During these various ex- 
peditions to the north he seldom had occasion to fire a gun in anger, 
and his proceedings were throughout of an uneventful and un- 
exciting character ; yet, thanks to his tact, patience, and diplomatic 
ability, and to the recognised strength and efficiency of the forces 
under him, he was able to exercise a very weighty influence upon 
the councils of the northern powers, and to peaceably bring about 
results which a less capable officer might have failed to secure even 
by fighting for them. 

From 1721 onwards, for four or five years, the Navy had no 
great tasks assigned to it ; but the Treaty of Vienna, concluded on 
April 20th, 1725, between Spain and Austria, introduced new 
sources of trouble to Europe. By a secret article of that treaty, 
marriages between the houses of Spain and Austria were arranged, 
and both countries pledged themselves to assist the restoration of 
the Stuarts, and to compel, if necessary by force, the retrocession of 
Gibraltar and Minorca to Spain. To oppose these schemes. Great 
Britain, France, and Prussia entered, on September 8rd, 1725, into 
the Treaty of Hannover ; whereupon, Spain began to intrigue with 
Russia ; and, as the Empress Catherine, the successor of Peter the 
Great, was by no means amicably disposed towards Great Britain 
and her allies, it became advisable, in 1720, not only to send a fleet 
to the coast of Spain, but also to dispatch once more a strong force 
to the Baltic. In addition to these fleets a squadron was got ready 
for the West Indies. 

The fleet destined to check the nnmcdiate designs of Spain was 
entrusted to Admiral Sir John Jennings (W.), who was afterwards 

' In a storm in tlie Nortli Sea, tlie Monrk, 50, Captain the Hon. George Clinton, 
was driven ashore near Golston on Nov. 24tli, and lost ; but all her people were saved. 



1726.] WAGER TO THE BALTIC. 43 

joined by Eear- Admiral Edward Hopsonn (E.)- Sir John, with 
nine ships of the line, sailed from St. Helen's on July 20th. The 
appearance of the British so much disquieted the Spaniards that, for 
the moment, they abandoned their hostile projects : and in October, 
Jennings was able to return to England, leaving Hopsonn, with a 
reduced squadron, as connnander-in-chief in the Mediterranean. 

The Baltic fleet, under Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Wager (E.) and 
Eear-Admiral Sir George Walton (B.), consisted of twenty ships of 
the line, a twenty-gun ship, two fireships, and a hospital ship. It 
quitted the Nore on April 17th, and, proceeding to Copenhagen and 
Stockholm, obtained the co-operation of Denmark and the friendly 
support of Sweden. A Danish squadron, under Eear-Admiral Bille, 
joined Sir Charles in May, and, with him, proceeded to the Gulf of 
Finland. The Eussians had, in and about Cronstadt, a considerable 
force under the General-Admiral Apraxine, Vice-Admiral Thomas 
Gordon,^ and a rear-admiral said to have been an Englishman : ^ 
but, although they were much inclined to issue forth and defy the 
allies, Gordon succeeded in dissuading them from this suicidal 
course ; and eventually the ships were laid up. AVager displayed 
throughout great tact and diplomatic ability. In the autumn he, 
like Jennings, returned to England, anchoring off the Gunfleet on 
November 1st. 

Vice-Admiral Francis Hosier ^ (B.) was given command of the 
squadron for the West Indies. He sailed from Plymouth on 
April 9th with seven men-of-war, and, after a tedious passage, 
arrived off the Bastimentos, near Puerto Bello, on June 6th. He 
was then or thereafter joined by several vessels which w^ere already 
on the station, and by others from home. These brought up his 
total force to a strength of sixteen ships. ■* 

' Tlionias Gordon, a captain of 1705, severed his connection with the British Xavy 
at the death of Queen Anne, and entered that of Eussia, in which he was at once given 
tlag-ranl\. Other Jacobite naval officers, notably the gallant Kenneth, Lord Duffiis, 
took the same service at about the .-anie time. 

^ Some authorities specify him as Eear-Admiral Saunders, an ex-Master and 
Commander in the British ]S[av}\ 

*' Francis Hosier. Commander, 1694. Captain, 1696. Distinguished himself as 
captain of the Salisbury, 1707-1713. Eear-Admiral, 1720. Second in command in 
the Baltic. Vice-Adnural, 1723. Died Commander-in-Chief in the West Indies, 
August 23rd, 1727. 

* 172., three third-rates, the Brida, Berwick, and Lenox; eight fourth-rates, the 
Ripon, Leopard, Superbe, Nottingham, Dunhirlx, Dragon, Tiger, and Portland ; one 
fifth-rate, the Diamond ; and three sixth-rates, the Grci/honnd, Winchelaca, and 
Happij. 



44 MA JOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1727. 

The appearance of the British lieet in the West Indies gave great 
uneasiness to the Spaniards ; and, as soon as it was reported, the 
treasure-ships, which w^ere then ready to make their voyage to 
Europe, were unloaded, and their cargo of pieces of eight and other 
vahiables was placed on shore in security, part at Havana and part 
elsewhere. The men-of-war which were to have convoyed the 
treasure-ships were, moreover, laid up at Puerto Bello ; and it was 
determined that, so long as a powerful British force remained in the 
neighbourhood, no attempt should be made to dispatch the annual 
flota to Spain ; although, of course, the non-arrival of the usual 
supplies would inevitably put the mother country to immense 
inconvenience. 

The governor of Puerto Bello sent a civil message to the A^ice- 
Admiral desiring to know the reason for the unexpected visit. The 
real reason was that the galleons might be watched : but as there 
lay in Puerto Bello at the time a South Sea Company's ship, the 
Rojjal George, and as this vessel would probably have been detained 
if Hosier had at once proclaimed the nature of his mission, the reply 
returned was to the effect that the fleet had come to convoy the 
Eoijal George. The governor thereupon took measures to facilitate 
the early departure of that ship ; and, when she had joined the fleet, 
he politely requested the Vice-Admiral, seeing that the ostensible 
reason for the presence of the force had ceased to exist, to withdraw 
from off the port. But Hosier then answered that, pending the 
receipt of further orders, he purposed to remain where he was ; and, 
that his intentions might no longer be in doubt, he stationed a ship 
of the line within gun-shot of the castle, and suffered no vessel to 
enter or leave the port without being strictly examined. He 
maintained this blockade for six months, his ships in the mean- 
while becoming daily more and more distressed by the ravages of 
epidemic and other diseases ; and when, on December 14th, 1726, he 
proceeded to Jamaica, his command was so completely enfeebled 
that he had the greatest difiiculty in navigating it into harbour. 

The Vice-Admiral refreshed his people and, to the best of his 
ability, made up his weakened complements to their full strength ; 
and in February, 1727, he stood over to Cartagena, where some 
galleons then lay. Until August he cruised upon his station ; but 
his instructions were of a nature which prevented him from being 
of much use to his country. They authorised him to make reprisals 
subject to certain restrictions, but not to make war ; and although 



1727-2!).] MORTALITY IN THE WEST INDIES. 45 

the Spaniards, after a time, began to seize the property of British 
merchants and to detain and condemn British vessels. Hosier was 
obHged to content himself with demanding a restitution which the 
Spaniards refused, and which he was unable to compel. During 
that period disease was even more rife throughout the fleet than it 
had been in the previous year ; and, after thousands of ofilicers and 
men had perished miserably, the misfortunes of the expedition 
culminated on August 23rd, when Hosier himself died.^ 

His death has been attributed to anxiety and chagrin, but it 
was, in fact, caused by fever. Nor is it astonishing that the fleet 
was then little better than a floating charnel-house. The most 
elementary prescriptions of sanitary science seem to have been 
neglected, and there is perhaps no better illustration of the extra- 
ordinary indifference to the simplest laws of health than the fact 
that in that hot and pestilent climate the Vice-Admiral's body was 
given a temporary burial-place in the ballast of his flagship, the 
Breda, where it remained, a necessary source of danger to all on 
board, until it was despatched to England, late in the year, on board 
H.M. snow Happy, Commander Henry Fowkes. Hosier's death left 
Captain Edward St. Loe,^ of the Superhe, 60, as senior officer on the 
station. 

St. Loe pursued the same policy as Hosier had followed, and pre- 
vented the sailing of the galleons, until he was superseded by Vice- 
Admiral Edward Hopsonn, who arrived at Jamaica on January '29th, 
1728. Hopsonn died of fever on board his flagship the Leopard, 50, 
on May 8th, leaving St. Loe once more senior officer. But by that 
time the difficulties with Spain were in a fair way of adjustment. 
It was still, however, necessary to keep a large force in the West 
Indies ; and ere it was materially reduced, St. Loe also fell a 
sacrifice to the climate and to the insanitary condition of the ships. 
He died on April 22nd, 1729.' 

It is doubtful whether any other British fleet has ever suffered 
from disease so severely as that of Hosier suffered in 1726-27. Its 
horrible experiences made a deep and lasting impression upon the 
nation,* and it may be hoped that they have had the effect of 

^ Hosier had been promoted on August lltli to be A'ice- Admiral of the White. Ai 
the time of his death, a commission empowering the Governor of Jamaica to knight 
him is said to have been on its way out. Charnock, iii. 139. 

^ St. Loe fiew a broad pennant. 

•' Having been promoted on March 4th, 1729, to be Kear-Admiral of the Bhie. 

* See, for example, Glover's popular ballad, 'Admiral Hosier's Ghost.' 



46 MAJUli OPERATIONS, 1714-17G2. [172 



t-i . 



impressing upon all later British admirals the supreme importance 
of taking systematic and rigorous measures for preserving the health 
of their men. During the two years immediately following Hosier's 
first arrival off the Bastimentos, the fleet, the nominal complement 
of which Jiever, rotighly speaking, exceeded 4750 persons,^ lost, in 
addition to two flag offlcers and seven or eight captains, about fiftj^ 
lieutenants, and four thousand subordinate officers and men, by 
various forms of sickness. 

The attitude of Great Britain with regard to the galleons pro- 
voked Spain to make great preparations for a siege of Gibraltar ; 
and as that fortress was neither thoroughly armed nor properly 
held, corresponding measures had to be taken for its protection. 
A squadron of six men-of-war and two sloops" was fitted out at 
Portsmouth towards the end of 17"26 ; seventeen companies of 
troops and large quantities of provisions and ammunition were 
embarked ; and on December 24th Vice-Admiral Sir Charles 
Wager (E.) hoisted his flag in the Kent, 70, and took command. 
He sailed on January 19th, 1727, and on February 2nd, having 
picked up the Stirling Castle, 70, on his way out, arrived in 
Gibraltar Bay, where he found Kear- Admiral Edward Hopsonn (R.), 
who had remained upon the station during the winter.^ As the 
Spaniards, fifteen thousand strong, were seen to be working hard, 
troops, guns, and stores were landed ; but no actual hostilities took 
place until after February 10th, when the enemy began a new 
battery within half gunshot of some of the defences of the place. 
Colonel Jasper Clayton, the Lieutenant-Governor, made a spirited 
remonstrance ; but the Conde de las Torres, the Spanish commander- 
in-chief, returned an unsatisfactory and truculent answer ; where- 
upon fire was opened from the Mole Head, and from Prince's 

• During much of the time the total complement was not more than 3300 officers 
and men. If there had not been at Jamaica plenty of men whose ships happened 
to be laid up there owing to the difficulty with Spain, the deficiencies could not 
have been made good, and the fleet must litiTully have become an array of immobile 
and impotent hulks. 

^ Kent, 70, Lenox, 70, Ih'nrick, 70, Ituijal Oak, 70, I'ortlund, 50, Tigvr, 50, 
Ilnwh, 6, and Cruiser, G. The Torhay, 80, and J'ooJc, fireship, 8, followed on 
March 9th. 

•'' Hopsonn had with him the liurfurd, 70, Yurk, 60, Winchestei; 50, Colchester, 50, 
SwaUon', GO, Dursley (iallei/, 20, and Thunder, bomb, 4. A few days later the 
Solebfty, bomb, fi, which had been cruising, joined. The Benvick and Lenox were 
detached to the West Indies on February 13th, and the Portland and Tu/er on 
April 21st. On the other hand, several fresh vessels arrived from England and 
elsewhere at various times. 



1727.] SIEGE OF GIBRALTAR. 47 

and Willis's batteries ; and Sir Charles AVager, on the evening of 
the 11th, sent the Tiger, 50, Dursley Galley, '20, and Solebay, 
bomb, 6, to throw a flanking fire upon the Spanish lines from 
the eastward. 

From that day the Spaniards prosecuted the siege in earnest ; 
but as they had nothing larger than boats and small settees afloat 
in the Bay, they accomplished very little. Sir Charles, while 
always leaving a few vessels to enfilade the Spanish attack, fre- 
quently cruised in the Strait and off Cadiz ; and on those occasions 
his vessels made prizes of several merchantmen. On March 11th, 
moreover, the Boyal Oak, 70, being detached, took the new Spanish 
man-of-war, Nuestra Senora del Bosario, 46, which was on her way 
from Santander to Cadiz ; and, in the meantime, the small craft 
employed by the enemy within the Bay were from time to time 
nearly all seized. So matters went on, until, on June 16th, Sir 
Charles Wager, having heard that the preliminaries of peace had 
been agreed to, ordered a cessation of hostilities.^ 

"But," says Smollett, " when the siege was ou the point of being entirely riiised, 
and the preliminaries ratified iu form, Spain started new difficulties and urged new 
pretensions. The Spaniards insisted that a temporary suspension of arms did not 
imply an actual raising of the siege of Gibraltar. . . . Upon this, hostilities began 
between the ships of the two nations; and Sir Charles Wager continued to cruise on 
the coasts of Spain, after the cessation of arms at Gibraltar. . . . However, after many 
cavils and delays, the preliminary articles were at last signed at Madrid on February 
24th,- above eight months after the death of King George the First, by the ministers 
of the Emperor, England, Spain, France, and the States ; which opened the way to 
the Congress." ^ 

Sir Charles Wager, with part of his fleet, reached Spithead on 
April 9th, on his return from the Mediterranean. During his 
absence there. Admiral Sir John Norris (B.), Rear- Admiral Salmon 
Morrice (W.), and Eear- Admiral Eobert Hughes (1) (B.), with twelve 
ships of the line and several smaller ones, made another demonstra- 
tion in the Baltic, in order to induce the Empress of Russia to 
refrain from attacking Sweden. The fleet reached Copenhagen 
on May 12th, 1727, and its appearance in northern waters created 
so powerful an impression that Russia, in spite of the fact that 
she had already threatened Sweden in definite terms, laid up her 
ships and abandoned her designs. Sir John returned without having 
had occasion to fire a shot. 

^ Sir Charles utilised the leisure which this cessation gave him by 2)roceeding to 
Tangier, and renewing the peace wath Marocco. 



(. 



3 



Begun at Soissons ou June l.stj 1728. 



48 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1729. 

The death of George I., which had occurred at Osnabriick on 
June 11th, 1727, made no difference to the foreign poHcy of Great 
Britain. George II., in his first message to Parhament, while 
expressing a hope that peace would be re-established as a result 
of the deliberations then in progress, pointed out that it was still 
necessary to continue the preparations for war. Eleven ships had 
already been commissioned in January ; and, as the sincerity of 
Spain remained in some doubt, fifteen more were commissioned in 
June, 1728. When Parliament re-assembled in January, 1729, the 
Congress at Soissons had failed to devise terms of peace that were 
satisfactory to all the numerous parties concerned, and the Spaniards 
in the West Indies were more troublesome than ever to British 
trade. But the manifest determination of the King to stand by 
his allies ; his plainly-expressed intention to preserve his " undoubted 
right to Gibraltar and the island of Minorca" ; ^ his assurance that 
he would secure satisfaction for Spanish depredations in the West 
Indies ; and his orders, issued on May 25th, for the commissioning 
of twenty sail of the line and five frigates,- were not without 
effect ; the result being that, by the Treaty of Seville, concluded 
on November 9th, 1729, Great Britain, Spain, and France, who 
were subsequently joined by Holland, became defensively allied. 
Gibraltar was not mentioned in the treaty ; and the fact that 
it was not mentioned was regarded as a tacit renunciation of the 
claim of Spain to the Rock ; but, in some other respects, the 
settlement was disadvantageous to Great Britain,^ and, upon 
the whole, it was beneficial rather to France than to any other 
country. 

During the peace which followed, Admiral Sir Charles Wager,* 
in 1781, assisted the Marques de Mari in convoying a large body of 
Spanish troops to Leghorn, in order to place Don Carlos de Bourbon 
in possession of Parma and Piacenza, to which, under the terms of 
the treaty, the Prince had become entitled by the death of the 
Duke of Parma. Yet, notwithstanding this friendly co-operation 
between Great Britain and Spain in Europe, the relations between 

' Answer of the King to the Commons, March 2.5th, 1729. 

'■^ 'I'hese were j)reseiitly joined at Spithead by fourteen Duteli ships under \'ice- 
Aduiiral van Soiumelsdijuk. 

' It did not, for example, secure satisfaction for the Spanish depredations in the 
West Indies. 

* He had his \\a% in the Namur,'dO. Kear-Admiral Sir Jolin Bakhcu. Kt. ^_\V.), 
in the Norfolk, HO, was second in command. 



1735.] 



PORTUGAL ASSISTED. 



49 



the representatives of the two countries in the New World became 
ever more and more strained. And even in Europe very menacing 
clouds arose when, in 1733, the death of Augustus II., Elector of 
Saxony and King of Poland, brought about a hostile combination 
of France, Spain, and Sardinia against the Empire. Great Britain, 
as a necessary measure of precaution, commissioned no fewer than 




ADMIRAL NICHOLAS HADDOCK. 

(From Fahcr'K eiigmviiig <iftcr the paintimj hi/ T. Gih>:o)i, 
rcpreHenUiKj Haddock ivlicti Rear- Ad mi ml of the Red, 178.').) 



eighty-six^ ships of war early in 1734, recalled British sailors from 
the service of foreign powers, and offered bounties to seamen. 

In 1735, a dispute having broken out between Spain and Portugal, 
the latter power solicited British aid against the Spaniards ; and, 
in response, a large fleet, under Admiral Sir John Norris, with 
Vice-Admiral Sir John Balchen (E.), and Eear-Admiral Nicholas 

•• Bringing vip the total number in commission to one hundred and twenty. 
VOL. III. E 



50 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1738. 

Haddock^ (W.), was dispatched to Lisbon, sailing from Spithead on 
May 27th, and reaching the Tagus on June 9th. The demonstration 
was made not only in the general interests of peace, but also in 
the particular interests of the many British merchants w^hose welfare 
was more or less dependent upon the safety of the then homecoming 
Portuguese flota from Brazil ; and it was so efficacious that an actual 
rupture between the two countries was prevented. 

Yet Spain was not to be permanently intimidated. After France, 
going behind the backs of her allies, had patched up, vastly to her 
own benefit, her differences with the Empire by the treaty of 
December 28th, 1735, Great Britain, awaking to the fact that she 
had been neglecting her own peculiar business in order to be ready 
to intervene on behalf of powders that deserved no such kindness at 
her hands, once more turned her attention to the outrages which 
had for years been committed upon her commerce by the Spaniards 
in the West Indies. In 1737 she sent Kear-Admiral Nicholas 
Haddock to the Mediterranean with a squadron, the appearance of 
which was intended to lend weight to the demands which she then 
felt it necessary to make. Spain haggled and temporised. In reply 
to an address from the Commons, King George II., on March 6th, 
1738, said : "I am fully sensible of the many and unwarrantable 
depredations committed by the Spaniards,^ and you may be assured 
I will make use of the most proper and effectual means that are in 
my power to procure justice and satisfaction to my injured subjects, 
and for the future security of their trade and navigation." 

Still, however, Spain temporised. A paper presented to Parlia- 
ment in 1738 showed that since the Treaty of Seville the loss 
caused to British merchants by the operations of the Spaniards 
had been upwards of £140,000, that fifty-two British vessels had 
been taken and plundered by them, and that British seamen had 
been very cruelly treated. This caused much excitement. Then 
came the examination by the House of persons who had, or were 
alleged to have, suffered at the hands of the Spaniards. Among 
these persons was Richard Jenkins, sometime master of the Bebecca, 
brig, of Glasgow. He declared that his craft had been boarded by 
a guarda-costa, whose captain had wantonly cut off one of the 

^ Nicholas Haddock. Born, 1686. Captain, 1707. liear-Adniiral, 17oi. \'ice- 
Adiiiiral, 17-11. Admiral, 1744. Died, 1746. 

^ Accounts of some of these, and furtlicr notes about Jenkins, will be found in the 
next cliapter. 



1739.] JENKINS'S EARS. 51 

deponent's ears, and handed it to him with the insolent remark : 
" Carry this home to the King, your master, whom, if he were 
present, I would serve in like fashion." " The truth of the story," 
says Mr. Lecky, " is extremely doubtful." It has even been said 
that Jenkins lost his ear at the pillory. Yet the indignation aroused 
by the man's deposition was general ; and popular opinion grew 
uncontrollable when it became known that, upon having been 
asked by a member what were his feelings at the moment of 
the outrage, Jenkins had replied: "I recommended my soul to 
God, and my cause to my country." 

Spain at length agreed to make some reparation, and to settle 
outstanding differences. The convention to this effect was sub- 
mitted to Parliament in 1739, and, after a most stormy debate, 
approved of; yet, when the time came for it to be carried out, 
fresh difficulties cropped up, and Spain, possibly because she had 
gained by negotiation all the delay which she deemed necessary to 
enable her to perfect her preparations, silently declined to play 
her promised part. At about the same time, owing to the pre- 
carious state of affairs, the British consuls at Malaga, Alicant, 
and other Spanish ports, were compelled to advise British merchants 
and vessels to depart thence with all haste. 

Great Britain was to be satisfied only by the adoption of strong 
measures ; and on July 10th, 1739, the King issued a proclamation 
in which he set forth that the Spaniards had committed depredations, 
and that they had promised and failed to make reparation ; and in 
which he authorised general reprisals and letters of marque against 
the ships, goods, and subjects of the King of Spain. Half-hearted 
endeavours were made at the last moment to preserve peace ; but 
Spain declared that she regarded the making of reprisals as a 
hostile act ; France reminded the world that she was bound to 
look upon the enemies of Spain as her own foes ; and Holland 
averred that, if called upon to do so, she could not but observe 
the spirit of her treaty of alliance with Great Britain. 

The British minister presently withdrew from Madrid, and the 
Spanish minister from London ; the British squadrons abroad were 
reinforced ; ^ numerous ships were commissioned ; stringent measures 
were adopted to procure the necessary number of seamen for the 

^ Information as to the state of affairs was also sent to Commodore Charles Brown, 
who was senior officer at Jamaica, and who at once began reprisals. For an account of 
them, see next chapter. 

E 2 



52 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1739. 

fleet; letters of marque were announced on July 'ilst as ready for 
issue by the Admiralty ; and on October 23rd, 1739, war was 
formally declared against Spain, which put forward her own 
declaration on November 28th. 

The power of Spain was then most vulnerable in the AVest 
Indies and the Pacific. An expedition under Captain George Anson, 
of whose proceedings an account will be found in Chapter XXIX., 
was prepared for the Pacific, but did not sail until the autumn of 
1740. Dispatched primarily for warlike purposes, and originally 
intended to co-operate with another force under Captain James 
Cornwall, Anson's command, owing to various adventitious circum- 
stances, gained for its leader an even more brilliant reputation as 
a navigator than as a fighting officer ; and the history of it falls 
naturally among the chronicles of the great British voyages. But an 
expedition to the West Indies, which was entrusted to Vice-Admiral 
Edward Vernon (1), (B.),^ was, from beginning to end, entirely a 
fighting venture ; and as it was not without effect upon the issue 
of the war, it may fitly be described here, although it led up to no 
fleet action, and although it did not, to any appreciable extent, 
directly strengthen the maritime position of Great Britain. 

Edward Vernon was a blunt, well-intentioned, honest, and very 
popular officer, whose chief service faults were that he could not 
always control either his tongue or his pen, and that he w^as too 
fond of vulgar applause. He had served in the West Indies for 
several years after his first appointment as a post-captain, and 
was generally believed to have an intimate acquaintance with the 
whole of that station and with the weak points of the Spanish 
position there. He had also been for a long time member of 
Parliament for Ipswich and for Penryn ; and, in the course of one 
of the debates upon the depredations of the Spaniards, he had taken 
upon himself to declare in strong terms that the Spanish possessions 
in the West Indies might be reduced with great ease, and that 
Puerto Bello,' in particular, might be taken by a force of six 

' Edward Vernon was born in 1084, and became a I'ost-Captaiii in 170(i, ami a 
Vice-Admiral, without having ever been a llear-Admiral, nu .Inly Hrli, 17.''>0. Having 
captured Puerto Bello, etc., in that and the next year, he led an attack upon Cartagena 
in 1741. In 1745 he attained the rank of Admiral, but, in the following year, owing, 
among other things, to his fondness for iiamplileteering, he was struck off the list of 
flag-officers. See note on ]•. Ill, infra, lie died in 1757. 

- Puerto Bello stands on tlie north side of the Isthmus of Darion, and is abnu 
seventy miles from Panama. It has a considerable bay and good anchorage. 



1739.] 



VERNON TO THE WEST INDIES. 



53 



ships of the hue. He said, moreover, that he would gladly venture 
his life and reputation upon the success of such an enterprise, if 
only he were permitted to attempt it. Vernon was popular in the 
country, and troublesome to the ministry ; and the Government, 
anxious to be temporarily rid of him, and perhaps equally read}^ 
to take credit for his triumph or to rejoice over his disgrace, 
promoted him, and gave him exactly the mission and force which 
he had demanded. 




ADMIRAL EDWARD VERXOX. 
(From McArdcWn rn(iniri/iii n/ler the ijortrait hi/ T. GahidioroiigJi, R.A.) 



Vernon sailed from Portsmouth on July 24th, 1739,^ with four 
ships of seventy guns, three of sixty, one of fifty, and one of forty. 
Of these, he presently detached three of the seventies, viz., the 
Lenox, Captain Covill Mayne, Elizabeth, Captain Edward Falking- 
ham (1), and Kent, Captain Thomas Durell (1), to cruise for a month 
off Cape Ortegal, and to look out for some treasure-ships which were 
daily expected in Spain. The vessels were to return afterwards to 
' He (lid not, however, leave Plymouth until August 3rd. 



54 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1739. 

England. He also detached the Pearl, 50, Captain the Hon. 
Edward Legge, to cruise for three months between Lisbon and 
Oporto. With the rest of his force he crossed the Atlantic, reaching 
Jamaica on October 23rd. ^ There he was joined by the senior 
officer already on the station, Commodore Charles Brown, whose 
broad pennant was in the Hampton Court, 70. 

On the voyage out Vernon took every opportunity of disciplining 
his men, and of exercising them both at the heavy guns and at small 
arms ; and there is little doubt that, under his direction, his small 
squadron rapidly became, for its size, the most efficient that Great 
Britain had sent to sea for many years. 

The intelligence received by the Vice-Admiral was to the effect 
that the Spanish galleons were about to make rendezvous at 
Cartagena, and to proceed thence to Puerto Bello, where they would 
exchange their European goods for the. gold and silver which had 
been sent for the purpose from Panama. The news that the bullion 
was already at Puerto Bello determined Vernon to lose no time in 
attacking that place. He obtained pilots, embarked two hundred 
soldiers under Captain Newton, and, on November 5th, 1739, sailed 
from Port Koyal.'- On the following day he issued the following 
instructions to his captains : — 

"Upon making the land at Puerto Bello, and having a fair wind to favour them, 
and daylight foi* the attempt, to have their ships clear in all respects for immediate 
service ; and, on the proper signal, to form themselves into a line of battle, as directed ; 
and, being formed, to follow in the same order of battle to the attack, in the manner 
hereafter directed. And as the north shore of the harbour of Puerto Bello is 
represented to the Admiral to be a bold steep shore, on which, at the first entrance, 
stands the Castillo de Ferro, or Iron Castle, Commodore Brown, and the shi]is that 
follow him, are directed to pass the said fort, within less tlian a cable's length distant, 
giving the enemy as they pass as warm a tire as possible, both from great guns and 
musketry. Then Commodore Brown is to steer away for the Gloria Castle, and anchor 
as near as he possibly can to the easternmost part of it, for battering down all the 
defences of it, but so as to leave room fur Captain Majnie, in the Worcester, to anchor 
astern of him against the westermost bastion, and to do the same there ; ami to follow 
such orders as the Commodore may think proper to give him for attacking the said 
castle. Captain Herbert, in the Nonoich, after giving his fire at the Iron Castle, is to 
push on for the castle of San Jeronimo, lying to the eastward of the town, and to 
anchor as neai- it as he possibly can, and batter it down; and Captain Trevor, in the 
Strnfford, following the Admiral, to come to an anchor abreast of the eastermost 
part of tlie Iron Castle, so as to leave room for Captain Waterhouse, in the Princess 
Louisa, to anchor astern of him, for battering the westermost part of the (.'astle; and 

^ Having called in the meantime at Antigua and St. Kitt's. 

^ With the ships mentioned in the table infra, and the Sheerness, 20, Captain Miles 
Stapleton. This vessel was presently detached to reconnoitre Cartagena. 



1739.] 



VERNON AT PUERTO BELLO. 



55 



continue there till the service is completed, and make themselves masters of it : the 
youngest officers to follow the further orders of the elder in the further prosecution of 
the attack : and, if the weather be favourable for it on their going in, each ship, 
besides having her long-boat towing astern, to have her barge alongside to tow the 
long-boats away with such part of the soldiers as can conveniently go in them, and to 
come under the Admiral's stern, for his directing a descent with them, where he shall 
find it most proper to order it. From the men's inexperience in service, it will be 
necessary to be as cautious as possible to prevent hurry and confusion, and a fruitless 
waste of jjowder and shot. The captains are to give the strictest orders to their 
respective officers to take the greatest care that no gun is fired but what they, or those 
they particularly appoint, first see levelled, and direct the firing of ; and that they shall 
strictly prohibit all their men from hallooing and making irregular noise that will only 
serve to throw them into confusion, till such time as the service is performed and when 
they have nothing to do but glory in the victor}^. Such of the ships as have mortars 
and cohorns on board are ordered to use them in the attack." 



Line of Battle at the Attack on Puerto Bello, Xovember 21st, 17?>0. 



Ships. 


Guns. 


Men. 


Commanders. 


Hampton Court . 


70 


495 


j Commodore Charles Brown. 
(Captain Digby Dent, (2>. 


Norivich 


50 


300 


„ Richard Herbert. 


Worcester 


GO 


400 


„ Perry Mayne. 


Burford 


70 


500 


J Vice- Admiral Edward Vernon, (B.). 
\Captain Thomas Watson (1). 


Strafford .... 


60 


400 


„ Thomas Trevor. 


Princess Louisa . 


60 


400 


„ Thomas Waterhouse. 



The squadron sighted Puerto Bello in the night of November 20th, 
and chased into harbour some small vessels, v^hich apprised the 
enemy of Vernon's presence on the coast. That he might not be 
driven to leeward, the Vice-Admiral anchored about six leagues from 
the shore. Early on the 21st he weighed, and, the wind being 
easterly,^ he plied to windward in line of battle ahead. At about 
2 P.M., the Hampton Court, being close to the Iron Castle, began the 
attack, and was well seconded by the Norwich and Worcester. The 
fire of the enemy, vigorous at first, gradually lessened. Seeing this, 
Vernon, who was rapidly approaching, signalled for the manned 
boats to go under his stern, and then ordered them to land beneath 
the walls of the castle. In the meantime, the Burford, which had 
come abreast of the castle, had received and returned a very heavy 
fire. The men in her tops forced the enemy to abandon his lower 
battery, whereupon the landing-party made an assault, and, by 
climbing into the embrasures upon one another's shoulders, the men 
entered, and quickly carried the work, most of the defenders of 



This prevented the attack from being carried out in the prescribed manner. 



56 



MA JOB OPERATIONS, 1714-17G2. 



[1739. 



which fled to the town, though a few shut themselves up in the 
keep, whence they presently shouted appeals for quarter. 

By that time night had come on. Owing to the wind, Commo- 
dore Brown and his division had been unable to get up the bay and 
attack the castles of Gloria and San Jeroniino, and his ships, having 
fallen to leeward, were obliged to anchor, ready to proceed at 
daybreak should the wind permit. The Burford and Strafford, 







^/T £/;»"'• yj 



.i i. ■' 




■^^.s ^ -y 



Attack on TcKiiTo Bkli.o, Novk.muku 21st., 1731). 
(From a phni hi/ Coiu. Jamrx lii'ntonc kindUj hut hi/ Lanl Vrr/ioii.) 



C. Worcester. 

D. Norwich. 

E. Burford. 

F. Hamilton Court. 

G. Straffwcl. 



H. PriuccKx Liiiiiaii. 
I. Two tendei's. 
A'. Two Spanish ptiarda-costas. 
M. Three trading sloops. 
O. Boats on their wav to land soldiers. 



which were just within reacli of the heaviest guns in Gloria, were 
fired at all night, but received little damage beyond the wounding of 
the former's fore topmast. The fire was returned with effect from 
the lower deck of the lUtrford. Early in the morning of tlie '22nd, 
the Vice-Admiral went on board ih.e Haiitptoii Court, and, after he 
had consulted with his officers, directed steps to be taken for warping 
ills ships up the harbour (lining tlic night, in order to be able to 



1739.] VERNON ON THE SPANISH MAIN. 57 

attack Gloria and San Jeronimo on the following day. But these 
measures proved to be unnecessary. The Spanish governor, Don 
Francisco Martinez de Eetez, hoisted a white flag, and sent out a 
boat w^ith a flag of truce to convey to Vernon the terms on which 
the place would be surrendered. These terms were deemed in- 
admissible by the Vice-Admiral, who drew up others which he was 
prepared to grant. He allowed the governor only a few hours in 
which to make up his mind ; yet, well within the specified time, the 
terms were accepted. Captain Newton, with two hundred soldiers, 
was sent to take possession of the town and castles ; and detachments 
of seamen boarded the vessels in port. The crews of these had, it 
appeared, landed during the previous night, and committed various 
outrages. The garrison was allowed to march out with the honours 
of war, and to carry off two cannon with ten charges of powder for 
each. The inhabitants were permitted either to remove or to remain, 
and were promised security for their goods and effects. The ships ^ 
were surrendered absolutely, though their crews were permitted to 
retire with their personal effects. And, contingent upon the due 
performaiice of all the stipulations, the town, the clergy and the 
churches were guaranteed protection and immunity in their privi- 
leges and properties. - 

Public money to the amount of ten thousand dollars was found 
in the place, and at once distributed by Vernon among his men. 
There were also taken forty pieces of brass cannon, ten brass field- 
pieces, four brass mortars, and eighteen brass patereroes, besides 
iron guns, which were destroyed, but not carried off. The fortifica- 
tions were then demolished — a work which needed the expenditure 
of one hundred and twenty-two barrels of captured Spanish powder, 
and which occupied three weeks. ^ 

On November 27th, the Diamond, 40, Captain Charles Knowles, 
and on November '29th, the Windsor, 60, Captain George Berkeley, 
and the Anglesey, 40, Captain Henry Eeddish, joined the flag from 
the Leeward Islands ; and on December 6th, the Sheer ness, 20, 

^ One of them, a snow, was commissioned as the Triumph, sloop, bj' Commander 
James Eentone, who was sent home with Vernon's dispatches. Another prize was 
renamed the Astrma, 12. 

^ The loss on the Britisli side during the attack was ahnost incredibly small, the 
Burford and Worcester having each three killed and live wounded, and the Haiiq)to7i 
Court having one man mortally wounded. 

^ In the service Captain the Hon. Edward Boscawen assisted as a volunteer. His 
ship, the ShorehaiH, 20, was at the time unfit for sea. 



58 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1739. 

Captain Miles Stapleton, which had been detached to reconnoitre 
Cartagena, returned. While the Vice-Admiral still lay at Puerto 
Bello, he sent to Panama a demand for the release of certain servants 
of the South Sea Company, who were confined in that city ; and, 
although Vernon, being on the wrong side of the isthmus, was 
scarcely in a position to have backed up his demand by force, the 
governor, who seems to have been greatly impressed by the easy 
capture of Puerto Bello, saw fit to comply. The Vice-Admiral 
sailed on December 13th for Jamaica. 

The news of the success was hailed with great joy in England, 
and Vernon was voted the thanks of both Houses, and the freedom 
of the City of London in a gold box. Commander James Rentone, 
the bearer of the intelligence, was presented with two hundred 
guineas, and made a post-captain. The Ministry realised that it 
could do nothing more popular than follow up the blow already 
struck, and it at once arranged to send to Jamaica, if possible in the 
early autumn, a strong military force composed of two regiments of 
infantry, and six newly-raised regiments of Marines — the whole 
under Major-General Lord Cathcart — to be employed by Vice- 
Admiral Vernon in the prosecution of further designs against the 
Spaniards in the West Indies and Central America. It was also 
decided to endeavour to recruit in the North American Colonies a 
corps of three thousand men, to be commanded by Colonel Spottis- 
wood,^ and to be sent to Jamaica to strengthen the hands of Lord 
Cathcart upon his arrival. 

In the interval, the Spaniards, thoroughly alarmed for the 
security of their empire in the New World, sent to the West Indies 
a strong squadron,^ with troops and stores, under Admiral Don 
Rodrigo de Torres. They also prevailed upon France to proclaim 
not only that she was in strict alliance with Spain, but also that she 
could not suffer Great Britain to make new settlements or conquests 
in the West Indies ; and this proclamation was succeeded by the 
dispatch across the Atlantic of three French squadrons. One, of 
four ships of the line, under the Chevalier de Nesmond, left Brest on 
July 28th. A second, of eighteen sail, under the Marquis d'Antin, 
quitted the same port towards the end of August, and, soon after its 
departure, suffered so severely in a storm, that two or three of its 

' 'I'liis oflicer unfortunately died in Virginia ere the troops whicli lie had collected 
could be embarked. 

^ This sailed from Spain on July lOtli, 1710. 



1740.] VERNON AT CARTAGENA. 59 

best vessels had to return. The third, of fifteen sail, under the 
Marquis de La Eoche-Allard, weighed from Toulon on August '25th. 
When he had passed the Strait of Gibraltar, the Marquis opened 
his orders, and, in pursuance of them, sent back to port four 
of his largest ships. Proceeding with the rest, he made a junc- 
tion with the other squadrons at Martinique in September and 
October. 

But the force there assembled was formidable chiefly on paper. 
The vessels were not in good condition, and they were both ill- 
manned and ill-found. Many of them had been much damaged by 
bad weather ere they arrived ; and when they essayed to move in 
company from Martinique to Hispaniola, they fell in with another 
storm which caused serious losses, and reduced them to a condition 
of impotence. 

That they had been sent out to co-operate with Spain is 
certain. But before they had an opportunity of co-operating, 
reinforcements had reached Vernon ; and the situation in Europe 
had been changed by the death of the Emperor Charles VI., on 
October 20th, and by the accession of the Elector of Bavaria as 
Charles VII. France then decided to hold her hand, to recall her 
squadrons,^ and to postpone her definite rupture with Great Britain. 
It is not necessary, therefore, to further follow the movements of the 
French. As for the Spanish squadron under Don Rodrigo de 
Torres, it reached San Juan de Puerto Kico in a sorely-damaged 
condition in September, and there slowly refitted. In course of time 
it went on to Cartagena, threw additional troops into the town, and, 
leaving a detachment under Don Bias de Leso in the roadstead, 
proceeded to Havana. 

Vernon's squadron, on its voyage from Puerto Bello to Jamaica, 
was dispersed and shattered by a storm. All the vessels, neverthe- 
less, reached Port Royal by February 6th, 1740, except the Triumph, 
sloop, which had foundered off Sambala Keys, but the officers and 
men of which had been saved. The GreemvicJi, 50, Captain Charles 
Wyndham, with four bombs, some fireships, and several other 
craft, was found in harbour. The Vice-Admiral did all that lay in 
his power to speedily refit his command, but, finding that the 
Biirford would take some time to prepare for sea, he transferred his 
flag from her to the Strafford, 60, and sailed on February 25th with 
the greater part of his force, leaving the rest of it, under Commodore 
^ Except a few sliips left at Hispaniola under the C'onite de Roquefeuil. 



60 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1740. 



Charles Brown, for the protection of Jamaica. His determination 
was to bombard Cartagena. 

On March 1st, the Vice-Admiral sighted the land near Santa 
"Martha, and, having detached the Greenicich, 50, to ply to windward 
of that place, to intercept any vessel that might be bound thither, he 
bore away ; and, on the evening of the 3rd,^ anchored in nine fathoms 
off Playa Grande, in the open bay before Cartagena. On the 4th 




VICE-ADMIKAL SIK CUAKLKS KXOWLES. 
(From Faber's mezzotint after the portrait hij T. Hudson.) 



and 5th he reconnoitred the place, and made his dispositions ; and on 
the 6th he ordered in the bombs Alderney, 8, Commander James 
Scott, Terrible, 8, Commander Edward Allen, and Cumherland, 8, 
Commander Thomas Brodrick,- with the tenders Pompeij and 
Goodly, and other craft to assist them, to bombard the town. This 

' < >n wliicli da}' he liiul bt'cii joined by tlie Juiliuoiith, 50, (!aiitaiii ^^'illia^l 
Dougla.s. 

^ This officer, who died a Vice-Admiral in 17G!I, in later life spelt his name 
Brnderick ; but it was, properly, Brodriek. 



1740.] VERNON AT C HAG RES. 61 

they did until 9 a.m. on the 7th, receiving no damage whatsoever, 
and probably doing little, although they terribly frightened the 
inhabitants. It is difficult to understand why Vernon made this 
demonstration, for he knew well that the force which he had with 
him was insufficient to take the city. It has been suggested that 
his action was intended as a reply to an insulting letter which he 
had received from Don Bias de Leso, and this is certainly a plausible 
explanation, for the quick-tempered Vice-Admiral was ever fully 
as eager to resent a slight offered to himself as he was to resent 
one offered to his country. It does not, however, appear that the 
bombardment of Cartagena assisted, in the slightest degree, the 
general policy which Vernon had been sent westward to carry out. 

From Cartagena he coasted along the Gulf of Darien, exchanging 
shots with Bocca Chica as he passed, and making observations 
concerning the defences of the various towns. He detached the 
Windsor, 60, Captain George Berkeley, and the Greenwich, 50, 
Captain Charles Wyndham, to cruise off Cartagena with the object 
of looking out for the galleons and of intercepting three Spanish 
ships of war which, he had heard, were about to attempt to join 
Don Bias de Leso there. Vernon then proceeded to Puerto Bello 
to refit and water his squadron. He was rejoined on March 13th 
by the Diamond, 40, Captain Charles Knowles,^ an officer in whom 
he appears to have reposed exceptional confidence. Knowles was 
ordered to go on board the Success, fireship, 10, Commander Daniel 
Hore,"-^ and, accompanied by one of the tenders, to move round to 
the mouth of the River Chagres, there to reconnoitre and to make 
soundings with a view to reporting on the manner in which the 
fort of San Lorenzo and the town of Chagres might best be 
attacked. Measures were also taken to blockade the estuary. The 
Vice-Admiral obtained much information and assistance froin an 
English pirate or buccaneer named Lowther, who, in consequence, 
received the King's pardon and permission to return home. 

On March '22nd the Strafford,^ the Norivich, the three bomb 
ketches, and the small craft, put to sea from Puerto Bello, instruc- 
tions being left for the other vessels to follow as soon as possible. 

^ Cliarles Knowles. Born, 1702. Captain, 17."!7. Rear-Adminil, 1747. Coui- 
mander-in-Chief at Jamaica, 174.S. Captured Port Louis, Hispaniola. Defeated 
Reggio off Havana, October 1st, 1748. Vice-Admiral, 1755. Admiral, 1758. Baronet, 
1765, and Rear-Admiral of Great Britain. Served lUissia, 1770-1774. Died, 1777. 

^ Or Hoare. 

^ In which the Yice-Admiral still flew his fia2;. 



62 MAJOR OFEBATIONS, ] 714-1762. [1740. 

The Strafford met with a slight accident on the passage, and was 
detained for a few hours, but the Norivich, by order, proceeded with 
the remaining craft, and by 3 p.m. Captain Richard Herbert, with 
the assistance of Captain Knowles, had not only placed his bombs 
in position, but had. begun to bombard Fort San Lorenzo. The 
Diamond also opened fire in the evening ; and, during the night, the 
Strafford, Princess Louisa, and Falmouth, arrived and took up their 
stations.^ The ships maintained a leisurely fire from their heavier 
guns until March 24th, when the governor of the place, Don Juan 
Carlos Gutierrez de Zavallos, surrendered. Captain Knowles took 
possession in the course of the afternoon. 

A large amount of booty, including cocoa, Jesuit's bark, and 
wool, valued at £70,000, besides plate, etc., was captured. Two 
guarda-costas, found in the river, were destroyed ; all the brass 
guns and patereroes " in the defences were embarked in the 
squadron ; and, after the works had been demolished, Vernon 
quitted the river on March 30th. He was rejoined on the 31st 
by the Windsor and Greenwich from before Cartagena, and on 
April 2nd by his old flagship, the Burford, from Jamaica. After 
making" dispositions, which proved to be vain, for intercepting the 
new Spanish viceroy of Santa Fe, who was on his way out from 
Ferrol, the Vice-Admiral returned to Jamaica, sending Captain 
Knowles home with dispatches. 

A little later, Vernon, advised from Lisbon of the Spanish 
preparations for sending out the squadron under Don Eodrigo 
de Torres, and of the actual departure from Cadiz of a squadron, 
the supposed destination of which was the "West Indies, put to sea 
again, hoping to fall in with the enemy; but, having encountered 
bad weather, and having failed to get any news of his foe, he 
returned to Port Eoyal on June 21st. During the summer his 
cruisers were active, but he was himself detained in port by lack 
of supplies. On September 5th, however, a number of store-ships, 
convoyed by the Defiance, 60, Captain John Trevor, and the Tilhurij, 
60, reached him, and on October 3rd he was able to put to sea once 
more. On the 19th he fell in with eight transports, convoyed by the 

' The ships engaged in the attack on Chagres were the Strafford, 60, Frmcesti 
Louisa, 60, Falmouth, 50, Norivich, 50, Diamond, 40, Ald'.rnct/, Terrible, and 
Cumberland, bombs, and Pompey and Ooodhj, tenders. The commanders of all these 
have already been named. In addition, there were the fireships, Success, 10, Com- 
mander Daniel Hore, and Eleanor, 10, Ccmnnander Sir l^obert Henley, Bart. 

^ There were eleven brass guns and as many patereroes. 



1740.] OGLE JOINS VERNON. 63 

Wolf, sloop, 10, Commander William Dandridge, and laden with 
troops from North America/ These he escorted to Jamaica. Soon 
afterwards he heard of the arrival at Cartagena of Don Kodrigo de 
Torres, and at Martinique of the Marquis d'Antin ; and not having 
force sufficient to justify him in risking an encounter at sea with his 
known enemies, even if they were not assisted by his suspected ones, 
he remained at Port Royal, anxiously awaiting news of the promised 
reinforcements from England. 

These reinforcements, which included the transports carrying 
Lord Cathcart's army, were to have been under the orders of 
Vice-Admiral Sir John Balchen. But Balchen's division of men- 
of-war consisted only of one 3rd-rate, five 4th-rates, and one 
6th-rate ; and when, after the armament had actually put to sea 
and had been driven back to port by contrary weather in August, 
the Ministry learnt what powerful squadrons Spain and France had 
dispatched across the Atlantic, it was decided to make new arrange- 
ments. Balchen's orders were cancelled, and a very much larger 
and entirely different squadron, under Sir Chaloner Ogle (1), was 
appointed to escort the troops. The change of plan necessarily 
involved much delay, and it was not until October 26th that the 
fleet at length sailed. 

It cleared the Channel ; but on October 31st, when it was about 
seventy leagues to the westward of the Start, ^ it met with a heavy 
gale, in which the Biickingliam, 70, Captain Cornelius Mitchell, 
Prince of Orange, 70, Captain Henry Osborn, and Superbe, 60, 
Captain the Hon. William Hervey, were so badly damaged that the 
first had to be sent back to Spithead, and the others had to proceed to 
Lisbon under convoy of the Cumherland, 80, Captain James Stewart. 
In spite of these deductions the fleet still consisted of upwards of 
twenty 3rd and 4th-rates, besides several frigates, fire-ships, bombs, 
etc., under Bear- Admiral Sir Chaloner Ogle (1), Kt. (B.), and 
Commodore Eichard Lestock (2), together with transports carrying 
about 9000 troops, ^ under Major-General Lord Cathcart, and 
Brigadier-Generals Thomas Wentworth, John Guise, and William 
Blakeney. It anchored on December 19th, 1740, in Prince Rupert's 

^ These troops had taken part in the fruitless attack on St. Augustine, Florida, some 
account of which will be found in the next chapter. 

2 In lat. 17° 54' W. 

^ I.e. the 15th and 24th regiments of foot, six regiments of Marines under Colonels 
Fleming, Robinson, Lowther, Wynyard, Douglas and Moreton, and some artillery and 
miscellaneous detachments. 



64 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 17U-17G2. [1740. 

Bay, Dominica ; and, on the following da}^ it had to lament the 
loss, by dysentery, of the militaiy commander-in-chief.^ 

Sir Chaloner weighed again for St. Kitt's, his general rendez- 
vous, on December 27th, and thence steered for Jamaica. On the 
passage thither, being off the western end of Hispaniola, he sighted 
four large vessels, and signalled to the Prince Frederick, 70, Captain 
Lord Aubrey Beauclerk, Orforcl, 70, Captain Lord Augustus Fitzroy, 
Lion, 60, Captain Charles Cotterell, Weijnioutli, 60, Captain Charles 
Knowles, and two more ships of the line, to proceed in chase. At 
4 P.M. the strangers - hoisted French colours ; but as they did not 
shorten sail, it was 10 r.M. ere the headmost British ship, the Prince 
Frederick, got up with them. She hailed them, first in English and 
then in French, and then, having failed to get an answer, fired into 
one of the ships, which promptly returned a broadside. The Orford 
next got into action ; and she and the Prince Frederick engaged the 
chase for about an hour and a half before the remaining ships could 
approach within gunshot. The IVeymoutJi was the third to overhaul 
the strangers ; and, upon her arrival on the scene. Captain Knowles 
boarded the Prince Frederick, and expressed his conviction that the 
enemy was French. Lord Aubrey Beauclerk thereupon made the 
signal to desist ; yet, as the enemy continued firing, the engagement 
was renewed for about half an hour. At daybreak Lord Aubrey sent 
an officer on board the senior ship of the chase, and at length it was 
satisfactorily established that the strangers were indeed French, and 
not, as Lord Aubrey had at first believed, Spaniards sailing under 
French colours. The Prince Frederick lost four killed and nine 
wounded ; the Orford, seven killed and fourteen wounded ; and the 
Weymouth, two killed ; and all three vessels were much damaged 
aloft. 

The French, who bitterly complained of the manner in which 
they had been treated, suffered much more severely. They declared 
that, upon being hailed, they had at once replied ; and modern 
French writers seriously contend that the true cause of the action 
was the refusal of their senior officer to send a boat to Lord 
Aubrey, when he called for one. It is possible, seeing how un- 
favourable to Great Britain was the attitude of France at the time, 

' Lord Ciithcart Wiis succeeded in the cnniiiianil l)y General AVentwurtli, a far less 
cxi)erieuced and competent ollicer. 

^ .(4 7-c?en <, fi4, Captain d'Epinai de Boisgeroult; 7l/e?'c?(>r, 54, Captain des Herbiers 
de I'Etenduere ; Didinant, oO, Captain de I'oisins; and PinfaHe, 4(1, Captain 
<VEstournel. Tiiu'rin, iv. 'J42. These vessels t'urnied part of d'Antin's squadron. 



17iO.] BALCHEN'S CRUISE. 65 

that neither Ogle nor Lord Aubrey was prepared to exercise much 
forbearance with the French, and that the action was the result of 
provocation and irritation on both sides. The squadrons, however, 
parted with mutual apologies ; and Lord Aubrey proceeded to rejoin 
Sir Chaloner Ogle, who arrived at Jamaica on January 9th, 1741, 
and there placed himself under the orders of Vice- Admiral Vernon. 

It is necessary to return for a time from the West Indies, and to 
look at the course of events elsewhere. 

The outbreak of war had found Rear- Admiral Nicholas Haddock 
(R.) commander-in-chief in the Mediterranean. Under him was 
Rear- Admiral Sir Chaloner Ogle (1) (B.). At first. Haddock blockaded 
the Spaniards in Cadiz, but he was soon drawn off by the foulness 
of his ships and by the requirements of Minorca, which, it was 
supposed, might be attacked from other Spanish ports ; and while 
he and Ogle were at Port Mahon, such Spanish ships ^ as had been 
lying at Cadiz slipped out, under Don Roderigo de Torres, and sailed 
to Ferrol. Not long afterwards, when it appeared that Minorca was 
in no danger, and that the Spaniards in the Mediterranean were 
weaker than had at first been believed. Ogle, with a strong division, 
was sent home by Haddock. He arrived in England on July 7th, 
1740, and, as had been shown, went out later in the year ^ to 
reinforce Vice-Admiral Vernon. No event of importance occurred 
in the Mediterranean during the rest of 1740. 

Nearer home, much was designed but little was effected. On 
April 9th, Vice-Admiral John Balchen (R.) was dispatched from 
Plymouth to intercept a Spanish treasure fleet which, escorted by 
a squadron under Admiral Pizarro, was on its way home from 
America. Balchen cruised in the very track which Pizarro had 
intended to take ; but the Spaniards, learning of the British 
Admiral's station and design, sent out a fast dispatch vessel which, 
warning Pizarro, caused him to make for Santander by way of the 
Lizard and Ushant, instead of for Cadiz by way of Madeira, as he 
had originally purposed. He consequently took his convoy safely 
into port. To defeat Balchen, Spain in the meantime fitted out and 
sent to sea a superior force under Admiral Pintado, who, however, 
failed to find his enemy, and, upon his return, was disgraced. 
Balchen, against whose conduct no objections were ever alleged, 

^ These were they which subsequently proceeded to the West Indies, as lias been 
already related. 

^ He first, however, cruised for a short time under Sir John ISTorris. See infra. 

VOL. III. F 



66 MAJOR OPEBATIONS, 1714-17G2. [1741. 

went back to port, having done little but capture the Princesa, 10} 
Later in the year he commanded a squadron in the Channel. 

The large concentration of Spanish force at Ferrol, and the 
knowledge that Spain cherished plans for aiding the Pretender in 
a descent upon Great- Britain or Ireland, led to the assemblage of a 
large fleet ^ at Spithead. It was entrusted to Admiral-of-the-Fleet 
Sir John Norris, and, under him, to Admiral Philip Cavendish (B.), 
and Kear-Admiral Sir Chaloner Ogle (1) (B.). Sir John, who hoisted 
his flag first in the Vicfori/, 100, and afterwards— the Victory having 
been disabled by collision with the Lioii,^ (JO — in the Boi/nc, 80, had 
secret instructions ; but what they were is, even now, not certainly 
known. It is supposed by some that he had orders to attack Ferrol, 
but this is upon the whole unlikely. It is more probable that his 
force was designed mei'ely to convoy outward-bound merchantmen 
until clear of the Channel, and to be ready for any special service 
that might appear desirable. The Admiral of the Fleet took to 
sea with him as a volunteer Prince AVilliam Augustus, Duke of 
Cumberland,* second son of George II. The fleet sailed from 
St. Helen's on July 10th, but was three times driven back into port 
by contrary weather : and on August 28th, Sir John, being then in 
Torbay, hauled down liis flag and departed for London with the 
young Duke. 

In 1741 the proceedings of the fleets in home waters were equally 
uninteresting. In July, and again in October, the Admiral of the 
Fleet and Admiral Philip Cavendish put to sea with a considerable 
force and cruised off the north coast of Spain ; but, beyond picking 
up a few small prizes, the connnniid did nothing. It returned to 
Spithead on November ()th. 

In the Mediterranean, Vice-Admii'al Haddock, who was from 
time to time reinforced from England, endeavoured to prevent the 
junction of a Spanish squadron which lay in Cadiz with tlie French 
fleet which lay in Toulon, and tcj intercept the transport of Spanish 
troops from Barcelona to Italy. But he failed in botli objects. 
While Haddock was refitting at Gibi-altar. tlie I'ouloii fleet, under 

' l'i)r iui accmmt of liei- caiilmc, .sw noxt cliaiitcr. 

■■^ Made up of one shi[i of 1(")0 unns, ci^lit slii]is of SO, fivr <>( 70, suvcii of (10, ami 
one of 50, besides smaller craft. 

* The Vidor >/ c&rrieA away her head and bowsprit: tlie J.iaii lost licr tcHcinast, 
and twenty-eight men who were thrown overboard by tlie shock. 

* 'I'he victor of Culloden, then in his twentieth yeai-. 'i'lns short cruise seems to 
have decided him to adopt a military instead uf a naval career. 



1741.] HADDOCK MISSES NAVARRO. 67 

M. La Bruyere cle Court, weighed and steered towards the Strait ; 
and Don Jose Navarro, from Cadiz, issued forth to meet and join 
hands with it. Haddock suffered Navarro to pass by him,^ and only 
went in chase when it was too late to prevent the accomphshment 
of the junction. His advanced frigates sighted the ahies off Cape 
de Gata on December 7th, 1741, and the British and Spanish fleets 
were distantly visible one from the other on the following morning ; 
but at that time the junction was actually being effected. The 
A^'ice-Admiral called a council of war which, in view of the fact that 
French neutrality could not be depended upon,'- judged it inadvisable 
to continue the pursuit. Soon afterwards the French and Spanish 
fleets proceeded to Barcelona and embarked 15,000 men, who were 
thence transported to Orbetello, in Tuscany, there to act against the 
alhes of Great Britain. The ill-success both of Norris and of 
Haddock was doubtless due rather to the nature of the instructions 
given to these officers by the Ministry than to any fault on the 
part of either. Popular indignation rose high, especially when it 
became known that the passage of Spanish reinforcements to Italy 
had not been prevented : and the general discontent on this subject 
contributed much to the fall of Sir Eobert Walpole's administration. 
In the West Indies, as has been said. Sir Chaloner Ogle joined 
Vice-Admiral Vernon at Jamaica on January 9th, 1741. A fleet 
such as had never before been assembled in the waters of the 
New World was now at the disposal of the British commander, 
who, unlike his fellow-admirals in Europe, had very full powers to 
act as he might deem best for the advantage of the service. 
"Better," says Beatson, "had it been for Great Britain if his 
powers had been more limited ; for, had he been directed to proceed 
immediately against the Havana, there can be no doubt but he 
would have succeeded in reducing that place before the hurricane 
months set in. His instructions pointed strongly at this as the 
most proper place to commence his operations : and letters from the 
most able and well informed of his friends^ in England strongly 
enforced this idea." 

1 Haddock, who had left cruisers to watch Cadiz, seems to have been very ill-seivod 
l)y his scouts. 

^ The Franco-Spanish fleet outnumbered the British by nearly two to one. 

^ " ' Take and hold,' is the cry. This points plainly to Cuba, and if the people of 
England Avere to give you instructions, I may venture to say, ninety-nine in a hundred 
would be for attacking that island." Pulteney to Vernon, August 17, 1740, in ' Letters 
to an Honest Sailor.' 

F 2 



68 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1741. 

It would seeiu that, up to the day of Ogle's arrival, Vernon had 
formed no distinct plans for the future. He had been looking 
forward to talking over everything with Lord Cathcart, in whom 
he had reason for placing the highest confidence. But Cathcart 
died, and Wentworth, who took his place, was an officer of very 
inferior ability, for whom Vernon, from the first, entertained dislike 
and distrust. Wentworth, it is fair to add, did not deserve this. 
He appears to have been sensible, if not very able ; and he was 
certainly anxious to do for his country the best that lay in his 
power. 

As the result of a council of war held on January 10th, ^ it was 
determined to proceed with the whole force to windward to observe 
the motions of the French at Port Louis in Hispaniola. Vernon 
formed his large fleet into three divisions, one under himself, one 
under Ogle, and one under Commodore Kichard Lestock. Part of 
the force got out of harbour on January 22nd, but the whole did not 
make an offing until January 29th. On February 8th it was off 
Cape Tiburon, the western point of Hispaniola. There the Vice- 
Admiral was rejoined by the Wolf, 10, Commander AVilliam 
Dandridge. She had been sent ahead to gain intelligence, and 
she reported that there were in Port Louis nineteen large ships, one 
of which had a flag at the main, and another a broad pennant flying ; 
but, when the fleet arrived off the place on the 12th, it was found 
that Dandridge had been mistaken,- and that there were in port only 
some unrigged merchantmen and a large frigate. Three days later 
Vernon obtained permission from the governor of Port Louis to 
wood and water the fleet, and learnt that the Marquis d'Antin 
had returned to Europe. At another council of war it was 
decided, mainly in deference to Vernon's representations, to attack 
Cartagena. The fleet, therefore, weighed on January 25th, the 
Weymouth, 00, Captain Charles Knowles, Experiment, 20, Captain 
James Rentone, and a sloop, being sent ahead to sound the coast 
and to find a safe anchorage for the huge flotilla, which consisted, 
with the transports, of a hundred and twenty-four sail. 

Vernon dropped anchor in the Bay of Playa Grande'' on 
March 4th, and at once made such a disposition of his small craft 

' Tliere were present, in addition to Vernon and Ogle, Governor Trelawnev of 
• lamaiea, and Generals Wentworth and Guise. 

^ He was misled by a haze wliidi iirevaile<l wlien lie made Ids leronnaissance. 
^ It is to the windward of Cartagena, between it and Point Canoa. 



1741.] CARTAGENA. 09 

as to suggest that he intended them to cover a disembarkation of 
the army. This had the desired effect. It drew a large part of the 
enemy's troops down to the shore in that neighbourhood, and 
induced them to begin throwing up intrenchments there. 

But no actual attack was made until March 9th, and in the 
meantime the Spanish garrison of four thousand men, besides 
negroes and Indians, and the naval force under Don Bias de Leso, 
perfected its preparations for defence. 

The following description of Cartagena, as it then was, is mainly 
from Beatson : — ^ 

The city is in a great measure surrounded by water. It is divided into two 
unequal parts, the city of Cartagena, and its suburb, called Xiruani. The walls of the 
former are washed by the waves of the Bay of Mexico ; but, on account of some rocks, 
and perpetual surf, there is no approaching it on that side. The water on the outside 
of the harbour is seldom smooth, so that landing is at most times difficult. The only 
entrance to the harbour is ujDwards of two leagues to the westward of the city, between 
two narrow peninsulas, the one called Tierra Bomba, the other called the Baradera. 
This entry is called Boca Chica, or the Little Mouth, and is so narrow that only one 
ship can enter at a time. It was defended, on the Tierra Bomba side, by a fort called 
San Luis, a regular square, with four bastions, mounted with eighty-two pieces of 
cannon and three mortars ; but the counterscarp and glaces were not completed. To 
this were added Fort San Felipe, mounted with seven guns, and Fort Santiago, of 
fifteen guns, and a small fort of four guns called Battery de Chamba. These served as 
outworks to Fort San Luis. On the other side of the harbour's mouth lies a fascine 
battery,^ called the Baradera ; and, in a small bay at the back of that, another battery 
of four guns. And, facing the entrance of the harbour, on a small, flat island, stood 
Fort San Jose, of twenty-one guns. From this fort to Fort San Luis, a strong boom, 
made of logs and cables, was laid across, fastened with three large anchors at each end ; 
and just behind the boom were moored four ships of the line. Beyond this passage lies 
the great lake or outer harbour of Cartagena, several leagues in circumference, and 
land-locked on all sides. About mid-way to the town, it grows narrower ; and, within 
less than a league of it, two points project into the lake from the inner harbour. On 
the northmost of these was a strong fort called Castillo Grande, being a regular square 
with four bastions, defended to the land by a wet ditch and glacis proper. The face of 
the curtain, towards the sea, was covered by a ravelin, and a double line of heavy 
cannon. The number of guns in this fort was fifty-nine, though there were embrasures 
for sixty-one. On the opposite jwint was a horseshoe battery of twelve guns, called 
Fort Mancinilla. In the middle, between these two forts, is a large shoal with only a 
lew feet of water on it. On each side of this were sunk large ships. At the end of the 
inner harbour stands the city of Cartagena, on two flat sandy keys or islands, well 
fortifled to the land, and with lakes and morasses running round it. On the fortifica- 
tion of the city are mounted one hundred and sixty guns, and on those of the suburbs, 
one hundred and forty. South of the city, about a (piarter of a mile from the Xiuiani 
gate, stands Fort San Lazar, on an eminence about fifty or sixty feet high. It is 
composed of a square of fifty feet, having three demi-lmstions, and two guns in each 



^ ' jSTav. and Mil. Mems.' iii. 2-i. 

^ It was for fifteen 24-pounders ; but these seem not to have been mounted until 
after operations had been begun. 



70 MAJOn OPEBATIONS, 1714-1762. [1741. 

face, one in each flank, and three in cacli curtain. It completely commands the town ; 
but there is a hill about four liundred yards from it whieli overlooks and commands it 
entirely. 

Early in the morning of March 9th, Sir Chaloner Ogle, who had 
shifted his flag from the Bussell, 80, to the Jersey, (50, Captain Peter 
Lawrence, and who had General Wentworth with him, moved with 
his division,^ towards the mouth of the harbour. He was presently 
followed by Vice-Admiral Vernon and his division,- convoying the 
transports full of troops. The third division,^ under Commodore 
Lestock, was left at anchor, so as to distract the attention of the 
enemy. 

The Princess Amelia, 80, was specially told off to attack Battery 
de Chamba, and the Norfolk, 80, Bussell, 80, and Shrewshurij, 80, 
were similarly told off to batter forts Santiago and San Felipe. As 
the division of Ogle approached, Chamba opened fire, but was soon 
silenced by the Princess Amelia, Captain John Hemmington. At 
about noon the Norfolk, Captain Thomas Graves (1), Russell, Captain 
Harry Norris, and the Shrewshurij, Captain Isaac Townsend, 
anchored in their assigned positions and fired so vigorously that 
both the forts opposed to them were rendered untenable within an 
hour. They were then taken possession of by landing parties. 
Generals AVentworth and Guise, and Colonel Wolfe also landed soon 
afterwards, and on that day and the 10th, most of the troops were 
put ashore. These initial successes were gained at little cost. Only 
six men were killed on board the Norfolk and llussell, and although 
the Shrewshurij had her cable shot away and fell into a position 
where she lay for seven hours under a most infernal fire from two or 
three hundred guns she had but twenty killed and forty wounded. 
She received, however, two hundred and forty shot in her hull, and 
of these sixteen were between wind and water. 

The following days were employed in landing guns and stores ; in 
forming a camp in a somewhat ill-chosen position, before Fort San 

' Friiircn^ Amelia, 80, Wiiuhor, 60, York, GO, Norfolk, 80, IlusseU, 80, Shrews- 
bury, 80, liipon, 60, Lichfield, 50, Jemey, 60, Tilbury, (iO, Experiment, 20, Sheer- 
ncss, 20, Vesuvius, fireship, Ttrriblc, bomb, Phaeton, fireship, and Goodly, tender. 

^ Or/ord, 70, Princess Louisa, 60, Worcester, 60, Chichester, 80, Princess Caroline 
(Hag), 80, Tnrhay, 80, Strafford, 60, Weymouth, 60, Deptford, 60, Burford, 70, 
Squirrel, 20, Shoreham, 20, Eleanor, 10, Seahorse, 20, tlie fireships Strombolo, Success, 
Vulcan and Cumberland, the tender Pompey, and a brig. 

' Defiance, 60, Dunkirk, 60, Lion, 60, Prince Frederick, 70, Boyne, 80, Hampton 
Court, 70, Falmouth, r)0, Montuyu, 60, Suffolh, 70, Astrcea, 12, Wul), 10, the iireships 
uEtna and Firebrand, and tlie Viryin Qiiccn, tender. 



1741.] ATTACK ON CARTAGENA. 71 

Luis ; and in quarrels between AVentworth and Vernon, who was 
dissatisfied with the manner in which the engineers did their work, 
and who used unbecoming language to the military commander-in- 
chief. As the camp was exposed to the tire of the Spanish fascine 
battery on the Baradera side, an attack upon this was made on the 
night of March 19th, when the boats of the fleet, under Captain 
Thomas Watson (1), of the Princess Caroline, Captain Harry Norris, 
of the Russell, and Captain Charles Colby, of the Boijne, landed a 
party of five hundred seamen and soldiers commanded by Captains 
the Hon. Edward Boscawen, of the Shoreham, AVilliam Laws, and 
Thomas Cotes, ^ K.N. The party was put ashore about a mile to 
leeward of the Baradera Battery, under the very muzzles of a 
masked battery of five guns that had been thrown up on the beach ; 
but, although a little confused at hrst by the hot fire which was 
opened from this, the men promptly rushed it, and then, pushing on, 
carried the Baradera Battery itself, and, suffering very little loss, 
spiked the guns, and set the carriages, fascines, platforms, magazines 
and guard -houses, on fire. 

This well-managed exploit relieved the army before San Luis ; 
but there was much sickness in the camp, the works did not progress 
with the expected rapidity, and Vice-Admiral Vernon grew daily 
more impatient and irritable. To add to his annoyance, the 
Spaniards partially refitted the abandoned Baradera Battery, and 
again began to fire upon the camp from it. They were driven out 
by the Bipon, 60, Captain Thomas Jolly, which later prevented any 
further attempts from being made to mount guns there. The main 
British battery opened against Fort San Luis on the morning of the 
21st ; and on that and the next day a furious fire was maintained on 
both sides. 

On the morning of March '23rd, a general attack upon all the 
forts and batteries was begun. Commodore Lestock, with the 
Boyne, 80, Captain Charles Colby, Princess Amelia, 80, Captain 
John Hemmington, Prince Frederick, 70, Captain Lord Aubrey 
Beauclerk, Hampton Court, 70, Captain Digby Dent (2), Suffolk, 
70, Captain Thomas Davers, and Tilbury, 60, Captain Eobert Long, 
engaged the Spanish forts, batteries and ships, "-^ there not being room 
to bring more vessels to bear upon the enemy's defences. The 

' The military officers were Captains James Murray aud Washington. 
2 Galicia, 70, flag of Don Bhis de Leso ; San Carlos, 6G, Africa, GO, antl 
San Felipe, 60. 



72 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1741. 

Boijne suffered so severely that she had to be called off at night ; the 
Prince Frederick, which lost her captain/ and the Hampton Court, 
very much shattered, had to be recalled on the following morning. 
The other ships did excellent service, and were less injured ; yet it 
was found expedient to withdraw even these on the 24th. During 
this attack, the chief engineer was mortally wounded : on the other 
hand, Fort San Luis was breached, and General AVentworth, who 
went in person to view the effect of the bombardment, determined to 
assault the place on the night of March 25th. 

Vernon undertook to make a diversion on the Baradera side, 
and, in the afternoon of the 25th, landed Captain Charles Knowles 
and some seamen near the remains of the fascine battery. The 
assault was then made with complete success, and with the loss of 
but a single man. Owing to the fall of Fort San Luis, the Spaniards 
had to scuttle or burn the Africa, San Carlos, and San Felipe, and 
they were thrown into so much confusion that Captain Knowles, 
taking advantage of it, apparently upon his own authority, pulled 
across to Fort San Jose, on the island, and stormed it without the 
sHghtest difficulty. Still unwilling to let shp what seemed to be so 
splendid an opportunity for dealing serious blows, he, with Captain 
Thomas Watson, forced a way within the boom, and boarded and 
took the Galicia, 70." They also destroyed the boom, so that on the 
morning of the 2Gth part of the British fleet entered the lake. A 
few days later, it passed up to the narrow entrance leading to the 
harbour proper,^ and, upon its approach, the enemy abandoned 
Castillo Grande, sank two Hne-of -battleships* which had been moored 
in the channel, and blew up Fort Mancinilla. Such was the general 
situation on March 31st. ^ 

All would, doubtless, have continued to go well, but for the 
unhappy dissensions between the Vice-Admiral and the General. The 
siege had caused much disease, especially among the troops, which, 
on March 25th, had lost about five hundred men, and had about one 
thousand five litiiulred more sick on board the hospital-ships Princess 
lioijal and Scarboroin///. The fleet was considerably less unhealthy ; 
yet, while the fleet had plenty of water, and, very often, fresh meat 

' Whose place was taken by Captain the Hon. Edward Boscawen. 
^ She was towed out. 
^ Called the Surgidero, or Anchorac^e. 
* Confjuistadvr, GO, and JJratjun, (JO. 

" On April 1st Vernon sent home a sanguine dispatch wliicli i cached the Duke of 
Newcastle on May 17th, and caused general exultation. 



1741.] ATTACK ON CARTAGENA. 73 

and turtle, the army sometimes suffered from absolute want. 
Vernon seems to have forgotten that troops and seamen alike served 
a common sovereign and a common cause. He took no measures 
for supplying water to the army ; he refused Wentworth's reasonable 
request that two or three small craft should be told off to catch 
turtle for the use of the sick ; and, speaking generally, his relations 
with his military colleague were unaccommodating, boisterous, and 
overbearing. Wentworth, in consequence, became disgusted, and, 
rather than seek the co-operation of so bearish and dictatorial a man 
as Vernon, he sometimes stood sullenly aloof, regardless of the 
magnitude of the public interests involved. 

On April 1st the Vice-Admiral moved his bomb-ketches, covered 




MEDAL C0MMF;M0RATIVE OF THE DE.STKUCTION OF SOME OF THE DEFENCES OF 
CARTAGENA BY VICE-ADMIUAL EDWARD VERNON, MARCH, 1741. 

(From nn original kind!// lent hi/ H.S.H. Captain Prince Louis of Battenbcnj, R.N.) 



by the Experiment, '20, Captain James Kentone, and the Shoreham, 
'20, Captain Thomas Brodrick,^ into the Surgidero ; and Commodore 
Lestock, who had re-embarked the troops from Tierra Bomba, joined 
Vernon off Castillo Grande. On the 2nd, three fireships took up 
their station within the Surgidero in order to protect a projected 
landing of troops at a place called La Quinta. On the 3rd, the 
WeymoutJi, 60, Captain Charles Knowles, also passed the narrows ; 
and, early on the morning of the 5th, General Blakeney, with about 
one thousand five hundred men, was set ashore, and presently 
pushed forward towards Fort San Lazar, the only remaining 
outwork of Cartagena. Some resistance was encountered, but the 
enemy eventually retired. On the 6th, more of the army dis- 

' Wlio liad succeeded Captain the Hun. E. Boscawen. 



74 MAJOn OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1741. 

embarked, and, having joined Blakeney's brigade, encamped with it 
on a plain about a mile from San Lazar. 

On the 7th, a military comicil of war came to the conclusion that 
Fort San Lazar ought not to be attempted until a battery should be 
raised against it, and that the reduction of the work would be greatty 
facilitated b}' the co-operation of the bomb-ketches and a ship of the 
line with the army. Vernon, on being informed of this, testily 
replied that he strongly disapproved of waiting for the erection of a 
battery, and that, if a battery should be erected against so paltry a 
fort, he felt sure that the enemy would not wait for it to be made 
ready for action ; but, in his answer, he paid no attention to the 
council's suggestion as to the co-operation of the ships ; nor could 
Wentworth induce the Vice-Admiral to order his vessels to cover a 
detachment of troops which had been posted with a view to cutting 
off communication between Cartagena and the country at its back. 
In short, it appears that Vernon believed that the army could do, 
and ought to do, all that remained to be done, and that Wentworth, 
with wiser intuition, knew that only by co-operation could the 
desired results be attained. But sickness increased ashore, water 
grew daily scarcer, and the Spanish defences became hourly more 
formidable ; and, in an evil moment, at the pressing instance of 
Vernon, and against the better judgment of some of the land officers, 
the storming of San Lazar was ordered, and was attempted before 
daybreak on April 9th. Things were mismanaged ; officers were 
confused by lack of detailed instructions, and the assault was repulsed 
with heavy loss.^ 

Operations were continued for two days longer ; but on the 11th 
a council of land officers decided that, " without a considerable 
reinforcement from the fleet, it would not be possible to go on with 
the enterprise." Vernon still shut his ears to the suggestions of his 
military colleagues; and when the council, having received from him 
a very non-pertinent answer, reassembled, it desired that the Vice- 
Admiral would make arrangements for re-embarking the forces and 
stores, since it appeared, from his silence concerning the material 
point, that no reinforcement was to be looked for. On the 14th, 
after some further interchange of messages, a general council of war, 
consisting of the sea as well as of the land officers, met on board the 
flagship. The conference was stormy; and, in the course of it, 
Vernon quitted his cabin in a passion. Alter his departure. Sir 

' The loss was 17'.t killed ; 459 wounded, many mortally; and IG taken prisoners. 



1741.] WITHDRAWAL FROM CARTAGENA. 75 

Chaloner Ogle gave reasons for objecting to disembark the seamen 
from the fleet ; and Vernon, who sat in his stern-walk within hearing, 
interjected a remark to the effect that, if the men were set ashore, 
some of them would infallibly desert to the enemy. The Vice- 
Admiral then returned to his cabin, and the council unanimously 
determined that the troops and guns should be re-embarked. In 
pursuance of this decision, the guns, stores, and baggage were 
reshipped on the 15th, and the troops, only 3569 of whom remained 
fit for duty, on the 16th. 

Vernon, who may, by that time, have begun to feel uneasy 
concerning the effect which so signal a miscarriage would have upon 
his reputation,^ made a last, but quite useless effort, against the 
town. Having fitted up his prize, the Galicia, as a floating battery 
of sixteen guns, and having fortified her with earth or sand, he 
caused her to be warped in as near as possible to the town. During 
the morning of the 16th, under the command of Captain Daniel 
Hore, she fired into the place continuously for seven hours. She 
was then so damaged that she was ordered to cut her cables and 
drift out of gunshot, but she grounded on a shoal, and had to be 
abandoned.^ She lost six killed and fifty-six wounded. But for 
the happy chance that she grounded, she would probably have sunk 
with all hands, for she had received twenty shot between wind and 
water. 

As soon as the works which had been already taken had been 
dismantled and destroyed, the wretched remains of the expedition 
sailed for Jamaica, where the fleet arrived on May 19th, and where 
it found a welcome convoy from England awaiting it. Commodore 
Lestock, with many of the heavier ships ^ and five frigates, was soon 
afterwards sent home in charge of the trade. Vernon, chiefly in 
consequence of his dislike to be further associated with Wentworth, 
wished to go home also ; but the ministry, which adroitly flattered 
him, persuaded him to remain. 

' It is also suggested that Vernon desired to convince General Wentworth, by 
actual experiment, that ships could not operate with success against the town. But, it' 
so, the experiment was not a fair one. The Oalicia did not get near the walls because 
.she approached them at the wrong point. Elsewhere there was deep water within 
[listol-shot of the ramparts. Smollett, vii. 287. 

^ She was subsequently burnt by the British. 

^ Princess Caroline, 80, RtisseU, 80, Norfolk, 80, Shrewsbury, 80, Princess Amelia, 
80, Torhay, 80, Chichester, 80, Hampton Court, 70, Burfoid, 70, Windsor, 60, and 
Falmouth, 50. Vernon transferred his flag to the Boyne, 80. 



76 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1711-1762. [1741. 

The next attempt of the fleet in the "West Indies was against 
Santiago de Cuba. The home Government would have preferred 
to see Havana attacked, but the place was strong, and the squadron 
of Don Eodrigo de Torres lay in the port. Governor Trelawney, 
of Jamaica, urged an expedition, across the Isthmus of Darien, 
against Panama, but gave way to the representations of Vernon, 
Ogle, Wentworth, and Guise, all of whom voted for Santiago de 
Cuba as the town which, upon the whole, offered the brightest 
prospects of success. On June '25th, therefore, Captain James 
Rentone, in the Bipon, 60,^ was dispatched to reconnoitre the 
harbour and its defences, and on June 30th the fleet - put to sea. 
The Vice-Admiral left at Jamaica the Suffollx, 70, Strafford, 60, 
Dunkirk, 60, Bristol, 50, Lichfield, 50, and Vulcan, 8, under 
Captain Thomas Davers, to protect the island and its trade, and 
ordered the York, 60, Augusta, 60, and Deptford, 60, which were 
refitting at Port Eoyal, to be completed for sea, and to be sent after 
him, as soon as possible. 

A spacious harbour lying near the south-east end of Cuba, and 
then known as AValthenham Bay,^ was selected as the general 
rendezvous; and there the expedition dropped anchor on July 18th. 
This harbour is about sixty-five miles to the eastward of Santiago, 
which occupies the head of a much smaller bay, and which has 
a well-defended narrow entrance, closed at that time by means of 
a substantial boom. Santiago was supposed to be impregnable from 
seaward, and the leaders of the fleet and army decided to attack it 
overland from Cumberland Harbour. To facilitate this operation, 
Vernon despatched some cruisers to watch twelve Spanish sail 
of the line which lay at Havana, and which constituted a " potential " 
fleet of decidedly dangerous strength. He also sent other vessels 
to blockade Santiago ; and across the mouth of Cumberland Harbour 
he stationed six of his largest ships, so that, should any enemy 
approach, the transports within could not be reached without a 

' Captain Thomas Jolly bad died in May. Lord Augustus Fitzroy, of the Orford, 
70, liad also fallen a victim to the climate soon after the arrival of the fleet at Jamaica. 

'^ Boyne, 80, flag of Vernon, Camberlatid, 80, flag of Ogle, Grafton, 70, Kent, 70, 
Worcester, 60, Tilbury, 60, Moidayu, 60, Chester, 50, Tiger, 50, Shoreliam, 20, Experi- 
ment, 20, Sheerness, 20, Alderney, bomb, Stromholo, Phaeton, and Vesuvius, fireships, 
Bonetta and Triton, sloops, Princess Royal and Scarborough, hospital ships, and 
Pompey, tender, besides about 40 transports carrying 3400 troops. 

■'' Ke-nauicd Cumberland Harbour by Vernon. It is tlie bay between Punto de 
Guantiinamo and Cainiaun ra. 



1741.] THE FIASCO IN CUBA. 77 

severe struggle. But in the meantime Went worth lost heart. He 
landed, but he did not go far. The country before him was thickly 
w^ooded ; his men had rapidly become sickly ; he found great 
difficulty in dragging his guns along with him ; and, although 
Vernon assured him that, if he pressed on, he should find ships 
before Santiago ready to co-operate with him, the General declined 
to advance any further. The Vice-Admiral in person went round 
to Santiago with a view to seeing whether, after all, he could not 
devise some method of capturing it from the sea ; but he was obliged 
to agree that the venture offered no chances of success. The whole 
scheme, therefore, was abandoned, the troops being re-embarked on 
November 20th, and the fleet quitting Cumberland Harbour for 
Jamaica on November '28th. 

This abortive enterprise was as ill-conceived as it was pusillani- 
mously attempted. It was the professed desire of the ministry in 
England, and of the naval and military chiefs on the spot, to 
conquer Cuba.^ Havana was then, as it is now, the capital and heart 
of the island ; and Santiago was a comparatively insignificant place 
of less strategic and commercial importance than to-day. Yet it was 
determined to avoid Havana, and to attack Santiago, in spite of the 
fact that at Havana lay the strong squadron of Don Eodrigo de 
Torres. Sane strategy would have dictated firstly the annihilation 
or neutralisation of that formidable "potential" fleet, and secondly 
the dealing of a blow at the heart instead of at the extremities of the 
island. That Don Bodrigo lay fast, and did not come out, affords no 
justification of the British action. He might have elected to come 
out ; and, had he done so, he might, with his superior force, have 
crushed Vernon, who would have been hampered by the presence 
of his transports and by the necessity of looking to their safety. As 
for the pusillanimity with which the descent was attempted, it is 
sufficient to say that Wentworth lay for about three months, almost 
inactive, within three or four days' march of Santiago ; that there 
was at no time any considerable body of Spanish troops between him 
and that city ; that the landward defences of Santiago were known 
to be contemptible ; and that the delay involved the sacrifice of 
more men than would have perished in any active operations that 
could have been necessary to secure the fall of the place. 

^ Settlers were actually invited to cross from North America, and were promised 
grants of land in the island. — Speech of Gov. Shirley at Boston, Sept. 23rd, 1741. The 
re-naming of places by the British leaders was also significant. 



78 MA JOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1702. [1741. 

The Ministry censured both Vernon and Wentworth, j'et only 
with mildness, and chiefly on account of the personal quarrels which 
had been allowed to spring up between them. The Duke of 
Newcastle, on October 31st, wrote to Vernon : — 

" His Majesty has commanded me to acquaint you and General Wentworth that 
he sees with great concern the heats and animosities that have arisen hetween his 
officers by sea and land, contrary to his orders, whereby the service cannot but greatly 
sufl'er ; and I am ordered to recommend to you in the strongest manner carefully to 
avoid the like for the future, and that, in case of any difi'erence of opinion, all acrimony 
and warmth of expression should be avoided." 

After the collapse of the undertaking had become known in England, 
neither Admiral nor General received from the Government any 
much stronger blame than this. Yet one, if not both, should have 
been recalled. It was obvious, even to their best friends,^ that they 
could not work satisfactorily one with the other. Unhappily, they 
were allowed to embark together upon further adventures. 

The transports from Santiago reached Jamaica in safety, while 
the fleet cruised for a time off Hispaniola in order to protect the 
arrival of an expected convoy '^ from England. After a time, the 
Vice-Admiral left part of his force, under Captain Cornelius Mitchell, 
of the Kent, 70, to look for the convoy, and proceeded to Jamaica, 
where a council of war was held on January 8th, 1742. The council 
eventually decided to adopt a plan which had been submitted to it 
by Lowther, the ex-buccaneer, who knew the country well. This 
involved a landing at Puerto Bello, and a inarch across the isthmus 
to Panama, with three thousand soldiers, five hundred negroes, and 
four hundred friendly Mosquito Indians. But many delays occurred. 
In the interval, Lowther, in the Triton, sloop, convoyed by 
Captain Henry Dennis in the Experiment, went to the Mosquito 
coast to procure information and to make arrangements with the 
natives. The Triton was for this service disguised as a trader. As 
for Vernon, who was terribly impatient at the slowness with which 
the land forces were being got readj^ and who had learnt that 
Spanish reinforcements were on their way to Cartagena, he occupied 
some of his spare time in making a cruise off Cartagena, with the 

' l'iiltene}''s amiable apjicals Id \'einuu tu ciintiol his temper were almost pathetic. 
See esi)ecially Pulteney's letter of Nov. 17th, 1741, in ' Letters to an Honest Sailor.' 

- The convoy, consisting of the Greenwich, 50, St. Albans, 50, and For, 20, with 
transpijrts containing about two tiiousand troops, reached Jamaica on January ir)th, 
without having sighted Mitchell's squadron. 



1742.] FAILURES OF VERNON AND WENTWORTH. 79 

object of suggesting to the enemy that he was contemplating a new 
attack upon that place. Sir Chaloner Ogle, who had been left behind 
at Jamaica to bring on the main body of the expeditionary forces, 
was not able to sail until the middle of March, 1742. On the '25th 
of that month, he rejoined the Vice-Admiral, and the fleet ^ then 
made the best of its way to its destination. 

The Experiment and Triton had been directed to make rendezvous 
with the fleet off the Bastimentos Islands, in what is now called the 
Gulf of San Bias. On March 26th, Vernon detached the Montagu, 
Captain William Chambers, to look for those vessels, and to order 
them, in case they should be fallen in with, to join a detachment 
which was to land a body of troops at Nombre de Dios, at the 
head of the gulf of San Bias." The fleet sighted land near the 
Bastimentos on March 28th, but, seeing nothing of the Experiment 
and Triton, passed on to Puerto Bello, and, entering the harbour 
in line of battle, dropped anchor there before nightfall, without any 
opposition on the part of the Spanish Governor, who fled with such 
troops as he had. 

Lowther's report, received when the fleet was at Puerto Bello, had 
the effect of convincing General Wentworth that the design against 
Panama was impracticable ; yet Wentworth was so lacking in tact 
that, instead of communicating his decision directly to Vernon, he 
mentioned it casually to Governor Trelawney, the result being that 
Vernon's first intimation that the expedition was destined to be a 
failure was conveyed to him in the form of a private request from 
Trelawney for a passage back to Jamaica. Wentworth's views were 
formally adopted at a council of war at which seven military officers 
were present, and were ratified at a general council composed of 
three military and two naval officers. Vernon and Ogle formed the 
minority, and could do nothing but acquiesce, although the Vice- 
Admiral was strongly of opinion that, seeing that Panama had in 
earlier years been taken from across the isthmus by Sir Henry 
Morgan with five hundred buccaneers, it might be taken again by 
the much larger forces which were at the disposal of the British 



^ Boyne, 80, flag of Vernon, Cumberland, 80, flag ol' Ogle, Kent, 70, Orford, 70> 
lVorceste7\ 60, Defiance, 60, York, 60, Montagu, 60, St. Albans, 50, and Oreenivich, 50, 
with three fireships, two hospital ships, and about forty transports. Governor 
Trelawney, as a colonel, was with the troops. 

^ This landing was never effected. The Experiment and Triton rejoined tlie fleet 
at Puerto Bello. 



80 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1742. 

leaders in 174'2. The fleet, therefore, quitted Puerto Bello for 
Jamaica on April 8rd, having effected nothing.^ 

Indeed, the only important advance made in the West Indies in 
the course of the year w^as the annexation and settlement of Eoatan 
Island, in the bay of Honduras, by an expedition - from Jamaica 
convoyed l)y the Lichfield, 50, Captain James Cusack, and the 
Bonetta, sloop, Commander William Lea. Nor is it astonishing 
that so little was done. The Admiral and the General were on 
worse terms than ever, and their quarrels were taken up by all 
around them. Even Ogle and Trelawney fell out. So scandalous 
a state of things was terminated, after it had endured far too long, 
by the arrival at Jamaica on September 23rd of the Gibraltar, 20, 
Captain Thorpe Fowke, with orders for both Vernon and Went- 
worth to return to England. Vernon sailed in the Boyne, 80, on 
October 18th, leaving Sir Chaloner Ogle in command of the station ; 
and Wentworth, with the remnants of the army, departed soon 
afterwards, under convoy of the Defiance, 60, Captain Daniel Hore, 
and the Worcester, 60, Captain William Cleland, 

In the Mediterranean, where there had been scarcely a large 
enough naval force for the due protection of trade, and for the due 
observation of the declared and the suspected enemies of Great 
Britain, Vice-Admiral Nicholas Haddock had been joined, in 
Eebruary, 1742, by a considerable reinforcement under Commodore 
Richard Lestock (2), who, on March 13th following, was promoted 
to be Rear-Admiral of the AVhite.^ According to Charnock, Lestock, 
during this period, " exhibited some proofs of that impatient temper 
and improper professional pride which, afterwards becoming infinitely 
more apparent, cannot but be condemned even by those who are so 
warmly attached to him as to insist that no part of his conduct was 
ever injurious or prejudicial to the cause and interests of his native 
country."'* Haddock, owing to ill-health, had to resign his 
command and ic'Uini to England ; ^ and, pending the arrival in the 
Mediterranean of his successor, Lestock officiated as commander-in- 
€hief. Lestock acted with some energy against the enemy, whom 

' Tlie ]»iitisli cruisers were, liiiwcver, very successful, as will be seen in the next 
cliajiter. 

'^ Which reached IJoatan un August 23rd. 

^ He was further advanced to he Rear of the Red, ou August 9th, 1743, and A'ice 
■<»f the White, on December Ttb, 174o. 

* 'Biog. Nav.' iii. .'540. 

'' Wliich he readied in the RvcbiivL-, 4U, uu ]\Iay 2Glh, 17 12. 



1742.] LESTOCK'S CHARACTER. 81 

he obliged to postpone an intended embarkation of troops ; but, on 
the other hand, he again allowed his unfortunate temper to get the 
better of him. In view of what happened at a later date, it is 
desirable to reprint here from Charnock ^ an order and certain letters 
which will explain not only Lestock's peremptory methods, but also 
his interpretation, at that time, of some of the duties of subordinate 
commanders when in face of the enemy. 

Eear-Admiral Lestock to Commander James Hodsell, of the 

Ann Gallty, fireship. 

"Captain Hodsell: Go to the Lenox, Nass'iu, Royal Oak, Ro^nney, and Dragon.^ 
Tell them I am the centre from whence the line of battle is to be formed, and, if any 
ship or ships cannot get into their stations, I am to find remedy for that ; bnt those 
who can, and do not, get into their stations are blameable ; and a line of battle is not 
to be trifled with nor misunderstood. Go with this yourself to the several captains, 
from. Sir, j^our most humble servant, Richard Lestock. Neptune, at sea. April 14th, 
1742. P.S. — An enemy in sight would not admit of this deliberation." 

Captain Curtis Barnet, op the Dragon, to Rear-Admiral Lestock. 

"I thought that all the ships of a fleet or squadron were to sail in their proper 
divisions. I have heard and read of divisions getting late into the line, not in time 
to have any part in the action ; but never knew till now that it was my duty to leave 
the flag, or officer representing one, in whose division I am, without a particular order 
or signal. I therefore kept my station in the division, not with a design to trifle with 
the line of battle. I am, etc., C. Barnet." 

Rear-Admiral Lestock to Captain Curtis Barnet. 

" I have your letter of the 15th inst., in answer to mine I sent you and several 
other captains by Captain Hodsell on the 14th inst., at the time the signal was out for 
the line of battle abreast of each other. Your not getting int(_) line when j'ou could 
have done it, gave me that occasion by the fireship. 

" You say you thought that the ships of a fleet or squadron were to sail in their 
proper divisions ; and you have heard and read of divisions getting late into the line, 
not in time to have any part of the action ; but never till now knew that it was your 
duty to leave the flag, or officer representing one, in whose division you are, without a 
particular order or signal. 

"Let us suppose that j^ou are in a division, and that a signal for the line of battle 
is made ; and that the commanding ship of that division, by bad sailing, could not 
get into the line, though all the rest of the squadron could have got into the line, but 
did not. That division makes one-third of the squadron. 

"Now: is it your duty to see two-thirds of the squadron sacrificed to the enenn^, 
when you could, but did not, join in the battle ? An admiral, in such a case, would 
either leave the bad sailing ship for one that could get into the action, or would send 



^ ' Biog. Nav.' iv. 213 et seq. Charnock says : " Mr. Lestock appears in his 
vehemence of rage to have been guilty of a few literarj^ omissions and mistakes, which 
we have supplied and corrected." The present editor has adopted some of Charnock's 
emendations and made othei's, chiefly with respect to punctuation. 

^ The Dragon, GO, Captain Curtis Barnet. 

VOL. III. G 



82 MAJOR OPEBATIONS, 1714-1762. [1742. 

you such orders as should justify you at a court-martial for not coming into the action 
when you could have done it. Captain Rowley,^ indeed, has not the power either to 
shift his ship, or to stop you with him. 

"Such an account would lell but ill to our country after the loss of a battle. But 
I hope such a thing can never happen to an Englishman ; and the punishment inflicted 
on a breach of the 12th article of the Statute of Charles the Second upon those who 
Avithdraw, or keep back, or do not come into the fight and engage, would be what 
must follow in such a case. 

"So I Avill say no more of trifling nor misunderstanding of a line of battle ; as 
these are, and must be, the consequences of a not trilling want of duty in the weighing 
of circumstances in regard to battle : for that is the cause why lines are formed.^ 

" The 13th article of the Fighting Instructions^ leans that way also. So, having, I 
think, answered your letter, I am, Sir, your most humble servant, Richard Lestock. 
Neptune, at sea. April 16th, 1742." 

Captain Curtis Baknet to Rkar-Admiral Lestock. 

" Dragon, April 16th, 1T42. 

" Sir, — As yon have given yourself the trouble to answer the letter I thought 
necessary to write in excuse for my continuing in my station in the division of which 
I am, when you made the signal for the line of battle abreast, and in it are pleased to 
say : ' Is it your duty to see two-thirds of the squadron sacrificed to the enemy, when 
you could, and did not, join in the battle?' I answer that I should readily concur 
in punishing rigidly any man who could, and did not, join in the battle. But, as the 
commanders of divisions will, I imagine, always expect that the captains, in their 
respective divisions, should, in anything like the late case, take directions from them, 
and, as we are to suppose every otTicer of that distinction neither wanting in zeal or 
capacity, I can make no doubt that such orders would be immediately given as would 
be most essential for his Majesty's service; and that a signal or order might be 
expected for the ships to make sail into the line if the commander of the division 
could not get up with his own ship, and did not think proper to remove into another. 
Without such an order or a prui)er signal, I could not in my conscience condemn any 
man for remaining with his division, or think that he fell under the 12th article of the 
Statute of Charles the Second, or the 13th of the Fighting Instructions ; for a man in 
his station cannot be said to withdraw, keep back, or not use his endeavours to engage 
the enemy in the order the admiral has prescribed. In this manner I should judge, 
were I to sit at a coiu't-martial on such an occasion ; but in this manner shall no 
longer act, since you have been pleased to tell me Captain liowley has not the power 
to shift his ship or stop me. 

" I presume there are instances both of whole divisions going down to the enemy 
too soon, and of coming in so late as to have no part in the action ; but I never heard 
that the private captains who kept their stations in those divisions fell under the least 
censure ; and, as I was neither called nor sent from the division by order or signal, I 
had no apprehension of being blameable. 



^ Afterwards Admiral of the Fleet, Sir William Rowley; then senior officer of 
Barnet's division. Lestock meant that, as there was no flag-officer of the division, 
there was no jiossible question as to what was Barnet's duty. 

^ I.e., " After all, I will not speak of this as trilling, for it is far too liglit a word to 
apply to so serious a subject." 

* " As soon as the Admiral shall hoist a red flag on the flagstafl' at the fore-topmast 
head, and fire a gun, every ship in the fleet is to use tlieir utmost endeavour to engage 
the enemy, in the order the Admiral has prescribed unto them." 



1742.] MATHEWS TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 83 

" With regard to what you are pleased to say of seeing the squadron sacrificed to 
the enemy, that cannot happen while you, Sir, command it, who will never go down 
to the enemy in an improper manner, with more sail than the principal ships of the 
line can keep you company. ..." 

Lestock had, undoubtedly, hoped to be continued as commander- 
in-chief in the Mediterranean ; but Vice-Admiral Thomas Mathews 
(E.) ^ was appointed to that post on March 25th, 1742, and, having 
hoisted his flag in the Namur, 90, sailed on April 16th, '-^ and arrived 
at Gibraltar on May 7th. Lestock was hurt, and he is said to have 
foolishly showed his resentment by neglecting to obey instructions 
to send a frigate to meet Mathews. For this supposed omission 
Mathews publicly reprimanded Lestock as soon as the two flag- 
officers met.^ From that moment the junior seems to have regarded 
his senior with scarcely-disguised hostility. 

Mathews was a good officer, as strict in obeying as he was in 
enforcing discipline, and a jealous, yet not intemperate, believer in 
the dignity of the great position to which he had been called by his 
country. He was, moreover, a highly honourable man, of con- 
spicuous gallantry. Lestock, on the other hand, was ever more 
ready to enforce than to obey the laws of discipline. In his eyes, 
his own person was fully as dignified as any rank or place with 
which his country could invest him. " Unconciliating in his 
manners, austere when in command, restless when in a subordinate 
station, he had," says Charnock, "fewer friends than fell to the lot 
of most men, and that number, which was gradually diminishing, 
his behaviour never appeared of a nature to recruit." His courage 
has not been questioned, but his abilities, which were considerable, 
were contracted and neutralised by a petty meanness of spirit and 
smallness of view that prevented him from ever commanding either 
confidence or respect. That Mathews disliked Lestock cannot be 
gainsaid.* Almost every naval officer of the day disliked Lestock. 

^ Thomas Mathews ; born, IGTG ; captain, 1703 ; took the Bien Aime, 26, in 1707, 
and the Glorieux, 44, in 1709 ; connnauded the Kent at Cape Passaro, in 1718 ; 
Commissioner at Chatham, 1736 ; Vice-Admiral and Commander-in-Chief in the 
Mediterranean, 1742 ; Admiral, 1743 ; fought a spirited but partial action off Toulon, 
1744 ; dismissed the service, 174G ; died, 1751. 

^ In company with the Frincess Caroline, 80, Norfolk, 80, and Bedford, 70. 

^ Lestock alleged that he had sent a frigate, which had failed to fall in with 
Mathews. It is admitted that, in this instance, no matter what were the facts as to 
the frigate, the Vice-Admiral behaved with somewhat unnecessary warmth. 

* When he accepted his appointment, he stipulated that Lestock should be speedily 
recalled, but the stipulation was afterwards either forgotten or misunderstood. — , 
Beatson, i. 153. 

G 2 



84 MAJOlt OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1742. 

But Mathews was the last man in the world to allow his private 
dislikes to interfere with his duty. 

The Vice-Adniiral met the Eear- Admiral and part of the fleet at 
Villa Franca on May 27th. He at once instituted a strict watching 
blockade of Toulon, where a Spanish, as well as a French force, lay. 
This blockade was maintained chiefly by the division of Lestock, 
whose headquarters were off Hyeres, while Mathews himself 
remained in reserve at Villa Franca, ready to sail upon the receipt 
of news that the enemy was at sea. In June, five Spanish galleys, 
which were to have escorted some Spanish troops to Italy, and 
which were laden with ammunition and stores, ventured to quit the 
shelter of Fort Ste. Marguerite, and crept round under the coast as 
far as the Gulf of St. Tropez. Captain Harry Norris, of the 
Kingston, 60, with a small detachment, blockaded them there, and 
when, although they were in a neutral port, they fired on him, he 
effected their destruction.^ Other Spanish vessels were destroyed at 
Palamos, Mataro, and elsewhere. 

In July, 1742, the Vice-Admiral, who had intelligence that the 
King of Sicily had dispatched a body of troops to the assistance of 
the Spaniards in Italy, ordered Commodore William Martin, with a 
small squadron,^ to Naples, to endeavour to induce the King to 
withdraw his forces, and to adhere to a declaration of neutrality. 
Should the King refuse, Martin was to bombard the city. The 
squadron arrived, and anchored in the Bay on August 19th ; and 
Martin sent ashore Commander de I'Angle with an ultimatum, and 
a demand for an answer in half-an-hour, unless, indeed, the King 
could not be reached within that time. After very little delay, the 
required assurance was given on the 20th, and the squadron there- 
upon departed, to the great relief of the Neapolitans. The incident, 
most creditably managed by Martin, would, perhaps, have had 
comparatively little importance, had not the same prince who, in 
1742, was King of Sicily, become, in 1759, King Carlos III. of 
Spain. He then remembered against Great Britain the coercion 
which had been employed against him by the Commodore, and, 
towards the end of the Seven Years' War, and during the War of 

 ' For details of this, see next chapter. 

2 Ipswich, 70, Commodore William ^Tartiii, Fanther, 50, Captain Solomon Gideon, 
Oxford, 50, Captain Lord Harry Powlett, Feversham, 40, Cajitain Eichard Huglies (2), 
Dursley Galley, 20, Commander Merrick de I'Angle; and the bombs. Carcass, 8, 
Lieut. John Bowdler, Salamandn; 8, Lieut. John Phillipson, and Terrible, 8, Lieut, 
the Hon. George Edgcundje ; besides four tenders. 



1743.] ATTACK ON LA GUAYBA. 85 

American Bevolution, never ceased to do all that lay in his power to 
ruin the naval might which had thus humiliated him. 

Commodore Martin rejoined the flag, and was soon afterwards 
again detached to destroy certain storehouses and magazines at 
Alassio, in the territory of the republic of Genoa. These, which 
were known to be destined for the use of the Spaniards, were all set 
on fire by a landing-party from the ships. 

In 1743, the blockade of Toulon was continued, and Admiral 
Mathews, as before, exerted himself to the utmost to hinder the 
operations of the Spaniards in the Italian peninsula, and the trans- 
mission thither of stores and reinforcements from Spain. But the 
transactions on the station were not of sufficient importance to 
deserve description in this chapter. They are, therefore, relegated 
to the next. 

One of the first actions of Sir Chaloner Ogle (1) ^ after he had, as 
has been seen, been left as commander-in-chief in the West Indies, 
upon Vernon's recall, was to organise an expedition against the 
Spanish settlements at La Guayra and Puerto Cabello, on the coast 
of Caracas, in what is now Venezuela. These were reported to be 
almost defenceless, and to be at the mercy of the fleet. Ogle 
entrusted the conduct of the expedition to Captain Charles Knowles, 
in the Suffolk, 70, and gave him directions to proceed first to 
Antigua, there to take under his orders such additional vessels as 
could be spared, and to embark a certain number of troops. 
Knowles carried out these instructions, and on February 12th, 1743, 
sailed for La Guayra. After touching at St. Christopher, he arrived 
off his port of destination on the 18th. 

It is quite true that when Ogle first contemplated the descent 
upon the coast of Caracas, La Guayra was almost defenceless. 
Unfortunately, the Admiral suffered his projects to become known, 
and the Spanish governor of the place, with great promptitude and 
vigour, thereupon set himself to work to repair the fortifications, to 
build new ones, to raise extra forces, and to obtain fresh supplies of 
ammunition.^ 

When, consequently, on February 18th, the squadron began the 
attack at about midday, a warm and formidable opposition was met 

' Promoted to be Vice-Adiniral of tlie Ked on August 9th, and Vice-Admiral of the 
White on December 7th, 174.3. 

^ Some of this ammunition was obtained from the Dutcli Governor of Curacoa, 
who, by handing it over, committed an unwarrantable breach of the Dutch under- 
standing with Great Britain. 



86 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1743. 



with. There Avas a swell which prevented the vessels from 
approaching within about a mile from the forts, and the landing of 
the troops was found to be impracticable. Yet, although an attempt 
to burn the shipping in harbour, by means of armed boats, failed as 
a result of confusion of orders, and although the ships suffered badly, 
it looked, at 4 o'clock p.m., as if the fire of the batteries was about 
to be silenced. But at that hour, a chance shot cut the cable of the 
B afford, which was anchored at the head of the British line. The 
Burford drove on board the Norwich, and forced both her and the 
Eltham out of station, the three vessels drifting almost helplessly to 
leeward. This re-encouraged the enemy, and although, up to 
nightfall, the attack was pluckil}^ continued, the British, after the 
accident, had much the worse of the encounter, and were ultimately 
obliged to draw off. La Guayra was severely damaged ; a magazine 
was blown up by a shell from the Comet, and about seven hundred 
Spaniards were killed and wounded. Yet, in spite of the gallantry 
of the assailants, the day ended with their decisive repulse. The 
composition of Knowles's squadron, and the damage and loss 
sustained by each ship, are shown in the following table : — 



Ships. 


Vi 




P 




o 


Suffolk. 


70 


Burford 


70 


Aorivich 


50 


Aduice . 


50 


Assistance 


50 


hiiham 


40 


Lively . 


20 


Scarborovq 


h 20 


Ott'-r . 


14 


Cometjhom 


b 8 



Commauders. 



Capt. Charles Knowles . 
„ Fiankliii Lushington 
„ Tlioiuas Gregory (1) 
„ Elliot Smith 
„ Smith Callis 
„ Eichard Watkins (acting) 
„ Henry Stewart (acting) 

Commander Lachlin Leslie . 
„ John Gage . 

„ Richard Tyrrell . 











il 




97 


380 


30 


73 


380 


24 


7 


250 


1 


10 


250 


7 


41 


250 


12 


44 


210 


14 


10 


120 


7 


3 


120 




y 


45 




? 


40 





a 





80 
50 
11 
15 
71 



24 



1 ."^hot in the iinli uuly are iutiuiletl. 

Captain Lushington, of the Burford, a most excellent ofdcer, was 
mortally wounded by a chain-shot, which carried off one of his legs 
at the thigh. He died at Cura9oa on February 23rd, two hours 
after he had been landed there. The Burford, Eltham, and 
Assistance, were almost completely disabled ; the flagship had 
fourteen guns dismounted ; ancl the squadron, as a whole, was, for 
the moment, unserviceable. It, therefore, proceeded to Cura9oa 
to refit. 



1743.] REPULSE AT PUERTO CABELLO. 87 

As soon as he had refitted, and had supplemented his rather 
reduced forces by taking on board a few Dutch volunteers, Captain 
Knowles, in pursuance of the Commander-in-Chief's design, turned 
his attention to Puerto Cabello. He sailed on March 20th, but, 
owing to a strong lee current, could not anchor in the neighbourhood 
of his destination until April 15th. 

Puerto Cabello was even better prepared to receive him than La 
Guayra had been. There were in the place three hundred regular 
troops, twelve hundred seamen belonging to the vessels in port, and 
a large body of negroes and Indians. The Spaniards had hauled all 
their smaller craft up to the head of the harbour out of gunshot, and 
had moored a ship of sixty, and another of forty guns, in good 
defensive positions, while they had placed a large vessel ready for 
sinking in the mouth of the harbour. Newly-erected fascine 
batteries flanked the entrance, and two more, one mounting twelve, 
and the other seven guns, occupied a low point called Punta Brava. 
These last, in the opinion of Knowles, were ill-placed, and might be 
easily taken, and then employed against the fortress itself. He 
therefore, after having held a council of war, ordered in the Lively 
and EWiam, on the afternoon of the 16th, to cannonade the Punta 
Brava works, and prepared a landing-party, consisting of Dalzell's 
regiment, all the Marines of the squadron, and four hundred seamen,^ 
which, as soon as the batteries should be silenced, was to storm 
them, while the Assistance lay anchored within pistol-shot of the 
shore to cover a retreat, should one be necessary. 

The Lively and Eltham effected their part of the work by about 
sunset. All firing then ceased. As it grew dark the storming-party 
landed, and began to march along the beach towards the batteries, 
Knowles accompanying the advance in his galley. Just before 
11 P.M. the foremost troop seized one of the batteries ; but, at that 
moment, the Spaniards, being alarmed, began to fire from the other 
works, and, to the mortification of the British leaders, so blind a 
panic seized the men that they retired pell-mell in the most absolute 
confusion, and did not regain their self-possession until they were 
once more on board the ships. 

After this disgraceful repulse, another council of war was held on 

April 21st, and, in pursuance of the resolutions then come to, a 

general attack from seaward w^as made upon the place on the 

morning of the 24th. The Assistance, Burford, Suffolk, and 

^ The whole being under Major Lucas, of Dalzell's Eegiment. 



88 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 17U-1762. [1743. 

Norwich were told off to batter the main work, and the Scar- 
borough, Livehj, and EWiam, to attack the fascine batteries at the 
entrance of the harbour. Fire was opened at about 11 a.m., all the 
ships taking up their stations ^ as well as they possibly could, except 
the Norwich, which apparently hesitated to get into close action. 
Seeing this, Knowles very promptly sent Captain Henry Stewart 
(acting), of the Livehj, to supersede Captain Thomas Gregory, who 
was put under arrest.^ Thenceforward, the engagement was hotly 
maintained until the close of day, when the enemy's fire slackened, 
and it became evident that his batteries had suffered severely. He 
reopened fire, however, after dark, and so badly mauled the ships — 
some of which had, by that time, expended nearly all their ammuni- 
tion — that, soon after 9 p.m., Knowles made the signal to cut cables, 
and drew off his shattered vessels. 

The ships actually engaged in this disastrous affair were, saving 
the Advice, Otter, and Comet, the same as had been engaged at La 
Guayra, but some of them were differently commanded. Captain 
Kichard Watkins had been promoted from the Eltham to the 
Burford, vice Lushington, killed ; Captain PhiHp Durell (1) had suc- 
ceeded Captain Watkins in the Eltham; and, after the supersession 
of Captain Gregory, Commander John Gage, of the Otter, assumed 
command of the Lively. The loss of the squadron was about two 
hundred men killed and wounded. The ships refitted under shelter 
of the Keys of Barbarat, and were there rejoined by the Advice, 
which had been detached on scouting duty on March 23rd. On 
April 28th it was determined that the force was no longer in a con- 
dition to attempt anything more against the enemy ; and, after an 
exchange of prisoners had been carried out, the ships belonging to 
the Leeward Islands' station ^ returned thither, and the rest of the 
squadron proceeded to Jamaica. Captain Knowles, in the autumn, 
cruised off Martinique, and, soon afterwards, went home to 
England. 

Late in 1748, the excited condition of parties in England, and 

' In this they were impeded by the sinking of the Spanish vessel in the harbour's 
mouth. 

^ He was Liter sent to England and court-niartiallcd at Spithead for misbeliaviour. 
(C. M. Sept. 17th, 1743.) The court dismissed liim from the service; but, after distin- 
guishing himself as a volunteer, he was restored to his rank as from Nov. 12th, 1745. 
He ended his life in a duel. 

* Where Commodore (later Vice- Admiral Sir) Peter Warren rommandcd, with his 
broad pennant in the Superbe, GO. 



1744.] HOSTILITY OF FRANCE. 89 

the widespread dissatisfaction there at the manner in which the 
interests of Great Britain had, according to the views of many, been 
sacrificed to those of Hannover, encouraged France to take up an 
active, instead of a merely benevolent attitude, with reference to the 
cause of Spain/ France was further encouraged in the same 
direction by the growing jealousy with which the Emperor, the 
King of Prussia, and their allies, regarded the pretensions of Maria 
Theresia, Queen of Hungary, and by the results of the secret 
negotiations which were set on foot at Frankfurt-on-Main with the 
object of checking the alleged ambitions of that very able princess. 
France, therefore, concluded at Fontainebleau an offensive and 
defensive family alliance with Spain, each party guaranteeing the 
possessions and claims of the other, and agreeing that no peace 
should be concluded until the restoration of Gibraltar by Great 
Britain. France also despatched reinforcements to the aid of Philip 
in Savoy ; directed M. La Bruyere de Court, Lieutenant-General of 
the French squadron in Toulon, to co-operate with the Spanish 
squadron which, under Don Jose Navarro, had so long lain blockaded 
there by Admiral Mathews ; and, early in 1744, sent forth from 
Brest Lieutenant-General de Roquefeuil, with nineteen men-of-war,^ 
to cruise in the Channel. 

The objects of France were manifold. She desired, firstly, to 
expel Great Britain from the Mediterranean, and then, by sending 
her own Mediterranean fleet to join her squadrons in the Channel, 
to annihilate British superiority in those waters as well : she hoped, 
next, to oblige Great Britain to recall her troops from the Continent, 
and to desist from supporting on shore the cause of Maria Theresia : 
and, finally, she looked forward to fomenting revolution in England, 
and to restoring to the throne the exiled family of Stuart, by means 
of an invasion from Dunquerque. 

The assumption by France of this actively hostile attitude had 
the happy effect of partially calming the violence of party rage in 
Great Britain. The command of the Channel Fleet ^ was given to 
Admiral of the Fleet Sir John Norris, with Vice-Admiral Sir 
Charles Hardy (1) (B), and Rear-Admiral William Martin (B), as his 

^ The Treaty of Worms, September 1743, leagued together Great Britain, Holland, 
Austria, Saxony, and Sardinia. This was met, in October 1743, by the Treaty of 
Frankfurt, which banded together France, Prussia, Hessen Cassel, and the Pfalz. 

^ These were jn-esently joined by some from Eochefort. 

^ This presently included twenty-five ships of 50 guns and upwards, and twenty- 
four frigates and small craft. 



90 MAJOll OFEBATIONS, 17U-1762. [1744. 

immediate subordinates. Korris wished to go in search of M. de 
Boqiiefeuil, but, it being feared that the latter might possibly pass 
the British fleet at night, or in thick weather, and so get to 
Dunquerque, where a French army was awaiting his escort, the 
Commander-in-Chief was ordered to proceed with his whole strength 
to the Downs. De Roquefeuil was sighted off the Eddy stone on 
February 3rd, with, it would appear, sixteen ships of fifty guns and 
upwards, and seven frigates and smaller craft. A little later, 
believing Norris to have taken refuge in Portsmouth, he detached 
five vessels, under M-. de Barrailh, to Dunquerque, and himself 
anchored off Dungeness on February 24th. 

De Barrailh seems to have passed Norris in the night. The 
latter, learning of De Roquefeuil's presence to the westward, 
weighed, and, although the wind w^as contrary, worked up towards 
him. At that moment the position of the French was extremely 
precarious. But, when he was not much more than six miles from 
the enemy, Norris was obliged by the tide, which made strongly 
against him, to anchor. De Eoquefeuil thereupon got all his anchors 
apeak, and, as soon as the tide set in his favour, ordered his ships 
to weigh, and make independently for Brest. Many of the captains 
were too apprehensive to literally obey the command. Most of them 
cut or slipped, in order to lose as little time as possible ; and, a 
strong north-westerly gale springing" up, they went off at a great 
rate. The gale increased to a storm, and a fog supervened. The 
French reached Brest, ship by ship, in a more or less crippled 
condition, and Norris, hopeless of being able to overtake them, and 
having himself suffered considerably, returned to the Downs, and 
thence despatched his three-decked ships to Spithead, where they 
could lie in greater safety from the weather.^ 

In the meantime, the French flotilla before Dunquerque had 
experienced the full effects of the storm ; and several transports with 
troops and stores on board had foundered, or had been driven ashore. 
When news arrived of the flight of de Boquefeuil, de Barrailh also 
returned to Brest ; and, there being no longer any prospect of a 
successful invasion of the United Kingdom, the rest of the French 
troops were disembarked, and the Young Pretender, who had been 
with them, returned to Paris. De Eoquefeuil died on board his 
flagship, the Siq)erbe, 7G, on March 8th, and was succeeded in the 

' Sir John Norris soon afterwards liaulod duivn liis flag for the last time. He was 
succeeded in command of the Channel Fleet by Sir John Balclieu. 



1744.] CO-OPERATION OF HOLLAND. 91 

command by the Chef d'Escadre, later Yice-Admiral, Blouet de 
Camilly, who was directed to guard the French coasts and to detach 
de Barrailh to cruise off the Scilly Islands. In spite of the nature 
of these events, war was not formally declared by France until 
March 20th. ^ A counter-declaration was returned by Great Britain 
on the 31st ^ of the same month. 

The outbreak of formal hostilities enabled the British Government 
to request Holland, under the stipulations of the treaty, to supply a 
naval force to co-operate with the British fleets. The States-General 
had already, in view of war, equipped some ships of forty-four guns 
and upwards ; and they presently sent these and others, a few at 
a time, to the Downs, under Lieutenant-Admiral Hendrik Grave,^ in 
the Haarlem, 74, Vice-Admiral Willem 'T Hooft, in the Dordrecht, 
54, Vice-Admiral Cornells Schrijver, in the Damiaten, 64, and 
Rear-Admiral Jacob Keijnst, in the Leeuwenlwrst, 54. As the 
names and force of the ships are wrongly given in all English 
histories, they are here copied from De Jonge : — * 

Haarlem, 72, Dordrecht, 54, DamiateJi, 64, Leeuwenliord, 54, Delft, 54, Assen- 
delft, 54, Edam, 54, Beekvliet, 54, Oorcum, 4i, Oud Tijlingen, 44, Middelhurg, 44, 
Gouderak, 44, Bnderode, 54,^ Tholen, 64,^ Zierikzee, 64,^ Goes, 64,'"^ Kasteel van 
MedemUik, 54,^ Bamhorst, 54,^ Prins Friso, 54,^ Vriesland, 64.^ 

Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Hardy (1) (R) was sent southward with 
a squadron to escort the trade to Lisbon and some storeships to 
Gibraltar; Admiral Sir John Balchen and Vice-Admiral William 
Martin (B) cruised with a fleet in the Channel ; and Sir John 
Balchen subsequently sailed with Martin and Vice-Admiral James 
Stewart (B) ^ to release Hardy's convoy, which was reported to have 
been blocked up in the Tagus by a French squadron. A small force, 
under Commodore Curtis Barnet, was also despatched to the East 
Indies ; and Vice-Admiral Thomas Davers proceeded to the West 
Indies to relieve Sir Chaloner Ogle. The operations of these officers 
will be followed later. First, however, some attention must be 

^ By ordinance dated March 15th. 

^ By proclamation dated March 29th. 

^ Both Beatson, i. 184, and Hervey, iv. 257, for some unexplained reason, call this 
officer " Admiral Baccarest, or Baccherest." The contingent was officially styled the 
Auxiliary Squadron. 

* ' Nederl Zeewezen,' iv. 182. 

^ These did not join until late in the year. 

^ Stewart, Hardy, and Martin were not promoted to the ranks here given until 
June 23rd. 



92 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1744. 



paid to the work of the Navy in the Mediterranean, where the 
earHest fleet action of the war was fought. 

Admiral Thomas Mathews,^ being then at Turin,- was informed 
on December 30th, 1743, that de Koquefeuil had sailed from Brest. 
The intelligence was incorrect, but it induced liini to suspect that 
co-operation betw^een the Brest and Toulon squadrons w^as intended. 
He therefore sent orders to Minorca that all ships there were to put 
to sea at once. A little later, he heard that M. La Bruyere de 
Court and Don Jose Navarro purposed to quit Toulon together on 
January 20th ; and, hastening to Villa Franca, he embarked to join 
Vice-Admiral Lestock, off Hyeres. TTpon arriving there early in 




January, 1744, lie lound hinisclf at the head of only twenty sail 
of the line, four of which mounted but fifty guns apiece ; but on 
the 11th he was reinforced by the Elizahetli, 70, Berwick, 70, 
Princesa, 70, and Marlborough, 90 ; on February 3rd, by the 
Somerset, 80, Warwick, 60, and Dragon, ()0 ; on February 10th, by 
the Boyne, 80, and Chichester, 80, which had been sent out from 
England ; and on the 11th, on the very eve of the battle, by the 
Bojjal Oak, 70. In the interval, he kept himself admirably informed, 
by means of his frigates, of the motions and designs of the enemy. 

' He was promoted to be Aihuiral of tlie White by the Gazette of February 18th, 1744. 
" Where he had been concerting measures with tlie Sardinian (invcriiinent fdr tlio 
defence of the Italian ma'^ts. 



1744.] MATHEWS AND THE ALLIES. 93 

On February 9th, the combined fleet appeared under sail in the 
outer road of Toulon, and there formed a line of battle. Mathews 
had already unmoored and shortened in cable, and at 10 a.m. he 
weighed, the wind being westerly. Half an hour afterwards, he 
formed his line of battle ahead, and then plied to windward between 
the islands and the mainland, as if inviting the enemy to bear down 
on him. At night, having stationed cruisers to watch the foe, he 




SIR WILLIAM ROWLEY, K.B., ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET. 

anchored in Hyeres Bay. That evening, when Vice-Admiral 
Lestock visited his chief on board the Namur, Mathews seems to 
have received him coldly, and to have presently desired him to 
return to his own ship. 

At dawn on February 10th, the British weighed with a land 
breeze ; and at 7 a.m., the wind being from E. or E.S.E.,^ Mathews 

' At that time the alhes had, or appeared to have, a westerly wind. 



94 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1744. 

signalled for his fleet to draw into line of battle ahead with the wind 
large, and for Lestock's division to lead with the starboard tacks 
on board. Both Vice-Admiral Lestock and Bear-Admiral William 
Eiowley repeated the signal, but, as the wind was very light, and 
there was a heavy swell from the westward, there was much 
difficulty in getting out of the bay in anything like the prescribed 
order ; and for some hours many of the ships had to tow with their 
boats in order to keep clear of one another. The enemy was seen 
at a distance of twelve or fifteen miles to the S.W. At 1 P.M. 
Mathews again signalled for the line of battle ahead ; and at 2 p.m. 
he hoisted a blue flag at the mizzen-topmast head, and fired a gun.-^ 
He brought to ; the junior flag-officers repeated the signal ; and the 
whole fleet brought to with the larboard tacks on board. The wind 
was then so light as to be almost imperceptible, and the swell drove 
the ships nearer and nearer to the island of Porquerolles. But at 
3 P.M., when there was a nearly easterly breeze, Mathews signalled 
for the line of battle abreast,^ and then stretched with his division to 
the south-west, Vice-Admiral Lestock stretching to the west, and 
Rear-Admiral Rowley making all possible sail with a view to 
extending the fleet and forming line of battle. Yet, towards evening, 
most of the ships were still out of station ; Rowley's division was 
scattered, and was far astern of Mathews's ; and neither Mathews's 
nor Lestock's division was in hne. The allies, on the contrary, were 
in admirable order, at a distance of between four and five miles, 
M. de Court being in the centre, M. Gabaret in the van, and 
Don Jose Navarro in the rear. 

Soon after nightfall, Mathews signalled to bring to, the most 
windwardly ships to do so first and to lie by with their larboard 
tacks on board. The fleet accordingly brought to close to the allies, 
and, during the night, lay well in sight of them, the wind varying 
in the eastern quarter. The Essex, 70, and Winchelsea, 20, were 
told off to watch the enemy, and to signal intelligence as to any 
movement on his part ; but these ships do not appear to have 
observed that, after the moon had set, the allies made sail, and thus 

^ "When the fleet is sailing before tlie wind, <and the Admiral wuuld liave them 
bring to with the starboard tacks on board, he will hoist a red flag at the flagstaff on 
the mizzen-topmast head, and fire a gun ; if to bring to with the larboard tack, a blue 
flag at the same place, and fire a gun ; and every ship is to answer with the same 
signal." — 'Sailing Instruction,' ix. 

^ Hoisting the Union and a pennant at the mizzeu-poak, and firing a gun. — 
' Fighting Inst.' ii. 



1744.] TEE BATTLE OFF TOULON. 05 

increased their distance from the British, who, in the meantime, had 
drifted between the enemy and Toulon, and lay with Cape Sicie 
about twelve miles to the N.N.W. At dawn, at least nine miles 
intervened between the headmost and the sternmost ships of 
Mathews's command ; and the various divisions were not in close 
order. Neither were the allies as well stationed as M. de Court 
must have desired. Not more than six miles, however, represented 
the extreme length of their line. 

As soon as he realised how far he was from the Admiral, Lestock 
on his own responsibility made sail; but when, at 6.30 a.m., 
Mathews ordered the fleet as a whole to do the like, Lestock was 
still five miles astern. M. de Court had already signalled for the 
line of battle upon a wind ; and the allies at that time, now with 
their topsails and now with their foresails set, were stretching in 
fairly good order to the southward. The British followed, ])ut, says 
Beatson : — 

"As the rear division was at so great a distance from the centre, and the van not so 
close as it should have been, the Admiral, at 7.30 a.m., made the signal for Rear- 
Admiral Rowley and his division to make more sail — which signal the Vice-Admiral 
repeated ; and, soon after, the like signal Avas made for the Vice-Admiral and his 
division. At 8 a.m. the Admiral made the signal for the fleet to draw into a line of 
battle, one ship abreast of the otlier, with a large wind ; and, half an hour after, he 
made the signal for the fleet to draw into a line of battle, one ship ahead of another. 
These signals were repeated by the junior flags." 

Yet it took some time to form the line ; and, in the meanwhile, 
M. de Court seemed inclined to avoid a general action, and to 
endeavour to draw the British towards the Strait. Mathews divined 
his opponent's intention to be either to escape altogether, or to 
proceed without fighting until, reinforced by the squadron from 
Brest, he should be in a condition to go into battle with superior 
forces in his favour. Mathews was, of course, unwilling to allow 
either object to be attained ; and it was for that reason that, at 
about 11.30 A.M., when, as has been hinted, the order of battle was 
still very incompletely formed, the Admiral hoisted the signal to 
engage. 

The fleets which were about to be opposed one to another were 
constituted as follows : — ^ 

^ 'I'he lists are taken, with slight alterations, from those in Beatson and 8chomberg, 
and from the evidence in the courts-martial. It would appear, however, tiuxt some of 
the Spanish ships practically formed part of the allied centre. 



96 



MA JOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1744. 



Ships. 



c □ 
o ! -. 



Commanders. 



Stirling Castle . 
W'aricick . 
Ayassdu 

Barfleur . . . 

Princess Caroline 

Benvick . 

Chichester 

Boyne. 

Kingston . 
Oxford, 50 . 
Feversham, 40 
Winche'sea, 20 









Jhragon 
Beit ford . . 
Somerset . 
Princesa . 
Norfollc . . 

Namur . 

Marlltoroiigh. 

/lorsetsliire . 

Fssex . 

Rupert 

Boyal Oak . 
Guernsey, 50 
Salisburi/, 50 
Dursley 'Galli'y,W 
Anne Galley f-s^., 8 
Sutherland h.s 



70 480 

60 400 

70 480 

90 765 

80 600 

70 480 

80 600 

80 600 

60 400 

. . 300 

.. 250 

.. Il25 



Thomas Cooper. 
Temple AVest. 
James Lloyd. 

|Reai--Adm. William Rowley, 
 (R.) 

I MeiTiclv de I'Angle. 
Heuiy 0.<l)c>rn. 
Edward Ilawke. 
William hilkes. 
Rowland Hiogmore. 
John Lovet. 
]>ord Han-y Powlett. 
John \Vat'kius (2). 
William INIavsh. 



18 



:}' 



/ Dunkirk . 
Cambridge . 
Torhay 

Xeptnne . 

Bai:seU 

Buckingham . 

Elizabeth . . 

Bevenge . 
A'onsuch, 50 
Bfimney, 50 
Diamond, 40 
Mercury f.s., 



60 4011 Charles ^Vage^ Purvis. 

80 600 Charles Drummond. 

80 600 John Gascoigne. 

on T-jn fVice-Adm. K. Lestock, (W.). 

■"^ ^^" iGeorge Stepney. 

80 600 Robert Long. 

70 480 John 'i'owrj-. 

70 4S0 .loseph Lingen. 

70 4.S0 George Berkeley. 

. . 30O • Edmund Strange. 

. . 3l)0 \ Henry Godsalve. 

. . 250 I James Hodsell. 

45 ; M. Peadle, (Com.). 



Note. — The Burford, 70, Captain Richard Watkins, and 
several vessels not of the line, were absent from the fleet. 



60 


400 


Charles Watson. 


70 


4M0 


Hon. (ieorge Townshend. 


80 


600 


(Jeorge Sclater. 


74 


550 


Robert Rett. 


80 


600 


Hon. John Forbes. 
lAdm. Thomas Mathews, 


90 


780 


(John Russel. 


90 


750 


James Cornwall. 


80 


600 


George Burrish. 


70 


480 


Richard Norris. 


60 


400 


.lohn Ambrose. 


70 


480 


Edmund Williams. 




300 


Samuel Goruish. 




300 


Peter Osborn. 




125 


Giles Richard Yanbrugh. 




45 


— Mackie, (Com.). 




100 


(■Alexander Lord Colville, 
I (Com.). 



Ships. 



Boree . 

Toulouse . . 

Due d' Orleans 

Jispe'rance 

Trident . . 

Alcion 

Aquilon . 

Bote . . . 
Atalante. 20 
A fireship, 8 



Furieux . 
Smeux 
Ferme . 
Tigre . . . 
Terrible . 
Saint Esprit . 
IHamant . 
Solide . 

Fleur, 20 . 

Zephyr, 20. 

A fireship, 8 

A fireshi]), 8 



Oriente . 
America . 
Neptuno . 
Poder . 
Constante. 

Beal Felipe . 

Hercules . 
Alcidn- . 
Brillante . 
San Fernando 
Sobiero 
Jsabela 

^olage, 20 . 

A fireship, 8 



o 



60 
64 
74 
50 
74 
74 
50 
64 



Commanders. 



650 M. de Damaquart 

600 

800 

820 

650 

500 

500 

650 M. d'Albeit. 



M. d'Orves. 

M . Gabaret (Chef d'Esc). 

i\L de Caylns. 

M. de Vaudreuil. 



600 i AL de Gravier. 

650 

800, M. de Desorqua't. 

550 : M. de Sanrius-Murat. 

850 Adm. de Court. 

800 

550 M. de Marrilart. 

650 M. de Chiiteauneuf. 



60 


600 


6n 


600 


60 


600 


60 


600 


70 


750 


114 


1350 


64 


650 


58 


600 



60 600 
64 ' 650 



60 
80 



600 
900 



Don M. de Vilena. 

1 )on A. Petru'he. 

Don H. Olivares. 

Don R. Errutia. 

Don. A. Eturiago. 
fAdm. Don Jose Navarro. 
(.Don N. Geraldine.i 

I Ion C. Alvario. 

Don J. Rentorin. 

Don B. de la Barrida. 

Coude de Vega Floriila. 

Don J. B. t'astro. 

Don I. Dutabil. 



1 A French officer, Captain Lage de Cueilli, also 
exercised some executive authority on board. 

2 Some lists onut this vessel, and substitute for her the 
Betiro, .'it. 



Captain Mahan's account of this action ^ is far too brief to be 
of much value to the student. AVhat he writes should, however, 
be here quoted, since it describes in a few words the general 
lines upon which the battle, such as it was, was fought. After 
mentioning the issue of the allied fleets from the port of Toulon, 
he continues : — 

"The English fleet, whicli liad been cruising oif Hyeres in observation, chased, and 
on the 11th its van and centre came up with the aUies ; but the rear division was then 
several miles to windward and astern, quite out of supporting distance. The wind 
was easterly, both fleets heading to the southward ; and the English had the weather- 



' lull, of Sea Power,' 265. 



1744.] THE BATTLE OFF TOULON. 97 

gage. The numbers were nearly equal, the English having twenty-nine to the allied 
twenty-seven ; ' but this advantage was reversed by the failure of the English rear to 
join. The course of the Rear-Admiral has been generally attributed to ill-will towards 
Mathews; for, a though he proved that in his separated position he made all sail to 
join, he did not attack later on when he could, on the plea that the signal for the line 
of battle was flying at the same time as the signal to engage ; meaning that he could 
not leave the line to fight without disobeying the order to form line. This technical 
excuse was, however, accepted by the subsequent court-martial. Under the actual 
condition, Mathews, mortified and harassed by the inaction of his lieutenant, and 
fearing that tlie enemy would escape if he delayed longer, made the signal to engage 
when his own van was abreast the enemy's centre, and at once bore down himself 
out of the line and attacked with his fiagship of ninety guns the largest ship in the 
enemy's line, the Royal" Philip of one hundred and ten guns, carrying the flag of the 
Spanish admiral. In doing this he was bravely supported by his next ahead and 
astern. The moment of attack seems to have been judiciously chosen ; five Spanish 
ships had straggled far to the rear, leaving their admiral with the support only of his 
next ahead and astern, while three ^ other Spaniards continued on with the French. 
The English van stood on, engaging the alhed centre, while the allied van was without 
antagonists. Being thus disengaged, the latter was desirous of tacking to windward of 
the head of the Englisli line, thus putting it between two fires, but was checked by 
the intelligent action of the three leading English captains, who, disregarding the 
signal to bear down, kept tlieir commanding position and stopped the enemy's attempts 
to double. For this they were cashiered by the court-martial, but afterwards restored. 
This circumspect but justifiable regard of signals was imitated without any justifica- 
tion by all the English captains of the centre, save the Admiral's seconds already 
mentioned, as well as by some of those in the van, who kept vq> a cannonade at long 
range while their Commander-in-Chief was closely and even furiously engaged. The 
one marked exception was < aptain Hawke, afterwards the distinguished admiral, who 
imitated the example of his chief, and, after driving his first antagonist out of action, 
quitted his place in the van, brought to close quarters a fine Spanish ship that had 
kept at bay five other Englisli ships, and took her — the only prize made that day. 
The commander of the English van, with his seconds, also behaved with spirit and 
came to close action. It is unnecessary to describe the battle further. . . ." 



After having, at 11.30 a.m., hoisted the signaP to engage, 
Mathews stood on, but overhauled the enemy only very gradually. 
At 1 P.M., the Namur was abreast of the Beal Felipe, and the 
Barfleur, of the Terrible. Half-an-hour later, the Namur bore 
down within pistol-shot of the Beal Felipe, and began to engage her 
furiously, and the Barfleur presently did the same with the Terrible. 
Lestock's division was still far astern, and to windward, and, 
according to the evidence at the court-martial, could not have then 
been up with the centre, unless Mathews had shortened sail and 
waited for it. 

^ This statement seems to be a little misleading. According to the lists already 
given, the British had in line twenty-eight ships, and the allies the same number. But, 
in addition, the British had five 50 and two 40-gun ships, for which the allies had no 
equivalents. The guns in line on each side were : British, 2080 ; Allies, 1822. 

2 Qy. " four." 

* This was repeated by Eowley, but not by Lestock, who was at a great distance. 

VOL. III. H 



98 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-17G2. 



[1744. 



The Nam It r was well supported by the Marlborough, which 
attacked the Isahela,^ and by the Norfolk, which attacked the 
Constante. The Princesa, Bedford, Dragon, and Kingston fired into 
the Poder, and the Neptuno,'^ America, and Oriente, after exchanging 
rather distant broadsides with the same British ships, passed on 
with the rear of the JFrench part of the allied fleet. The remaining 

Spanish ships were, at 
first, considerably astern 
of their station, but, as 
the breeze freshened, they 
came up, and, towards the 
end of the action, assisted 
the Beal Felipe. Lestock 
made some effort to pre- 
vent this, but the wind 
was still very light with 
him, and he was also im- 
peded by the swell, so that, 
although he had all sail 
set, his efforts were vain. 

The Barfleur^ got to 
close quarters with the 
Terrible, and was much 
assisted by the Princess 
Caroline * and the Ber- 
wick. The Chicliester and 
Boyne also threw in their 
fire, but they were not 
close enough to the enemy 
to do much execution. As 
for the leading ships of the van — the Stirling Castle, Warwick and 
Nassau — they did not bear down to the enemy at all, although the 
signal for them to do so was flying. They chose to disregard it, 
and to keep their wind, in order, as was afterwards explained or 
suggested, to prevent the French fi'oni doubling upon the head of 
the British column. 

' The Isabela, which lost nearly three liundred killed and wounded, had by that 
time moved up to the position next astern of the Real Fdipe. 
^ The Neptuno lost nearly two hundred killed and wounded. 
^ The Burflcur had twenty-live killed, and twenty wounded. 
' 'I'lju I'rincess Caroline had eight killed, and twenty wounded. 




MATHEWS S ACTIOX OFF TOULON, 
FEBKUAKY IITH, 1744. 

British, black ; French, irhitf : Spanish, slunh'd. 

[Mathews's flagship.the Namiir.is the centre one of tlie 
three rearmost British ships that are closely engaged. 
Hiiwke's ship, the Beririck, is the rearmost one of the 
larger closely engaged group. She has already silenced 
the Poder, which lies head to wind astern of hcv.] 



1744.] 



THE BATTLE OFF TOULON. 



99 



The hottest part of the action was, in the meantime, being 
waged by the ships immediately about Mathews. The Norfolk ^ 
drove the Constante out of the Hne, a shattered wreck, but was 
herself too much damaged to pursue her. The Namiir and Marl- 
borough were, at one moment, so close to one another that Mathews, 
to avoid being fallen on board of by his eager second, was obliged to 
fill his sails, and draw a little ahead. The Namur was then scarcely 




ADMIRAL THOMAS MATHEWS. 

(From T. Fahi'r''> engmvltuj after the portrait by Arniilphi (1743).) 



under control, owing to the rough handling which she had received, 
and could give little help to the Marlborough, which, fought by her 
captain, and afterwards by his nephew. Lieutenant Frederick 
Cornwall, in the most magnificent manner, was very sorely 
pressed. None of the vessels immediately astern of her volunteered 
to assist her in the least, but, keeping their wind, fired fruitlessly at 
an enemy who was beyond the reach of their shot ; and, in spite of 



The Norfolk had nine killed, and thirteen wounded. 



H 2 



100 MAJOR OrEBATIONS, 1714-1762. [1744. 

the fact that the Spaniards betrayed eveTj desire to meet them in 
the most handsome manner, few British captains properly took up 
the challenge. The most brilliant exception was Captain Edward 
ilawke, of the Berivick, who, noticing how the Poder had vainly 
endeavoured to draw on some of his reluctant colleagues, quitted his 
station, and bore down upon her. His first broadside did her an 
immense amount of damage, and, in twenty minutes, when she had 
lost all her masts, she was glad to strike. 

The Real Felipe ^ was disabled, but the Spanish ships of the rear 
were crowding up to her assistance, and Lestock remained afar off, 
so that it looked as if the British strength about the Spanish admiral 
would not suffice to compel her to haul down her colours. In these 
circumstances, Mathews ordered the Anne Galleij, fireship, to go 
down and burn the Beal Felipe, and, seeing that the Marlborough'^ 
was in no condition to help herself, he further signalled for the boats 
of the British centre to tow her out of the line. 

The Anne Galletj was handled with great ability and gallantry. 
As she bore down on the Heal Felipe she was received with a well- 
directed fire from such guns as that crippled ship could bring to 
bear, and with a more distant cannonade from the Spanish vessels 
astern of the flagship. Commander Mackie, match in hand, stood 
alone upon the deck of his little craft, ready to fire her at the proper 
moment. Most of his crew were alongside in a boat, which was 
waiting to take him on board. The rest, by his orders, had taken 
shelter from the storm of shot that hurtled across the fireship. But 
the Anne Galley, struck repeatedly between wind and water, was 
already sinking. Moreover, a Spanish launch, crowded with men, 
was approaching to board her, and tow her clear. Mackie felt that, 
at all hazards, he must endeavour to destroy the launch, and, in 
spite of the fact that his decks were littered with loose powder, that 
his hatches and scuttles were open, and that his funnels^ were 
uncapped, he fired his waist guns at the boat. This was fatal. 
The blast from the guns set fire to the loose powder ; and, while the 
Anne Galley was still too far from the Beal Felipe to seriously 
damage her, she prematurely blew up, and then sank, carrying down 



' The Real Felipe had about five hundred men killed and wounded. 

^ The Mnrlhorougli lost Captain Cornwall, and forty-two men killed and one 
hundred and twenty wounded. 

^ Funnels : in a fireship, tubes leading fruni the deck to the main body of explosives 
in the hold. 



1744.] THE BATTLE OFF TOULON. 101 

Commander Mackie, a lieutenant, a mate, a gmmer, and two 
quartermasters. 

In the meantime, M. de Court, who, owing to the confusion and 
smoke, seems to have supposed that the Spaniards were much more 
closely pressed than was actually the case, tacked to their assistance. 
Bear- Admiral Eowley tacked too, and followed the allied centre. 
Very soon afterwards, Mathews, to quote the words of Beatson — 

" hauled down the signal to engage the enemy, and also the signal for the line of 
battle ; making the signal to give over chase ; but, at half-past five o'clock, he made 
the signal for the fleet to draw into a line < f battle ahead. There was then but little 
wind, and so great a swell that the ships could only wear. The Admiral wore, and 
formed the line of battle on the larboard tack. This last manoeuvre of the Admiral's 
appears to have been made with a design to collect his fleet, draw them out of the 
confusion they were in, and arrange them in a proper order for battle, which he had 
every reason to think would be speed. ly renewed ; the French squadron being now at 
hand, and in an extremely well-formed line. They crowded, however, to the assistance 
of the Spaniards. The Poder, prize, being dismasted, and being vmable to follow the 
British fleet when they wore, was retaken by the French squadron, she having on 
board a lieutenant and twenty-three men belonging to the Berwick. The Dorsetshire, 
Essex, Eupert, and Royal Oak, wearing at the tinie the Admiral did, brought them 
nearer to the sternmost ships of the Spanish squadron, which had by this time joined 
their admiral in a close line. In passing each other, being on contrary tacks, a short 
action took place, in which the Namur, Dunkik, and Cnnhri'lge joined, but with 
little execution on either side. Daylight was almost gone, and the British fleet passed 
on, leaving the confederate fleet astern." 

Owing to the condition of the Namur s ^ masts, Mathews, at 
about 8 P.M., shifted his flag from her to the Bussell, and intimated 
the fact of the change to Lestock and Rowley. On the morning of 
the 12th, when the wind was E.N.E., the enemy was seen about 
twelve miles to the S.W. At about 7 a.m., the Sonierset, which 
had become separated from her consorts, in the night, fell in with, 
and for half-an-hour engaged, the Herc/des, which had likewise 
straggled from her friends ; but, the Hercules being assisted by some 
French ships, the So?nerset had to draw off and rejoin her division. 
At 9 A.M. Lestock ordered his squadron to chase to the S.W., and 
crowded sail ahead of the fleet. At 11 p.m., Mathews signalled for 
the fleet to draw into line of battle abreast, and then brought to on 
the starboard tack in order to collect his command. In the after- 
noon, the British fleet, in admirable order, was going down on the 
enemy, which was retreating in some confusion before the wind, the 
Spaniards being ahead of, and to leeward of the French, and the 

^ The Namur had eight killed and twelve wounded. Among the latter was 
Captain Russel, who lost his left ami, and who subsequently died at Port Mahou. 



102 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1744. 

Beal Felipe still bearing Navarro's flag, although she was in tow of 
another vessel. As for the Poder, she fell so far astern that the 
enemy fired her to prevent her from again falling into British hands ; 
and, in the course of the following night, she blew up. But, in the 
meantime, Mathews, at about 5.30 p.m. on the 12th, had ordered his 
fleet to bring to, there being no more than a light wind from the 
N.E., and by 10 p.m. that night the enemy was out of sight. 

On the 13th, Mathews again chased to the W. and W.S.W. ; but 
at 9 A.M. he ordered the pursuit to be relinquished, his reasons, as 
afterwards explained, being, that he saw no prospect of bringing the 
allies to action ; that, if he had continued to follow them, he would 
have been drawn towards the Strait's mouth, and would have left 
Italy entirely unprotected ; and that, as his instructions were 
stringent as to the protection of Italy, he was unwilling to risk 
leaving the way clear for the transport thither of a large number of 
troops which he had reason to Ijelieve had been collected for that 
purpose in the ports of Spain. Yet it was unfortunate that the 
Admiral did not persist. Had he pressed the chase, he must 
inevitably either have picked up several of the crippled ships ^ of the 
allies, or have obliged de Court and Navarro to accept action on 
disadvantageous terms in order to cover their lame ducks. 

After having relinquished the chase, Mathews tried to beat back 
in the face of strong contrary winds, but failed ; so, first showing 
himself in Rosas Bay, with a view to letting the Spaniards know 
that he was observing their motions, he ran for Port Mahon. Upon 
reaching that harbour, he suspended Vice-Admiral Lestock, and sent 
him to England. 

Both in France and Spain, as well as in Great Britain, there 
was great disgust at the result of the battle off Toulon. In France, 
Admiral de Court, in consequence of Navarro's representations, was 
superseded. De Court in a letter to the Bishop of Eennes, who 
was then Ambassador from France to the Court of Madrid, said, 
" It was not I, my lord, who forced M. Navarro to fight against all 
laws of war and prudence ; it was not I who separated his ships 
from him and drove him into danger; but when he had taken so 
much pains, after all I could do, to get himself beaten, it was I who 
came to his assistance and gave him the opportunity to get away, 
which otherwise he never could have had." De Court was at the 
time an oflicer of nearly eighty years of age. 

' Four, at least, and jirobably more, were seriously disabled aluft. 



1745.] THE COURTS-MARTIAL. 103 

In Great Britain, Lestock's unwillingness to sit quietly under 
his suspension led to a succession of courts-martial. These were 
preceded by an enquiry by the House of Commons, which began on 
March 12th, 174.5, and lasted until the middle of April. The King 
was then addressed to order a court-martial into the conduct of 
Admiral Mathews, Vice-Adiniral Lestock, the captains of a number 
of ships, which had been engaged in the battle off Toulon, and the 
lieutenants of the Dorsetshire. In his reply his Majesty said, 
"I am sensible how much depends on preserving an exact 
discipline in the fleet, and of the necessity there is of bringing 
to justice such as have failed in their duty on this important 
occasion." In the meantime, Mathews, in pursuance of orders 
from England, had resigned his command and returned home, 
leaving the fleet under the orders of Vice- Admiral William Eowley. 

The court-martial first assembled on board the London at 
Chatham on September '2Srd, 1745, under the presidency of Sir 
Chaloner Ogle (1), Kt., Admiral of the Blue. The officers brought 
before it were the lieutenants of the Dorsetshire, who were charged 
with having advised their Captain, Burrish, not to bear down upon 
the enemy. They were all acquitted. On September 25th Burrish's 
trial began, and sentence was delivered on October 9th. The court 
declared, " That by reason of Captain Burrish lying inactive for 
half-an-hour when he might have assisted the Marlborough , and 
not being in line with the Admiral when he first brought to, he is 
guilty of a part of the charge exhibited against him, as he did not 
do his utmost to burn, sink, or destroy the enemy, nor give the 
proper assistance to the Marlborough till after the message he 
received from the Admiral : that he is guilty on the 12th and 
1.3th Articles of the Fighting Instructions, and that therefore the 
court adjudge him to be cashiered and forever rendered incapable 
of being an officer in his Majesty's Navy." Captain Edmund 
Williams, of the Boyal Oak, was next tried on four charges. The 
court found that Captain Williams had failed in his duty by not 
being in line with the Admiral, and by keeping to the windward of 
the line during the greater part of the action, and not within proper 
distance to engage with any effect during the most part of the time 
he was engaged : but, in regard of his long service and his eyesight 
being very defective and other favourable considerations, the court 
was unanimously of the opinion that all this greatly weighed in 
mitigation of the punishment due, and therefore only adjudged 



]04 MAJOB OPERATIONS, 1714-17G2. [1745. 

him untit to be eiuployed any more at sea, but recommended him 
to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to be continued 
on half-pay according to his seniority. This recommendation their 
Lordships complied with.^ 

Captain John Ambrose, of the Bupert, was tried on October 18th. 
In his case the court found that he had failed in his duty in not 
engaging closer while he was engaged, when he had it in his power : 
but in regard that both before and since the action he had borne 
the character of a vigilant officer, and that his failure in action 
seemed to have resulted from mistaken judgment, the court only 
sentenced him to be cashiered during His Majesty's pleasure, and 
mulcted of one year's pay for the use of the Chest at Chatham. He 
was presently restored to his rank, and was in 1750 superannuated 
as a rear-admiral, dying in 1771. Captain William Dilkes, of the 
Chichester, had to answer the charge of not bearing down and 
engaging the enemy closer when' he had it in his power so to do. 
The 'court found the charge proven, and dismissed him from the 
command of his ship, but he also was afterwards restored to his 
rank, though relegated to the half-pay list.^ Captain Frogmore, of 
the Boyne, who was to have been tried with these officers, had died 
on November 8th, 1744, while still abroad. 

At a rather earlier date, Captain Norris, of the Essex, who had 
been accused by his own officers of bad behaviour during the battle, 
had demanded and obtained a court-martial at Port Mahon, but, as 
he had previously resigned his command and was on half-pay, the 
court, after much debate, considered that it had no jurisdiction. 
The account of the proceedings, and a strongly-w^orded protest from 
the accusing officers, having been sent to England, the Admiralty 
ordered Norris to come home to stand his trial ; but on his way he 
seized the opportunity to abscond at Gibraltar, thus, it must be 
feared, admitting his guilt. He died in deserved obscurity. 

Vice-Admiral Lestock had brought charges of his own against 
Captains Robert Pett, George Sclater,^ Temple West, Thomas 
Cooper, and James Lloyd. In consequence of his complaints of 
their misconduct, these five captains were tried in due course. The 
first two were acquitted, the last three cashiered ; Init as the 
offences of which the latter had been convicted did not reflect 

^ Edinuud Williiinis, wlio was a captain of 17.'>4, subsequcnily became a super- 
annuated rc;u-adiiiiral, and di< d in 1752. 

^ Captain Dilkes died in 1750. ^ Or Slaughter. 



1745.] LESTOCK ACQUITTED. 105 

upon their professional honour or capacity, and as their case was 
considered a hard one, the King at once restored them to their 
former rank in the service. After an adjournment of the court, 
the trial of Yice-Admiral Lestock himself began at Deptford on 
board the Prince of Orange, and, Sir Chaloner Ogle being in ill- 
health, Eear-Admiral Perry Mayne officiated as president. The 
other fiag-officer in attendance was Bear-Admiral the Hon. John 
Byng, who, a few j'ears later, was shot for his behaviour in the 
action off Minorca. Lestock urged in his defence that he could 
not have engaged without breaking the line, and that he was not 
authorised to do this because, though the signal for engaging had 
been made, that for the line-of-battle was still flying. He was 
unanimously acquitted. The truth is, that he took shelter through- 
out behind purely technical excuses, which availed him, although he 
had acted in opposition to the spirit of his earlier coiTespondence 
with Barnet, that a subordinate should go to the length of quitting 
his station, even without orders, for the sake of joining and 
supporting the main body of the fleet in action. In short, for 
reasons of his own — and they are not hard to formulate — he chose 
to forget his broad duty to his country, and his comrades in arms, 
rather than depart from the narrow letter of his instructions. 

During Lestock's trial a very remarkable occurrence happened. 
On May 15th the president of the court was arrested by virtue of 
a writ of capias, issued by Sir John Willes, Lord Chief Justice of 
the Common Pleas, in consequence of a verdict which had been 
obtained by Lieutenant George Frye, of the Marines, against 
Sir Chaloner Ogle, Bear-Admiral Perry Mayne and others, for 
false imprisonment and maltreatment in the West Indies, resulting 
from an illegal sentence passed upon him by a court-martial. 
The arrest of their president so incensed the members of the 
court that, oblivious of the fact that the civil law must always 
of necessity take precedence of the military, they passed resolutions 
in which they spoke of the Lord Chief Justice of the Common 
Pleas with violent disrespect. These resolutions they forwarded 
to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, who laid them before 
the King. His Majesty was somewhat hastily advised to express 
his displeasure at the insult which had been offered to the court- 
martial ; but he, like the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralt}', 
had little idea of the great authority vested in the Lord Chief 
Justice of the Common Pleas, who, as soon as he heard of the 



106 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1745. 

resolutions of the court-martial, promptly ordered each member 
of it to be taken into custody. He was beginning to adopt further 
measures to vindicate his office, when the episode was happily put 
an end to by the submission of the offending officers. 

The trial of Admiral Mathews began on June 16th, 1746, Rear- 
Admiral Perry Mayne, as before, being president, and Rear-Admiral 
the Hon. John Byng being of the court. Lestock exhibited fifteen 
charges against his superior. Once more the advocates of a broader 
interpretation of the instructions were defeated by the advocates 
of the strict letter. It is perhaps well that in those days it was so, 
for, for several years previously, naval discipline had been none too 
good. Mathews, whose anxiety to do his best against the enemies 
of his country cannot be denied, though his wisdom may be, heard 
his fate on October 22nd, when the following sentence was passed 
upon him : — 

" The court having examined the Avitnesses produced, as well in support of the 
charge as iu behalf of the prisoner, and having thoroughly considered their evidence, 
do unanimously resolve that it appears thereby that Thomas Mathews Esq., by divers 
breaches of duty, was a principal cause of the miscarriage of his Majesty's fleet in the 
Mediterranean in the month of February 17-1:4:, and that he falls under the 14th Article 
of an Act of the 13th of Charles II., for establishing articles and orders for the better 
government of his Majesty's Navy, ships of war and forces by sea : and the court do 
imaniiiiously think fit to adjudge the said Thomas Mathews to be cashiered and 
rendered incapable of any emphiy in his Majesty's service." 

There is no question that, from a purely legal point of view, 
Mathews deserved his punishment, but it is equally undoubted that 
Lestock's conduct throughout was really far more reprehensible 
than that of the superior officer. Mathews blundered, but his 
intentions were good. Lestock clung tightly to the dead letter of 
his duty ; but his intentions were contemptible, for, in effect, he said 
to himself, " My superior is making a mess of this affair. I will 
stick fast to my instructions and let him, and even the fleet and 
country, go to ruin before I will strike a blow to help him. I shall 
then be safe, and he, whom I happen to regard as my private enemy, 
will pay the penalty." ^ 

' Tiio minutes of these courts-martial are enoruiously voluuiinous, and llie 
pamphlets called forth by the action off Toulon are extremely numerous. See 
especially: 'A Partic. Account of the late Action . . . by an officer in the Fleet,' 8vo, 
1744; 'Captain Gascoigne's Answer,' etc., 8vo, 1746; 'Admiral Mathews's IJemarks 
on the Evidence,' etc. ; 'Defence made by J. Aiubrose,' etc., 8vo, 1745; 'Case of 
Captain G. Burrish,' etc., 8vo, 1747; *A Narrative of the Proceedings of H.M. Fleet,' 
etc., 8vo, 1745 ; ' Vice-Admiral L — st — k's Account,' etc., 1745 ; ' Vice-Admiral 
Lestock's Recapitulation,' etc., 1745. 



1744.] BALCHEN'S LAST SERVICE. 107 

Mathews, after the fight off Toulon, had refitted at Port Mahon, 
and had then detached Captain Eobert Long, with a small division, 
to cruise off the Italian coast and to intercept supplies for the 
Spanish army there. Mathews himself put to sea as soon as 
possible, and on June 14th, 1744, drove ashore and destroyed a 
number of French transports near Marseilles. In fact he and his 
cruisers were very active until his return to England in September. 

His successor, Vice- Admiral William Bowley, had many objects 
which he was compelled to keep in view. He had to guard Italy 
from the French and Spaniards, coming by way of the sea ; he had 
to observe a French squadron from Brest, which lay at Cadiz ; he 
had to watch a French fleet at Toulon ; he had to keep his eye on the 
Spanish squadron at Cartagena ; above all, he had to protect British 
trade. At that time Admiral de Torres was expected in Spain with 
a valuable convoy of treasure ships from Havana ; and on the other 
hand, as has been mentioned, Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Hardy (1) had 
gone southward with a convoy bound for Lisbon and Gibraltar. 
The French and Spaniards, anxious to facilitate the safe arrival 
of de Torres, and, if possible, to intercept Hardy, arranged that the 
Toulon squadron should put to sea, and join with the Spanish at 
Cartagena, and with the French at Cadiz. Admiral Gabaret, 
therefore, left Toulon on September 20th with sixteen sail of the 
line and four frigates. Eowley, who was then at Minorca, with 
only a part of his forces, did not hear of this till October 7th. He 
at once put to sea in chase ; and, as soon as he realised that the 
enemy's plan involved an attempt upon a division of Hardy's convoy, 
which had reached Gibraltar, Rowley made for Spain. Although 
he ultimately found the merchantmen safely under the Eock, he 
thereby managed to miss the enemy. 

Hardy had sailed in April 1744, and, having sent his main convoy 
into the Tagus, whence it was to proceed by divisions to points 
further south, he returned, and re-anchored at St. Helen's on 
May 20th. But scarcely had he quitted Lisbon when the transports 
and store-ships, which he had left there, were blockaded in the 
river by the French squadron, under M. de Eochambeau, from 
Brest. As the stores were much needed by the Mediterranean fleet, 
Admiral Sir John Balchen, with his flag in the Victory, and with 
a considerable force, was detached from the Channel to relieve the 
blockade. He sailed on July 28th, made several prizes, compelled 
de Eochambeau to return to Cadiz, and then escorted to Gibraltar 



108 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1744. 

that part of the convoy which was suhsequeiitly found there by 
Rowley. 

Balchen returned ; but on October 8rd his command was over- 
taken by a violent storm and was dispersed. Several ships were 
much damaged and were at times in great danger ; but all of them, 
except the Victory, safely reached Plymouth on October 10th. 
The Victory, which was at that time considered the finest ship in 
the world, had become separated from her consorts on October 4th, 
and was never again seen. It is supposed that she struck on the 
ridge of rocks called the Caskets, near the island of Alderney, seeing 
that on the night between the 4th and 5th of October the booming 
of guns was heard, both by the people in charge of the Casket Light 
and by the inhabitants of Alderney. The wind, however, was so 
strong that no boat could venture in the direction whence the 
sounds proceeded. The Victory's crew, including her Admiral,^ her 
Captain, Samuel Faulknor,^ her officers, and about fifty young 
gentlemen volunteers, amounted to upwards of one thousand souls, 
all of whom perished. The loss of the ship was at that time 
imputed to some defects in her construction, but it is probable that 
this really had nothing to do with it, and that the disaster must 
be attributed solely to the storm and thick weather which prevailed 
at the time. 

Owing to the situation of affairs with France, a small squadron 
of four ships, under Commodore Curtis Barnet, sent at the request 
of the directors of the East India Company to the East Indies, had 
sailed on May 5th, 1744, from Spithead. In January following, 
after having taken measures to intercept home-coming French ships 
from China, and after having disguised his own vessel, the Deptford, 
60, Captain John Phillipson, and the Preston, 50, Captain the Earl 
of Northesk (1), Barnet was so fortunate as to take in the Strait of 
Banca the French Indiamen Daupliin, Hercule, and Jason, each of 
30 guns. 

The Commodore had not long left England when the successful 
return of Commodore Anson suggested to the British Ministry that 
it might be easy to capture the next treasure-ships bound from 
Acapulco to Manilla ; and a despatch to that effect was sent to 
Barnet by the Licely, 20, Captain ]i^lliot Elliot. But the activity 

' Sir .IdIiii Bulchen was then in his seventy-sixth year. 

2 A captain of 1730, and a member of one of the most distinguished of British 
naval families. 



1744.] THE FRENCH IN NORTH AMERICA. 109 

and threatening attitude of the French in India prevented the 
scheme from being carried out ; and, after his squadron had taken 
a few other French ships, Barnet went to Madras and confined 
himself mainly to observing and harassing the enemy in the Bay 
of Bengal. 

Vice-Admiral Thomas Davers was sent with reinforcements to 
Jamaica to relieve Sir Chaloner Ogle in 1744 ; but the French and 
Spaniards were so strong on that station, and so many battleships 
were carried home with him by Ogle, that Davers had to restrict 
himself to the defensive. His cruisers, however, made several prizes 
and the French failed in their only important enterprise, an attack 
on Anguilla. 

The war which broke out in 1744 was destined to have an 
important influence on the fate of the British and French empires 
in North America. At first the French there were very active, and 
the British were extremely indifferent to their own interests. In 
consequence of this, the French territories, which had been handed 
over to Great Britain by the Treaty of Utrecht, were neglected and 
were badly affected to the new government. They were, indeed, full 
of active French sympathisers. The natural outcome was a scheme, 
hatched by the French, to take advantage of the dissatisfaction, 
and to deprive Great Britain of part at least of her new possessions. 
M. de Quenel, who was then- Governor of Cape Breton, fitted out 
a small armament from Louisbourg and put it under the command 
of Captain Duvivier. The native Indians gave, or at least promised 
to give him some assistance. The armament made first for Canso, 
where the French arrived on May 11th. They were joined by 
two hundred Indians, and by many disaffected inhabitants. The 
place was held by a company of the 40th Regiment, but, as it was 
indefensible, it presently surrendered. The French demolished 
such fortifications as existed, and set the place on fire. M. Duvivier, 
who, in the meantime, had been reinforced by five hundred Indians, 
proceeded with all his forces to Annapolis Royal. This important 
position, like Canso, was in a very neglected state; but it was saved 
by the activity and patriotism of the New Englanders. 

Governor Shirley and the Assembly of Massachusetts, well 
knowing the consequence of Nova Scotia to Great Britain, en- 
couraged the raising in New England of a body of volunteers, 
which, promptly dispatched to Annapolis, arrived before the French 
made their appearance. When, therefore, M. Duvivier, who landed 



110 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1745. 

on June •Jiul, summoned the town, he was informed that it would 
be defended to the last extremity ; and, although he made some 
preparations for an assault, the strength of the defenders so deeply 
impressed him that he finally returned to Louisbourg without 
attempting anything further. 

This activity of the French suggested to the Governor and 
Assembly of New England a project for the conquest of Louisbourg, 
which was then the chief French base in North America. A re- 
quest was made to the home Government to the effect that, as the 
necessary naval forces could be sent more quickly from the West 
Indies than from England, Commodore Peter Warren might be 
detached from the former station to co-operate with a colonial 
expedition. To this the Government agreed, and orders were issued 
accordingly. The Assembly of Massachusetts raised .;i27,0()0 for the 
service. Troops were collected and confided to the command of 
Mr. William Pepperel, of Kittery, Maine ; and, though no fewer 
than 8Ho{) volunteers were assembled and sufficient transports and 
stores for their accommodation were provided, all was done with so 
great secrecy that the enemy. seems to have suspected nothing. But 
as this expedition did not sail till 1745, the history of its proceedings 
must be for the present deferred. 

While Great Britain was fully occupied with her foreign foes she 
had to contend with not less dangerous enemies at home, for France 
in 1745, at a time when the greater part of the British army was on 
the Continent, engaged in supporting the schemes of the House of 
Austria, suddenly transported the Young Pretender to Scotland. 
France did not believe that Prince Charles Edward would be 
successful, nor did she ever mean to assist him very actively ; but 
she realised that he might cause a most useful diversion. With a 
slender retinue the Prince embarked at 8t. Nazaire on board a small 
vessel, the Dentelle, which was lent him by a Mr. Walsh, who was 
a merchant of Nantes but was of Irish extraction. He had arms for 
about '2000 men and al)out l'i2()00 in money, and he sailed on 
July 7th. Wlien off Belle Isle he was joined by the Elisabeth, 64, 
which had orders to escort Prince Charles Edward round Ireland to 
the Hebrides. On July <)th. in lat. 47° 57' N., the httle expedition 
was discovered by the Lion, 5H, Captain Piercy Brett (1), which 
immediately gave chase. At 5 o'clock the Lion ran alongside and 
poured a broadside into the Elizabeth at short range. The two vessels 
continued warmly engaged until 10 o'clock, when the Lion had 



1745.] FRANCE AND THE YOUNG PRETENDER. Ill 

suffered so severely in her rigging that she was incapable of making 
sail. The Elisahetli, on the contrary, had suffered chiefly in her 
hull; and, although it is reported that several of her gun-ports were 
knocked into one, she was able to get away. The smaller vessel at 
the beginning of the action had endeavoured to assist her consort, 
but had soon been beaten off by the Lion's stern-chasers; and, 
when she saw that the Elisabeth had failed of success, she crowded 
sail and made her escape. The Lioti, whose complement was 440 
men, lost 55 killed and 107 wounded, of whom seven ultimately 
died. The French lost 65 killed and 136 dangerously wounded. 

Prince Charles pursued his voyage and reached the coast of 
Lochaber at the end of July. The Young Pretender, on landing, 
was dissuaded by his best friends from pursuing his adventure ; but 
he persisted, and they then gave way and joined him. For a time 
he had some success, but he was too fond of pleasure to act with the 
necessary energy, and presently the British Government began to 
recover from its first amazement. A regular plan of defence was 
elaborated. Admiral Edward Vernon (1),^ with a squadron, was sent 

^ It should here be ineutioned that Vernon's ultimate disgrace arose out of this 
appointment of his to the command in the Downs. He had with him but very few 
ships, and in a letter of November 16th, 1745, to the Earl of Sandwich, he said : " It 
must liave made an odd appearance in the Eye of tlie World to have seen two Flag- 
Officei-s lye so long in the Downs with but one forty-gun ship to form a line of battle 
with." This paucity of command, combined with the fact that he had no commission 
as a ('Ommander-in-Chief, was the origin of his discontent. He was also irritated by 
the conduct of the Admiralty which, in the same letter, he stigmatises in rather strong 
language. Things came to a head when, on December 1st, Vernon wrote to the 
Admiralty: "I have read, with great surprise, the long paragraph in your letter 
informing me their Lordships don't approve of my having ai^pointed a Gunner to the 
Pooh when the necessity of the Service required it, and his Matie's Service must have 
suffered for the want of it ; and acquainting me, it is their Lordships' directions I 
should withdraw the Warrants that I gave to them for his Majesty's Service. I niust 
say with concern, in answer to it, that I did not expect to have been treated in such a 
contemptuous manner, and that 1 can hardly conceive it to bo their directions till I sec 
it from luider their hands in an Order for mo to do it, and shall now entreat the favour 
of their Lordships that, if they think it deserves an Order, they will please to direct it 
to my Successor to put in Execution, as I must, in such case, intreat the favour of 
their Lordships to procure me His Majesty's leave to quit a Command I have long 
thought too contemptibly treated in regard to the rank I hold for His Majesty's honour 
and service, and I should rather chuse to serve His Majesty in the capacity of a private 
man in the Militia, than to permit the rank I hold in His Majesty's Service to be treated 
with contempt, which I conceive to be neither for our Koyal Master's honour or Service. 
A private Captain ovei- two ships on any foreign service exercises the power of filling up 
all vacancies under him, and it is for his Matie's Service he should be empowered to do so. 
When I attended the Piegency, I was spoke to as a person of confidence that was to have 
had the Chiel' Command at home. Their Lordships' Orders of the 7tli August seem'd to 
design me for such, tho' that was speedily altered by those of the 14th, and I always 



U'J. MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714:-1702. [1745. 

to the Downs to watch the motions of the French at Dunquerque 
and Calais, and he from time to time detached squadrons under the 
command of Commodores Thomas Smith and Charles Knowles, 
who intercepted many small vessels destined for the rebels. At the 



suspected there was something lurking under the avoiding to call me Commander-in- 
Chief anywliere, but only Admiral of the White, tho', at the same time, Letters had 
passed thro' my hands, directed to Vice- Admiral Martin (whom, by my tirst orders, I 
was to take under my Command), stiling him Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's 
Ships in the Soundings. But your letter, Sir, has now explained the whole to me." 
The controversy led the Admiralty to quote what it believed to be a precedent for its 
action, whereupon, in a letter of December 6th, Vernon wrote : " I am now come to the 
last part of your letter in answer to mine of the first, and was pleased to tind you had 
quoted the precedent of Sir John Ncrris's case in the year 1740. Sir John Norris 
thought it right to appoint two officers on a vacancy that happened under his command, 
and, 1 dare answer for him, would not have thought it right ; but, as he judged it for 
his Majesty's Service, and that Ins predecessors had done it before him, and I don't 
think anyone will say that Lord Orford, Sir George Eooke, Sir Clowdisley Shovell, Lord 
Aylmer, Lord Berkeley, Lord Torrington, and Sir Charles "Wager, have not done the 
same. Sir John Norris thought it so much a right in him, that, when a pirson was 
sent down by the Board to supersede a warrant granted by him, he sent the person 
back with his warrant, and he was not received while he commanded, but when the 
service was over, and he returned to town, their Lordships superseded liim, so that his 
acquiescence was necessity, not approbation. And I hope the haughty temper of the 
noble Lord that presided at the Board at that time, will not be thought a fit precedent 
to be followed by their Lordships." Again, on December 13th : " As to what I am so 
politely acquainted with, that their Lordships have appointed a gunner to the Poole 
after my having informed their Lordships that I had warranted the gunner of the 
Sheerness to that ship, I must acquaint you in answer — it was what I little expected — 
and that I am determined to follow the example of Sir John Norris, and not permit that 
indignity to be put on me while I remain in command here, but when he arrives, shall 
civilly send him back again. That officer that don't pique himself on supporting his 
own honour, and the dignity of the commission he holds under his Majesty, may not 
be the likeliest to defend the honour of his Prince and the Security of his Country 
against the face of his enemies, and I will, therefore, iiever take the fatal step of 
abandoning my own honour." And on December 14th : " A private Colonel in the 
Army, who has no command but his regiment, shall be allowed to fill up most of the 
vacancies for ensigns in his regiment, and the poor slighted admiral bearing his 
Majesty's flag at main-topmast head, and in actual command, shall be denied the 
filling up the low vacancy of a gunner ! " The only result of this condition of things 
was Vernon's super.session, on December 26th. He was succeeded by Vice-Adm. Wm. 
Martin (1). Immediately after his supersession, he engaged in controversial pamphlet- 
eering, and, according to general belief, was responsible for two somewhat plain-spoken 
pamphlets, respectively entitled, ' A Specimen of Naked Truth from a British Sailor,' 
and 'Some Sensible Advice from a Common Sailor, to whom it might have Concerned, 
for the Service of the Crown and Country.' He was summoned to the Admiralty to 
deny the authorship of these productions, but as he did not choose to do so, he was 
informed, on April 11th, 1746, that the King had been pleased to direct their Lordships 
to strike his name from the list of flag-oflicers. Thus ended the service career of a 
great and honourable officer, who owed his fall to his 2:)etulance and pugnacity. — Letter- 
book in Author's Coll.; the pamphlets above mentioned; and 'Original Letters to an 
Honest Sailor ' (published by Vernon after his dismissal from the service). 



1745.] ESCAPE OF THE YOUNG PBETENDER. 113 

Nore Captain the Hon. Edward Boscawen commanded : at Ply- 
mouth, Captain Savage Mostyn. A further squadron cruised in the 
Channel under Vice- Admiral William Martin (1) ; and Eear-Admiral 
the Hon. John Byng went northward, and, by means of his cruisers, 
greatly annoyed the rebels on the Scots coast. 

The Young Pretender reached Derby, but then lost heart and 
retreated to await reinforcements. In Scotland for a time he won 
more successes, but the assured British command of the sea really 
made his enterprise almost hopeless from the first ; for even his 
private sympathisers in France could not aid him with supplies, 
such vessels as they dispatched being almost invariably snapped up 
by British cruisers. Yet individual loyalty, after the disaster at 
Culloden, saved the Prince from capture, in spite of the fact that 
the Government had set a price of .£30,000 upon his head. He 
reached the Hebrides, and, after suffering great distresses, was taken 
on board a French privateer, the Bellone, on September 20th, 1746. 
This vessel had been sent on purpose from St. Malo by some of his 
French friends. She reached Eoscoff, a small port in Brittany, on 
September 29th, not, however, without having very narrowly 
escaped capture by a British cruiser in the Channel. It is worth 
mentioning that she was at least the third vessel which had been 
sent to Scotland to rescue him. Two large French privateers, one 
of 34 and the other of 32 guns, had anchored off the coast of 
Lochaber in the previous April, with the object of picking up 
fugitives from the rebel army. They had been there discovered by 
Captain Thomas Noel of the Greyhound, 20 ; but, though he had 
been joined by the Baltimore and Terror sloops, and had then 
attacked them, they had succeeded in beating him off and in 
carrying away several of the rebel chiefs. 

The expedition against Louisbourg assembled at Boston, Massa- 
chusetts, and the troops were there embarked, with all the necessary 
stores, on board eighty transports. It was convoyed by eight 
privateers of twenty guns, and ten small vessels ; and it sailed on 
March 20th, 1745, arriving at Canso on April 4th. This was 
immediately after it had become known in New England that 
Commodore Warren had received orders to co-operate in the under- 
taking. The expedition reached Canso before the Commodore, 
and Mr. Pepperel wisely employed his time in exercising and 
drilling his troops. Meanwhile Mr. John Rous, master of the 
Shirley Galley, the largest of the privateers, proceeded off the 

VOL. III. I 



114 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-17C2. 



[1745. 



harbour of Louisbourg to intercept supplies intended for the place. 
That he did so was fortunate, for the French Government, hearing 
of the projected attack, had hastily despatched the Benommee, 32, 
one of its fastest frigates, commanded by the celebrated Kersaint, ^ 
with dispatches for Louisbourg. On April 18th, she sighted Eous's 
blockading squadron, which very pluckily attacked her and forced 




VICE-ADMIRAL SIR PETER WARREN, K.B. 
{Front a lithograpU by Ridley i7i the 'Naval Chronicle! 1804.) 

her to fly, greatly disabled. In her flight she encountered some 
transports, which, escorted by a privateer, were on their way to join 
Pepperel. These she attacked, Init the privateer defended them so 
well that once more she made sail and got away. The Benommee 
had finally to return to France without having effected her purpose. 
Commodore Warren's squadron from the West Indies reached 



' A biographical note concerning this gallant officer will be foimd on jip. 219, 220 of 
tiie present volume. 



1745.] CAPTURE OF LOUISBOURG. 115 

Canso on April 2'2nd and 23rd, and consisted of His Majesty's ships 
Superb, 60, Captain Thomas Somers, bearing the Commodore's broad 
pennant ; Eltham, 40, Captain Phihp Dm'ell (1) ; Launceston, 40, 
Captain Warwick Cahnady ; and Mermaid, 40, Captain James 
Douglas (1). In the com'se of the subsequent operations, it was 
joined by several other vessels. Warren lost no time in landing 
and in conferring with Mr. Pepperel. Returning on board, he sailed 
again, and effectually blockaded the harbour of Louisbourg. The 
troops at Canso were re-embarked on April 29th, conveyed to Gabarus 
Bay, near Louisbourg, and landed on the morning of the 30th. The 
French garrison was discontented and mutinous, and its officers 
were tyrannical and corrupt, so that M. de Chambon, the Governor, 
feared to attack the invaders after they had inflicted one small check 
upon him. Thus, the expedition had leisure to establish itself 
ashore and to rapidly become disciplined and formidable. In the 
meantime, the Benommee had returned to France with the news 
of what was going on, whereupon the French Government hastily 
despatched the Vigilante, 64, with stores for the threatened fortress. 
She was, however, intercepted and captured by Warren's squadron 
on May 19th. A general attack by land and sea upon Louisbourg 
was imminent, when on June 28th the place surrendered. The 
British lost during the operations only 101 killed, while the French 
loss was 300. 

With Louisbourg fell the whole of Cape Breton. The conquest 
was of immense importance. It not only destroyed a nest of French 
privateers, but it also relieved the British fishermen on the banks 
of Newfoundland from much dangerous rivalry. Moreover, it had 
a great moral effect upon the Indians throughout North America. 
Those who had taken part in it were fittingly and liberally rewarded. 
Warren was promoted to be Eear-Admiral of the Blue, Governor 
Shirley, of Massachusetts, was made a colonel, and Mr. William 
Pepperel, besides also being made a colonel, was created a baronet of 
Great Britain. Nor were the sailors neglected. The Shirley Galley 
was purchased by the Government, and added to the Navy as a 
post ship ; and her late master, Mr. John Rous, was presented with 
a post-captain's commission and aj)pointed to her. Finally, the 
Colonists were reimbursed by Parliament for all the expenses which 
they had incurred in connection with the expedition. 

The despatch of Vice-Admiral Thomas Davers with reinforce- 
ments to the West Indies has already been mentioned. Upon 

I 2 



116 MA JOE OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1745. 

the French Ministry hearing of it, it also sent thither a strong 
reinforcement, under the Chevaher de Caylus, who arrived at 
Martinique on March 28th, 1745. Xo sooner was the British 
Ministry advised of its departure, than it ordered Vice-Admiral 
William Kowley, then in command in the Mediterranean, to detach 
to the West Indies a considerable division under Yice-Admiral 
Isaac Townsend (2), who left Gibraltar on August 2nd, and arrived 
off Martinique on October 3rd. He fell in, on October 31st, with a 
squadron of ships of war and store ships, destined to further 
reinforce the French ; and, chasing it, ultimately took or destroyed 
upwards of thirty out of about forty sail. 

In the Mediterranean, Vice-Admiral W^illiam Eowley blockaded 
the Spaniards in Cartagena, while Eear-Admiral Henry Medley 
watched the coasts of Italy and prevented supplies from reaching 
the Spanish Army there. Commodore Henry shorn observed the 
French Brest squadron, which lay at Cadiz. When Genoa threw 
in her lot with the House of Bourbon, Commodore Thomas Cooper 
was detached to bombard the ports of that Republic, and he caused 
several of them to suffer very severely. The difficulties of Genoa 
induced the Corsicans to make an effort to throw off the Genoese 
yoke and to seek British and Sardinian assistance ; whereupon 
Commodore Cooper went to Corsica, and on November 17th, 1745, 
anchored off Bastia. The place was bombarded until the 19th, 
when the ships relinquished the attack, and withdrew, Cooper 
despairing of the arrival of the promised Corsican assistance. But 
his action was a little premature ; for one of the rebel chiefs, the 
Marchese de Rivarole, had already arrived, and, just after the 
disappearance of the British, threatened the town with such good 
effect, that the Chevalier de Mari, the representative of Genoese 
authority, finding the defences untenable in consequence of the 
damage that had already been received by them from the British 
squadron, carried off his garrison by sea. A little later Commodore 
Cooper sent to Corsica Captain the Hon. George Townshend, who 
discovered that the Genoese held only a few towns, and that the 
island was in a fair way of falling into the hands of the patriots. 

The success at Louisbourg directed attention to the importance 
of British interests in North America, and in 1746 suggested fresh 
undertakings in that quarter. An attack on Quebec was projected, 
and it was proposed to utilise for the purpose the colonial troops, 
which had done so well at Cape Breton in the previous year, 



1746.] THE FRENCH IN NORTH AMERICA. 117 

strengthening them of course by means of large detachments from 
England. Preparations were made, and troops were assembled at 
Portsmouth and even embarked ; but various causes detained the 
fleet at Spithead until too late in the season, and the enterprise was, 
for a time, abandoned. Eumours of the intentions of the Govern- 
ment had, as was usual in those days, promptly reached the ears of 
the French Ministry, which decided to retaliate for the threatened 
British invasion of Canada by a descent upon Nova Scotia. In 
pursuance of this determination a large force was sent across the 
Atlantic under the Due d'Anville. 

British public opinion had been much attracted by the Quebec 
idea, and was greatly disgusted by the failure of the expedition to 
sail. To pacify the people, it was hinted that the troops which 
had been assembled were not to remain unemployed ; and, a 
little later, as will be seen, they were directed upon the coast 
of France. 

The French fleet of eleven sail of the line and fifty-gun ships, 
three frigates, three fireships and two bomb-vessels, under the Due 
d'Anville, with transports and storeships containing 3500 troops, 
sailed from Brest on June 22nd, 1746, and arrived off the coast of 
Nova Scotia on September 10th. But on its passage it was much 
damaged and weakened by a violent storm. Vice-Admiral Isaac 
Townsend, who was then at Louisbourg, had with him an inferior 
force, but had the advantage of assistance from New England, and 
of a well fortified base. The sudden dea.th of d'Anville depressed the 
spirits of the French expedition, and although the enemy did land, he 
soon decided not to prosecute the object for which he had crossed the 
Atlantic. D'Anville's successor, M. Tournel, a man of impetuous 
temper, could not agree with the resolutions of the majority of his 
officers ; and, considering that if he retreated he would be dis- 
honoured, he solved his own difficulties by committing suicide, while 
at the same time he complicated the confusion into which his un- 
fortunate command had fallen. M. de La Jonquiere succeeded him ; 
but by that time, owing to delay and neglect, the troops had been 
almost exterminated by scurvy and by a small-pox epidemic. Some 
succour was therefore sent to Quebec, and the rest of the expedition, 
in a very bad case, returned to Europe. On the voyage several of 
the vessels composing it were snapped up by British cruisers. 

The troops which had been assembled at Portsmouth for the 
undertaking against Quebec were, as has been said transported to 



118 MAJOR OPEBATIONS, 1714-1702. [1746. 

the coast of France. Command of them had been given to Lieut. - 
General the Hon. James St. Clair, chiefly for the reason that, 
besides being an excellent officer, he had made a special study of 
the military position in Canada. When the destination of the 
expedition was altered, the command, perhaps unwisely, was not 
changed. The fleet destined to convoy the army was entrusted to 
Admiral Eichard Lestock (B.) The idea of the Government was 
that a descent upon the coast of Brittany might induce the French, 
who were very powerful in Flanders, to detach part of the army 
which was operating there under Marshal Saxe. But the affair 
was wretchedly managed. The General had no special knowledge ; 
the troops were unprepared for the service ; and no maps of the 
country to be attacked were provided. St. Clair asked for a map of 
Brittany, and the Government sent him, by express, a map of 
Gascony. Nor had the coast been properly reconnoitred. It was 
little known to any of the British naval officers of the time, and 
the charts of those days were very indifferent. 

Lestock detached Commodore Thomas Cotes to look in at Port 
Louis and neighbouring places, and to find some convenient spot 
for landing near L orient. With the main body of the fleet he 
himself sailed from St. Helen's on August 5th, but did not clear 
the coast of England until September 14th, nor reach that of France 
till September 19th, when Cotes rejoined him. A landing was in 
time effected, and the troops began to advance upon Lorient ; but 
the country was a close one, and greatly facilitated the guerilla 
operations of the French. Lorient, nevertheless, appeared to be 
disposed to treat ; and it would no doubt have surrendered to the 
British commander if he had been inclined to deal leniently. Yet 
as he would accept all or nothing, the place sturdily prepared to 
defend itself. The siege was begun in a partial and ineffectual way ; 
but so many necessary supplies were wanting that progress was 
very slow, and, though the sailors from the fleet co-operated with 
marvellous energy, the enterprise was at last concluded to be 
impracticable and the troops were re-embarked, very sickly from 
the consequences of exposure, on September 30th. At a council of 
war the project of a landing in Quiberon Bay was discussed and 
rejected, but on October 1st, Lestock received so favourable a report 
from Captain Thomas Lake of the Exeter, of the anchorage there, 
that he and General St. Clair decided, in spite of the resolutions of 
the council of war, to proceed and there await reinforcements from 



1746.] LA BOURDONNAIS TO INDIA. 119 

England, meanwhile harassing the enemy whenever possible. The 
fleet sailed, and some troops were landed and works erected ; but, 
after • hesitation and paltering, the forces were re-embarked. Mean- 
time the isles of Houat and Hoedic had been reduced and the 
fortifications upon them destroyed. The troops were ultimately 
sent under convoy to Ireland, and Lestock, with the bulk of the 
fleet, returned to England. No glory was won, but the expedition 
partially attained its original object, for orders were actually sent to 
Marshal Saxe from Paris, directing him to despatch troops to 
Brittany. These did not, however, reach him until he had so well 
established his position in Flanders as to be well able to afford to 
weaken himself. 

At the time of the commencement of the active alliance between 
the French and Spaniards, M. La Bourdonnais, governor of the Isle 
of France, happened to be at Versailles. He was a most far-sighted 
administrator and capable soldier, and, had his advice been followed, 
the fate of India might have been very different from what it has 
been. He advised his Government to send a strong squadron to the 
Indian seas, so as to be ready for all eventualities. A squadron of 
five sail of the line was accordingly collected, and command of it 
was entrusted to La Bourdonnais himself. He was given great 
powers over the officers of the French East India Company in 
India ; and the Company became anxious concerning its rights and 
privileges as soon as he had sailed. The directors persuaded the 
French Ministry that hostilities in India were not likely, and that, 
the representatives of the two countries there being exclusively 
traders, it was unwise in the highest degree to provoke ill-will where 
neutrality would, in all probability, be observed if no aggressive 
measures were taken. The squadron was accordingly recalled ; but 
La Bourdonnais himself proceeded, and, with the slender resources 
he possessed, he assembled a motley squadron, which included only 
one king's ship, the Achille, 70. With her and seven other vessels, 
armed merchantmen, he sailed for the coast of Coromandel. 

Commodore Curtis Barnet, who had gone to Madras in the 
beginning of 1746, would have been a worthy opponent even for so 
great a man as La Bourdonnais ; and he was preparing to take 
active measures against the French, when, on April 29th, he died. 
His successor. Commodore Edward Peyton, was apparently a less 
energetic and capable officer. He was cruising between Fort St. 
David and Negapatam when, on June 25th, he sighted the French 



120 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1746. 



squadron.^ M. La Bourdonnais, though conscious that his ships in 
strength of armament and in discipHne were very inferior to the 
British, decided to utihse the only superiority which he possessed, 
the superiority in men, and to attempt to board. During the earher 
part of the day there was httle breeze ; and Peyton, who probably 
grasped the idea of the French admiral, kept as near the wind 
as possible, so that the two fleets were unable to come to close 
action. Not until four in the afternoon did they begin to engage ; 
and even then the firing was maintained at such a distance that 
little damage was done to either side. Peyton might have an- 
nihilated his foe had he ventured sufficientl}^ close to take full 
advantage of the stouter scantling of his ships, and of the heavier 
guns which they carried. But he did not attack "svith dash ; and at 
dusk the action ceased, the British having lost fourteen men killed 
and forty-six wounded, and the enemy twentj^-seven killed and fifty- 
three wounded. The British vessel which suffered chiefly was the 
Medway's Prize. On the' other side, the Insulaire was so badly 
mauled that, immediately after the action, La Bourdonnais had to 
order her away to repair. Peyton's behaviour gave great umbrage 
to the East India Company ; but no one ever brought any specific 
charge against the commodore. Commodore Thomas Griffin (1) 
afterwards superseded him, put him under arrest, and sent him 
home ; but the matter went no further. 

^ Squadbons of Commodore Peytox and M. La Bourdoxnais in 
THE Action of Juke 25th, 1746. 



Ships. 



British. 



Guns. 



Commanders. 



Medway 

Preston . 
Winchester . 
Harwich 
Medvjay's Prize 

Lively . 



60 

50 
50 
50 
40 



1270 



|Comniod. Edward Peytcm. 
\Capt. Henry Kosewell. 

„ George, Earl of Xorthesk. 

„ Lord Thomas Bertie. 

„ Philip Carteret (1). 

„ Thomas Griffin (2), actg. 
j „ Nathaniel Stephens, 
i actii. 



Frenxh. 



Ships. 



Ach ille 

Due d^ Orleans 
Bourhon . 
Neptune . 
Phenix . 
St. Louis . 
Lys . . 
Lisulaire 



Guns ' „„„, 

P^IJf^ momited. 



74 

56 
56 

54 
54 
44 
40 
30 



60 
26 
36 
34 
34 
30 
34 
28 



0(^0 



iSome French accounts mention another armed vessel, the Renoimnee, 28, as having 
been with La Bourdonnais, in addition to the ships named above. The British official 
account also mentions a ninth ship, name unknown, mounting, however, 20 guns only. 
All the French ships, however, except the AchiUe, were merely improvised men-of-war, 
and were, in that respect, greatly inferior to the British. 



1746.] PEYTON'S INEFFICIENCY. 121 

The activity of La Bourdonnais was hampered by the jealousy 
of M. Dupleix, Governor in India for the French East India 
Company. Dissensions continually arose owing to the natural 
complications of authority ; and the naval commander could obtain 
scarcely any help from the civil one. La Bourdonnais, neverthe- 
less, made shift to refit, and on July 24th sailed again from 
Pondicherry and worked to the southward. On August 6th he 
sighted the British squadron, which was returning from Trincomale, 
where it had refitted. Peyton avoided action, and, after three days 
of futile manoeuvres, made sail and disappeared. This conduct 
encouraged La Bourdonnais to plan an attack upon Madras. He 
was taken ill and had to remain at Pondidierry ; but his squadron 
appeared before the place on August 15th ^ and bombarded it. The 
guns, however, produced little effect upon the town ; nor did the 
French sacceed in an attempt to capture the Princess Mary, East 
Indiaman, which lay in the road. 

One of the objects of the British squadron in the East Indies 
was of course to be a protection to British settlements and British 
trade ; yet it did not proceed to the succour of Madras. Peyton, 
lying in Pulicat Eoad, thirty miles to the northward, heard, on 
August 25th, of what had happened in the previous week ; but, 
instead of going to the rescue of the threatened town, he went 
to Bengal, his excuse being that the Medtvay's Prize was very leaky 
and needed repairs. La Bourdonnais was thus induced to proceed. 
On September 3rd his squadron disembarked troops, and on the 
7th a bombardment of Madras by land and sea was begun. On 
the 10th the place capitulated, upon the understanding that it 
should subsequently be ransomed. On September 27th, while still 
before Madras, La Bourdonnais was reinforced by three ships of 
the line from Europe, the Centaure, 74, Mars, 56, and BriUant, 50. 
His operations were still hampered by the interference of Dupleix ; 
but, on October 1st, he was able to send off two of his vessels with 
booty, etc., to Pondicherry. It was fortunate that he did so, for 
otherwise he would probably have lost almost all his squadron. On 
the night of October 2nd there was a great storm ; and, in the course 
of it, the Due cVOrleans, Phenix, and Lys foundered, and about 
twelve hundred men were lost with them. Two prizes, the Mermaid 
and the Advice, shared the same fate, and the flagship, Achille, and 

^ An account issued by the Hon. E. I. C. says that the eueuiy appeared at Madras 
on Au2;ust 10th. 



122 MAJOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1746. 

two other vessels were dismasted. In fact, every craft in the road- 
stead either sank or suffered most severely. 

In regard to the promised ransom of the town, La Bourdonnais 
behaved throughout like a man of honour ; but Dupleix seems 
never to have intended that the conditions should be carried out ; 
and when La Bourdonnais had gone to Mauritius, on his way home 
to France, Dupleix, to the astonishment of many even of his own 
officers, caused the treaty to be declared void. The arrival of 
Commodore Thomas Griffin (1) from England soon afterwards, com- 
pelled the French to desist from a projected attack on Fort St. 
David, and to withdraw nearly all their forces to Pondicherry. 

On the Leeward Islands' station, Vice-Admiral Isaac Townsend 
commanded at the beginning of 1746 ; but very early in the year 
he was ordered to proceed with the gi'eater part of his squadron 
to Louisbourg. He sailed from St. Kitt's in January, and, on his 
way, met with so violent a storm that all his ships except two, 
the Princesa and Ipswich, were obliged to return, and those two, 
terribly disabled, had to bear away for England. The Ipswich, 
which reached Plymouth on April '22nd, was only saved by a 
most brilliant display of seamanship, after her crew had suffered 
great hardships. 

When Vice-Admiral Townsend had refitted, he again sailed for 
Louisbourg, leaving Commodore the Hon. Fitzroy Henry Lee in 
command in the West Indies. Lee was ultimately superseded by 
Commodore the Hon. Edward Legge. Both Lee and Legge w'ere 
unfortunate in their attempts to intercept French convoys, several 
of which, under the care of M. de Conflans, escaped them. On 
one occasion, as will be seen, Conflans would have come off badly 
but for the cowardice of Commodore Cornelius Mitchell. On 
another occasion, he fell in with the British Leeward Islands' 
convoy, escorted by the Severn, 50, Captain William Lisle, and 
the WooUoich, 50, Captain Joseph Lingen. Lisle, who was the 
senior officer, ordered the convoy to disperse and each vessel to 
shift for herself. Conflans, in the Terrible, 74, with another ship 
of the line, chased him, and after three hours' action, obliged the 
Severn to strike ; but the Woolwich got away, and none of the 
convoy were taken. Lisle's action was considered so creditable 
that, after his exchange, he was at once given the command of 
a larger ship, the Vigilant, 64. 

At Jamaica, Vice-Admiral Davers commanded until his death ; 



1740.] MITCHELVS INEFFICIENCY. 123 

but, being very ill with gout, had to depute Captain Cornelius 
Mitchell to go in search of M. de Conflans, who was expected with 
a convoy of ninety merchantmen at Cape Francois. Mitchell had 
four sail of the line, a frigate, and a sloop ^ ; Conflans had but four 
vessels in all '" ; and Mitchell's superiority, though small, should, 
perhaps, have sufficed. Mitchell sighted the convoy on August 3rd 
off Cape St. Nicolas ; but, as promptly as possible, he ordered his 
ships to close, and held a council of war. It was thereupon resolved 
to wait till daylight before bearing down upon the enemy ; but, on 
the following morning, Mitchell was so backward in bringing on 
an engagement, in spite of the evident willingness of Conflans, that 
at 4 P.M. the squadrons had not exchanged a shot. At that hour 
everything was in his favour, and the breeze was fair ; but he 
hauled to the wind and shortened sail. The enemy, after he had 
recovered from his astonishment, gave chase ; and his • headmost 
ship overhauled the Lenox, 64, at about 8 p.m., and fought her, 
without result, for an hour and a half. Mitchell that night ordered 
his ships to proceed without lights, and laid his course for Jamaica, 
where, on October 16th, owing to the death of Vice-Admiral Davers, 
the command devolved upon hnn. His behaviour having been 
represented to the Admiralty, he was superseded, and was tried 
at Jamaica by court-martial on January 28th following. The court 
convicted him of cowardice and neglect of duty ; but less severe 
than many of the naval courts of that period, sentenced him only 
to be mulcted of five years' pay, adjudging him at the same time 
to be incapable of again serving in the Navy. 

In the Mediterranean during 1746 a large fleet, under Vice- 
Admiral Henry Medley and Kear-Admiral the Hon. John Byng, 
offered much assistance to the Austrians and their allies, and co- 
operated with success with the army which, under General Browne, 
crossed the Var on December 1st. A detachment of small vessels 
under Captain Hugh Forbes, of the Phoenix, 20, and Commander 
William Martin (2), of the Terrible, 6, lent valuable aid to the 
troops. Medley also blockaded Antibes, assisted in the capture of 
Ste. Marguerite, and lent help to the insurgents in Corsica. 

The year 1747 was upon the whole very successful for Great 

Strafford, 60, Capt. Cornelius Mitchell ; Lenox, 64, Capt. Peter Lawrence ; 
Plymoutli, 60, Capt. Digby Dent (2) ; Worcester, 60, Ca^it. Thomas Andrews (2) ; 
Milford, 44, Capt. Edward Eich ; and Brake, 14, Commander Edward Clark (1). 
^ Terrible, 74; Neptune, 74; Alcion, 50; and Gloire, 40. 



124 MAJOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1747. 

Britain, although it witnessed some check to the cause of Britain's 
aUies in the Mediterranean. The x\ustrians were obhged, hy 
Marshal Belleisle, to recross the Var ; and the Genoese succeeded 
in defeating the patriots in Corsica, and in driving them to the 
interior of the island. On the other hand, Yice-Admiral Medley 
not only maintained the blockade of Cartagena, but also intercepted 
a French expedition from Toulon to Genoa. Medley died in Vado 
Bay on August 5th, when Bear-Admiral the Hon. John Byng 
succeeded to the command. 

In the East Indies, Bear-Admiral Thomas Griffin kept M. 
Dupleix on the defensive, and, at Madras, took and burnt the 
Neptune, 34, which had been left there by M. La Bourdonnais. 
At Jamaica, Captain Digby Dent (2) commanded until the aiTival of 
Bear-Admiral Charles Knowles. On the Leeward Islands' station. 
Commodore the Hon. Edward Legge commanded until his death 
on September 9th, 1747, and was succeeded by Captain George 
Pocock. On each of these stations the cruisers were successful as 
well as active, but all the great naval transactions of the year 
happened on the Atlantic coasts of Europe. 

France fitted out two considerable squadrons ; one under the 
Marquis de La Jonquiere, intended for the recovery of Cape Breton, 
and the other under M. Grou de St. Georges, of the French East 
India Company's service, for co-operation in the conquest of British 
settlements on the coast of Coromandel. It was arranged that, in 
order the more surely to escape the dangers presented by British 
naval superiority in the home seas, the two squadrons should depart 
from France together and proceed for some distance in compan5\ 

The projects of the French were known in England ; and a 
squadron, under Vice-Admiral George Anson and Bear-Admiral Peter 
Warren, was specially fitted out to checkmate them. The forces 
which were ultimately opposed one to the other are set forth in the 
note^ (p. 125). The French had with them a convoy, which brought 
the total number of their sail up to thirty-eight. M. de St. Georges 
left Groix in March, but, after suffering some losses from British 
cruisers and from very bad weather, had to put into the road of 
Isle d'Aix. La Jonquiere there joined him and the two finally sailed 
on April 29th. Anson and Warren had left England on April 9th 
and had proceeded off Cape Finisterre, where, on May 3rd, the Cape 
bearing S.E., distant twenty-four leagues, they sighted the French. 
La Jonquiere thereupon caused twelve of his best ships to shorten 



1747.] 



ANSON AND BE LA JONQUIERE. 



125 



sail aiid form a line of battle ahead, while the rest stretched to the 
westward and crowded every possible stitch of canvas. Anson also 
made signal for a line of battle, believing apparently that he was in 
the presence of a more formidable squadron than was really before 
him ; but, at Warren's instance, he substituted the signal for a 
general chase. La Jonquiere was but ill-supported. Several of the 
French East India ships, especially the Vigilant and Modeste, and 
later the Thetis and Apollon, looked to nothing but the idea of saving 
themselves. It is useless to examine the tactical details of an action 
of this kind. Suffice to say, that, after a running fight lasting from 
4 to 7 P.M., in which several of the French captains behaved with 
great courage and others conducted themselves with equal cowardice, 
all the ships which had remained in the French line struck. At 
7 P.M. Anson brought to, and detached the Monmouth, Yarmouth 
and Nottingham in pursuit of the convoy, which then bore W. by 
S.W., distant about five leagues, and which had been followed and 
observed during the action by the Falcon. These ships captured the 
Vigilant, the Modeste and the Dartmouth, once a British privateer, 
together with six of the convoy. Night saved the rest. 



^ Action between Vice-Admiral Anson and M. de La Jonquieee, 

May 3ed, 1747. 
The account of the action, as well as the following list, is based upon the British and 
French disjiatches, and especially upon the papers of La Jonquiere in the Archives 
de la Marine, and upon the i-eport of La Galernerie. 



British. 


FUENCH. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanders. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanders. 






iVice- Admiral George 


Diamante . . . 


30 


Capt. de Hocquart. 


Prince George . . 


90 


i Anson. 


PhiUbert 2 3 . . 


30 


„ Larr. 






(Capt. John Bentley. 


Vigilantes. . . 


20 


„ Vaimeulou. 






jRear-Admiral Peter 
'. Warren. 


Chimene 3 . . . 


36 


? 


Devon shire 'i . . 


66 


PMbis - (en fliite) . 


52 


„ Macarty. 






leapt. Temple West. 


Jason - . . . . 


50 


„ Beccart. 


Namur ' . 


74 


,, Hon. Edward Bos - 
cawen. 


Si-rieux 2 . . . 


64 


(M. de La Jonquiere, Capt. 
I d'Aubigny. 










Monmouth . 


64 


,, Henry Harrison. 


Invincible- . 


74 


Capt. Grou de St, Georges. 


Prince Frederick . 


64 


„ Harry Norris. 


Apollon -s . . . 


30 


,, Noel. 


Tarmouih i . . 


64 


„ Piercy Brett (1). 


Thetis ^3 . . . 


22 


,, jVIasson. 


Princess Louisa . 


«0 


,, Charles Watson. 


Modeste -3 . . . 


18 


,, Thiercelin. 


Nottingham . . 


60 


,, Philip de Saumarez. 


Gloirc-i .... 


40 


,, de Saliez. 


Defiance i . . . 


611 


„ Thomas Grenville. 








Pembroke I . . . 
Windsor'^ . . . 


«0 
60 


,, Thomas Fincher. 
„ Thomas Hanuay. 


Emeraude* . . . 


40 


f , , de la Jonquiere de 
I TafTailel. 


Centurion i . . . 


50 


,, Peter Denis. 


Dartmouth -f . . 


18 


> 


Falkland . . . 


50 


/ ,, Bloomfield Barra- 
\ dell. 








Bristol^ . . . 


50 


1 „ Hon. William 
{ Montagti. 








Ambuscade . . . 


40 


,, John Montagu. 








falcon .... 


10 


fCommander Richard 
I Gwynn. 








Vulcan (fireship) . 


8 


fCommander William 
I Pettigrew. 









1 These ships only were engaged. 

2 Taken. 



3 These ships belonged to the French East India Company. 
■< With the convoy but not in line of battle. 



126 , MAJOR OPEEATIONS, 1714-1762. [1747. 

The battle, considering its nature, was a costly one. The French 
lost about 700 killed and wounded, and the British, 520. Among the 
French officers killed was Captain de Saliez, and among those 
wounded were La Jonquiere himself and d'Aubigny, his flag captain. 
On the British side Captain Thomas Gren villa, of the Defiance, 
was killed, and Captain Boscawen, of the Namur, wounded. The 
victors found specie to the value of ii300,000 on board the prizes. 
For this service Anson was created a peer, and "Warren, a K.B. All 
the men-of-war taken, and also the East Indiaman Thetis, were 
purchased into the Eoyal Navy. The name of the Serieux was 
changed to Intrepid, and that of the Diamant to Isis. 

The victory was valuable if not exactly brilliant. Commenting 
upon it, and upon the other great action of the year, Captain Mahan 
says : 

" Two encounters between Englisli and French sc|uaflrons happened during the year 
1717, completing the destruction of the French fighting navy. In both cases the 
English were decidedly superior, and though there was given opportunity for some 
brilliant fighting by particular ca^jfains, and for the display of heroic endurance on the 
part of the French, greatly outnumbered, but resisting to the last, only one tactical 
lesson is aflbrded. This lesson is that, when the enemy, either as the result of battle, 
or from original inequality, is greatly inferior in force, obliged to fly without standing 
on the order of his flying, the regard otherwise due to order must be, in a measure at 
least, dismissed, and a general chase ordered." . ..." In both cases, the signal was 
made for a general chase, and the action which resulted was a mCdee. There was no 
opportunity for anything else; the one thing necessary was to overtake the running 
enemy, and that could only certainly be done by letting the fastest or best-situated 
ships get ahead, sure that the speed of the fastest pursuers is better than that of the 
slowest of the jiursued, and that, therefore, either the latter must be abandoned, or the 
whole force brought to bay." 

It would appear that in 1747 the Admiralty had begun to be 
better served by its intelligence officers than it had been earlier in 
the war ; and it is not the least merit of the administration that, on 
several important occasions, it was able to bring superior forces to 
bear upon its enemies. Anson's success was one result of this fore- 
knowledge ; the success of Captain Thomas Fox, to be noted in the 
next chapter, was another ; that of Kear- Admiral Edward Hawke, 
now to be recounted, was a third. 

Information was received in England that France was collecting 
in Basque Koad a huge convoy for the West Indies, and that a 
squadron of men-of-war had sailed from Brest to pick it up and 
escort it to its destination. Thereupon a squadron, under Hawke, 
was despatched from Plymouth to intercept it. It left Plymouth 
Sound on August Uth. The French left Isle d'Aix on October Gth ; 



1747.] 



HAWKE AND DE UETENDUERE. 



127 



and, on October 14tli at 7 a.m., were sighted in lat. 47° 49' N. and 
long. 1 ° 2 ' W., off Finisterre. Hawke made signal to chase, but at 
8 A.M., seeing the enemy's ships to be very numerous, many of them 
being large, he, as a measure of prudence, formed a line of battle 




COMMEMORATIVE MEDAL OF ANSON's VICTORY, 1747, AND OF HIS 
CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE WORLD, 1740-44. 

{From an original kindbj lent by H.S.H. Captain Prince Louis of Battcnherg, R.N.) 

ahead. ^ There were in fact no fewer than 252 merchantmen with 
the French squadron. Commodore de I'Etenduere, who at first 
mistook the British for part of his own convoy, no sooner discovered 
his mistake than he ordered the merchantmen to make the best of 
their way under the care of the Content, 64, and himself also formed 
a line of battle ahead. These manoeuvres informed Hawke as to 

^ Action between Eear-Admiral Hawke and M. de l'Etenduere, 

October 1-4th, 17-47. 



British. 


{ FkENX'H. 


Ships. 


Guns 


1 


Commanders. 


Ships. 


Guns. 




Commanders. 






iP 


ear-Admiral Edward 






(M. 


des Herbiers de 


Devonshire . . . 


66 


\ 


Hawke. 


Tonnant. . 


80 


1 I'Etenduere, Clief 






iCapt. John Moore (1). 


j d'Escadre. 


Kent 


74 




,, Thomas Fox. 






Capt 


. Duchaffault. 


Edinhurgh . . . 


70 




„ Thomas Cotes. 


Intrepide . . 


74 


,, 


de Vaudreuil. 


Yarmouth . . . 


64 




,, Charles Saunders. 


Trideut i . . . 


64 


,, 


d'.Vmblimont. 


Monmouth . 


64 




,, Henry Harrison. 


Terrible^ . . 


74 


^^ 


du Guay. 


Princess Louisa . 


60 




„ Charles AVatsou. 


Monarque i . . 


74 


It 


de La Bodoyere. 


Windsor. . . . 


60 




,, Thomas Hanway. 


Severn i . . 


56 


»» 


du Kouret. 


Lion 


to 




,, Arthur Scott. 


Fougueux i . . 


64 




lie Vignault. 


Tilbury .... 


6U 




,, Robert Httrlaud( '2). 


1 Neptune ' 


74 


jj 


de Fromeniieres. 


Nottingham . . 


60 




„ Philip de Saumarez. 










Defiance 


00 




„ John Bentley. 


Castor- . . . 


26 


,, 


d'Ossonville. 


Eagle .... 


60 


f 


,, George Brydges 
Rodney. 


j Content- . . 


04 


" 


? 


Gloucester . . . 


50 




„ Philip innell(i). 










Portland . . . 


50 




„ Charles Stevens. 










and 


some 


frigates. 










.  


L'akeu. 






■■^ With the 


convoy. 







128 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1747. 

the nature of the force before him, and induced him to haul down 
the signal for the line and to again make that for a general chase, 
following it half-an-hour later with the signal to engage. A running 
fight resulted. The French behaved with great spirit but were over- 
powered by sheer weight of numbers. They had in line but eight 
ships and of these six were taken. Towards night the Intrepide and 
Tonnant, finding that the day was lost, set all sail with a view 
to escaping. Their intention was perceived by the Yarmouth, 
Nottingham and Eagle, which, at the instance of Captain Saunders 
of the Yarmouth, and on their own responsibility, followed. These 
ships engaged the fugitives for an hour, in the course of which 
Captain Saumarez ^ of the Nottingham fell. The two French ships, 
though very badly damaged, succeeded in getting into Brest. At 
dark Hawke brought his ships to ; and in the morning, at a council 
of war, it was decided, in view of the mauled condition of the British 
^juadron, not to pursue the convoy. The Weazel, sloop, w^as, 
however, despatched to the AVest Indies, to apprise Commodore 
Pocock of the approach of the French ; and thanks to this precaution, 
many of their ships were ultimately taken. '■^ 

The French loss in the action was about 800 killed and wounded, 
among the former being Captain de Fromentieres of the Neptune. 
The British lost 154 killed, including Captain Saumarez, and 558 
wounded. As nearly all the vessels captured had been dismasted, 
it took some time to refit them ; but on October 31st, Hawke had 
the satisfaction of carrying them and his squadron into Portsmouth. 
A little later he was made a K.B. for his services. All the prizes, 
except the Neptune, were purchased into the Eoyal Navy. 

Hawke in his despatch had occasion to complain of Captain 
Thomas Fox of the Kent, who, in the action, when ordered by 
signal to make sail ahead after the Tonnant and to engage her, had 
failed to obey. Captain Fox was consequently tried by court-martial 
at Portsmouth on November 25th upon the charge that " he did not 
come properly into the fight, nor do his utmost to distress and 
damage the enemy, nor assist his Majesty's ships which did." 
Fox's personal courage was not impeached ; and there is no doubt 

' Philiii Saumarez, or de Saumarez. Born, 1710. Coinniauder, 1741. Captain, 
1743. Killed, as above, October 14tli, 1747. He had served with Anson in his voyage 
round the world, and had distinguished himself greatly, when already commanding 
the NottimjTiam, by his capture of the Mars, 64, in 1746. A monument to him is in 
Westminster Abbey. 

^ See next chapter. 



1747.] CRITICISM OF THE ACTION. 129 

that his faihire to obey orders was chiefly due to the faulty system 
of signals then in use. Both his first lieutenant and his master 
mistook the signal for close action for one to proceed to the assist- 
ance of the Admiral ; and he acted accordingly. The trial lasted 
until December '22nd, when the court came to the conclusion that 
" he had been guilty of backing his mizen-top-sail and leaving the 
Tonnant, contrary to the 10th and 11th Articles of AVar." He was 
acquitted of cowardice, but, because he had paid too much regard to 
the advice of his officers, contrary to his own better judgment, he was 
sentenced to be dismissed from the command of the Kent. Captain 
Fox, whose post-captain's commission dated from August 6th, 1737, 
and who always had been a good officer, was never again employed, 
but was superannuated as a Eear-Admiral in 1749. He died 
in 1763. 

Criticising the battle. Captain Mahan ^ says : 

" If . . . Hawke showed in his attack the judgment and dash which always 
distinguished that remarkable officer, it may be claimed for Commodore I'Etenduere that 
fortune, in assigning him the glorious disadvantage of numbers, gave liim also the 
leading part in the drama, and that he failed nobly." 

Troude, the French naval critic, remarks - of de I'Etenduere that : 

" he defended his convoy as on shore a position is defended, when the aim is to save 
an army corps, or to assure an evolution. He gave himself to be crushed. After an 
action that lasted from midday to 8 p.m., the convoy was saved, thanks to the obstinacy 
of the defence, and 250 ships were secured to their owners by the devotion of I'Eten- 
duere, and of the captains under his orders. This devotion cannot be questioned, for 
eij,ht ships liad but few chances of surviving an action with fourteen ; and not only did 
tlie commander of the eight accept an action which he might possibly have avoided, 
but also he knew how to inspire his lieutenants with trust in himself, for all suj^ported 
the fight with honour, and yielded at last, showing the most indisputable proofs of their 
fine and energetic defence." 

" The whole affair," concludes Mahan, " as conducted on both sides, affords an 
admirable study of how to follow up an advantage, original or secured, and of the 
results that may be obtained by a gallant, even hopeless defence, for the furtherance of 
a particular object." 

The squadron of Anson and Warren, as well as that of Hawke, 
cruised in the Channel and Bay after the actions above narrated, 
and took numerous prizes ; but an account of such smaller engage- 
ments as were fought in the course of the year may be reserved for 
the next chapter. 

The war had been very costly to France. The French Navy had 

' ' Influence of Sea Power,' 272. 
- ' Bats. Nav. de la France.' 

VOL. III. K 



130 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1748. 

been almost crushed, and French maritime trade had been ahnost 
ruined, though the armies of France had been successful on land. 
But all the Powers engaged were to some extent weary of the 
conflict ; and it was therefore felt, when a Congress met at Aix-la- 
Chapelle to consider the terms of an arrangement, that there was 
every prospect of the conclusion of a satisfactory peace. In the 
meantime, Great Britain did not relinquish, nor even diminish, her 
preparations to continue the struggle. In 1748, as in previous years, 
all ships, as the}^ became ready for sea, were put into commission. 
Squadrons were sent to cruise at various times in home waters, 
under Vice-Admirals Sir Peter Warren and Sir Edward Hawke, and 
Bear-Admiral William Chambers. Commodore the Hon. George 
Townshend watched the coast of Flanders ; Vice- Admiral the Hon. 
John Byng remained in the Mediterranean ; and in the West Indies 
Bear-Admiral Charles Knowles and Commodore George Pocock, let 
slip no opportunity of annoying the enemy. 

Bear- Admiral the Hon. Edward Boscawen had been sent out in 
1747, as Commander-in-Chief, to the East Indies, and had taken 
with him reinforcements to the station. Before his arrival, Bear- 
Admiral Thomas Griffin (1) had received three additional ships from 
England, so that his squadron consisted of three 60's, three 50's, 
three 40's, and one 20, and was considerably superior to the French 
force in the same seas. But Mr. Griffin had been outwitted and 
out-manoeuvred by the French commander-in-chief, M. Bouvet, 
who, in spite of him, had thrown troops into Madras. 

The French ministry was warned of Boscawen's departure from 
England ; and M. Dupleix, being advised from home, took such 
measures as he could to meet the Bear-Admiral, who had with him 
six ships of the line or 50's, and four smaller craft, and who 
convoyed eleven ships of the East India Company with 1500 
soldiers on board. Boscawen reached the Cape of Good Hope in 
March, 1748, and was there joined by six Dutch East Indiamen, 
having on board 400 troops. On May 18th he sailed again, and on 
June 23rd, after a troublesome voyage, sighted Mauritius, which he 
had decided to make an attempt upon. The island had been 
informed by Dupleix of its danger, and was to some extent prepared, 
though it was but ill garrisoned. On the 25th, after having 
reconnoitred the coast, Boscawen decided to abandon the project 
and to proceed to Coromandel. Had he known how few troops were 
in the island, ho would certainly have persisted, and would probably 



1748.] 



BOSOAWEN IN THE EAST INDIES. 



131 



have been successful ; for the works, though strong, could not be 
properly manned.^ 

The Dutch convoy parted company at Mauritius, and proceeded 
for Batavia ; and Boscawen, on June 27th, sailed for Fort St. David 
(Cuddalore), where he arrived on July 29th. There he met Eear- 
Admiral Griffin, who, in the meantime, had been promoted to be 
Vice-Admiral, and who soon afterwards returned to England by way 
of Trincomale with part of his command. 

Besides the naval force, Boscawen had under him many 
armed East Indiamen, and 3240 troops, including sepoys but not 
including Marines. Indeed, he was m a position to dispose of 
5220 men to act on shore ; and, in addition, 2000 native auxiliary 
cavalry were placed at his service for the contemplated siege of 
Pondicherry, whither Boscawen presently proceeded. Leaving 
Captain Wilham Lisle in command of the squadron, he landed to 
direct the operations on shore. Early in August the army closed 
round the town, which was closely blockaded from seaward by 
the Exeter, Chester, Pemhroke and Sivalloiv. An assault upon one 
of the outlying works was repulsed with loss on August 12th, but the 
siege was formally begun and some successes were gained. The 
engineers upon whom Boscawen was obliged to depend were, how- 

' Rear-Admihal the Hon. Edward Boscawen's Squaddon, which arrived 

OFF Mauritius in June, 1748. 





Ships. 






Guns. 


Namur . 




74 


Vigilant 








()4 


Deptford 








(JO 


Ptmhroke 








GO 


Ruby 








50 


Chester . 








50 


Deal Castle 








24 


Sn'allow 








16 


Basilisk (bomb) 






8 


Apollo (hosp 


ital slii])) 






20 


The above, 


proceeding, fouud on the Eas 


Exeter . 




60 


York . 








60 


Harwich 


. 






50 


Presto7i . 








50 


Lively . 


. 






20 



Commauders. 



I Rear- Admiral Hon. Edward Boscawen. 
\Captain Samuel Marshall (1). 
„ William Lisle. 
„ Thomas Lake. 
„ Thomas Fincher. 
„ Joseph Knight. 
„ Richard Spry. 
John Lloyd (2). 
Commander John Rowzier. 

„ William Preston. 

Lieutenant Robert Wilson. 



Captain Tjord Harry I'owlett. 
„ Timothy Nucella. 
„ Philip Carteret (1). 
„ William Adams (1). 
„ Nathaniel Stephens, actg. 



in addition to the other vessels, which, upon Boscawen's arrival, returned home or went 
elsewhere. 



K 2 



132 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 17U-1762. [1748. 

ever, incompetent ; and little progress was made, though the Basilisk, 
bomb, threw some shells into the place. In the operations Ensign 
Clive, afterwards Lord Clive, gained his first military distinction. 
As the siege threatened to be a protracted one, Boscawen ordered 
Captain Lisle to begin a general bombardment from the ships of 
the squadron ; but, owing to the shallows, these could not approach 
near enough to do much damage. The business, however, cost the 
life of Captain William Adams (1), then commanding the Harwich. 
In the meantime the weather was bad, and the troops were sickly ; 
and, as the neighbourhood of the town was liable to be completely 
flooded at the beginning of the rainy season, the siege was raised 
at the beginning of October, the sick being removed to the ships, 
and the army retiring overland to Fort St. David. The expedition 
cost the lives of 1065 British, and of only about 200 French. The 
fiasco reflected no disgrace upon Boscawen, and was entirely due 
to the incapacity of the engineers and some of the military leaders. 
Nevertheless, it greatly lowered British prestige with the natives, 
and led to some serious defections. 

Boscawen learned in November of the cessation of hostilities 
between Great Britain and France, but was ordered to remain on 
his station until advised of the final conclusion of peace. Part of 
the squadron went to Acheen, and part to Trincomale, to avoid the 
monsoon, and the whole returned in January, 1749, to Fort St. 
David, where it lay maintaining an observant attitude, while 
M. BoLivet, with the French forces, lay at Madras, or as it was 
then often called, Fort St. George, 120 miles to the northward. 
But the British did not remain wholly idle, and in April ships 
were detached to assist the East India Company in a war with the 
King of Tanjore. While this service was being performed, a violent 
hurricane wrecked the Femhrolce and Naynur. The former lost her 
captain,^ and all hands except fourteen, 380 in all ; the latter lost 
520 souls, though the admiral, captain, and a few officers, being on 
shore, fortunately escaped. Two East Indiamen were also wrecked. 
In August, in pursuance of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, which 
had been concluded on April 18th, 1748, Madras, in a dismantled 
condition, was surrendered to the British. 

In the West Indies, in February, 1748, Bear- Admiral Charles 
Knowlcs, with a squadron and detachment of troops, left Port 

^ This was on April ]3th. Captain 'riioinas FiucUer's post-commission dated from 
December 6th, 174.'). 



1748.] 



KNOWLES AT PORT LOUIS. 



133 



Eoyal to make an attack on Santiago de Cuba ; but, the winds 
blowing persistently from the north, the ships could not make that 
place. Knowles therefore determined to attack Port Louis, on 
the south side of Hispaniola. The squadron ^ arrived there on 




ADMIRAL SIR CHARLES KNOWLES, BART. 
iFrom an engraving by Ridley.') 

^ British Squadron at the Capture of Port Louis, Hispaniola, 1748. 



Ships. 



Cornwall. 

Plymouth 
Elizabeth . 
Canterbury 
Strafford . 
Warivick . 
Worcester 
Oxford . 
Weazel 
Merlin 



Guus. 



80 

60 
70 
60 
60 
60 
60 
50 
6 
6 



Meu. 



600 

400 
480 
400 
400 
400 
400 
300 
102 
100 



C'omiuanders. 



(■Rear-Admiral Charles Kiiowlos (B.). 
\Captain Eichard Chadwick. 
Disby Dent (2). 
„ Polycarpiis Taylor. 
„ David Brodie. 
„ James Kentone. 
„ Thomas Innes. 
„ Thomas Andrews {2). 
Edmond Toll. 



134 



MAJOR OPEBATIONS, 1714-17G2. 



[1748. 



March 8th, and was at once ordered by signal to cannonade the 
fort, which mounted seventy-eight guns, and was garrisoned by 
GOO men. A warm engagement resulted, and in the height of it 
the enemy sent out a fireship, which was designed to fall on board 
the CornicaU or the EUzaheth. She was towed oft' by the boats 
of the fleet, and left to burn out and explode innocuously. The 
British boats then boarded and brought away two other craft, 

which had been prepared as 
fireships. The action con- 
tinuing, the Spanish fire after 
a time languished, and the 
liear- Admiral sent a suminons 
to the governor, who, first 
taking some time for reflection, 
surrendered upon terms. The 
place was then taken posses- 
sion of. The squadron lost 
only 70 killed and wounded, 
but among these was Captain 
Eentone,^ of the Strafford, and 
Captain William Cust," of the 
Boston, who, with the Eear- 
Adiniral's permission, was 
serving as a volunteer on board 
the Elizahetli. The enemy 
lost 160 killed and wounded. 
With the place were captured 
three ships, a snow, and three 
privateer sloops. The fort was 
burnt, it not being advisable 
to retain it ; and, the conditions 
of wind being at length more favourable, the Kear-Admiral decided 
to prosecute his scheme against Santiago de Cuba. 

The place had been much strengthened since the time of 
Vernon's attack upon it ; and, as the appearance of the British had 
been anticipated, all possible precautions had been taken. Knowles 
arrived before the town on April 5th, and, the mode of procedure 
having been determined. Captain Dent of the PJjjmoutli, as senior 




EXPl 

IM, -  

K.-f 

I. 

M.Y 

N MiJ'irt 

,w<?nsrvw*«- 

OPC/ 



KAl lOV. 

W 7/Af ll'aru ».-*♦ f> O liMTUt 

Y . /^^ ^i fojitjlfcfi a<u "or 
Ah. Me ^g^tvn 



■1^ 



• James Eentone ; comniauder, 17311; captain, 1710. 
^ William Cust; comniauder, 174(); captain, 1717. 



1748.] 



ENOWLES'S ACTION OFE HAVANA. 



135 



captain, claimed and obtained the honour of leading in. He was 
seconded by the flagship. When the Plymouth had approached 
close to the harbour's mouth it was seen that the passage was 
obstructed by a boom, backed by vessels held ready to be used as 
fireships. The nearest forts were cannonaded and the fire was 
returned ; but Dent, having taken the opinion of his officers, came 
to the conclusion that it w^is impracticable to proceed, and so 
reported to the Kear- Admiral, who thereupon drew off and went 
back to Jamaica. 

Dent's apparent hesitation on this occasion was taken exception 
to by Knowles ; and, in consequence, the captain of the Plymoutli 
was court-martialled on his return to England, but he was honour- 
ably acquitted. 

Later in the year Knowles was informed that the Spanish Plate 
fleet was expected at Havana from Vera Cruz. He therefore 
detached Captain Charles Holmes, in the Lenox, to convoy a great 
body of trade, which had been collecting to sail for England ; and 
himself went to cruise off the Tortuga Banks in search of the enemy. 
The convoy under Holmes sailed from Jamaica on August 25th ; 
and, being prevented from getting through the Windward Passage, 
had to bear away for the Gulf of Florida. On September '29th it 
sighted seven large ships, which were presently recognised to be 
S]3anish men-of-war.^ Holmes signalled the convoy to disperse 
and to look to its own safety, while he endeavoured to draw the 
attention of the enemy to his own ship ; and, knowing where the 
Eear-Admiral was cruising at the time, he succeeded, under press of 
sail, in joining him on the following morning, when he reported what 
had occurred. Knowles instantly went in quest of the Spaniards, 



^ Orber of Battle of the Brfmsh and Spanish Squadrons in the 
Action off Havana, Octouer 1st, 1748. 





Bkitish. I 


SrAXisH. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanilers. 


Ships. 


Guus. 


Commanders. 


rUburt/ .... 


60 


dipt. Charles Powlett. 


Invencible . . . 


74 


Rear-Aduiiral Spinola. 


IStraffurd . . . 


60 


,, David Brodie. i 


Conquistador . 


64 


Don de San Justo. 






1 Rear -Admiral Charles 


Africa .... 


74 


Vice-Admiral Keggio. 


Cornwall . . . 


80 


■; Kuowles. 


IJragdn .... 


64 


Don (le La Fa/.. 






ICapt. Polycarpus Taylor. 


Nueva Espaiia . 


64 


Don Barrella. 


Lenox .... 


10 


,, Cliarles Holmes. 


Heal Familia . . 


64 


Don Forrestal. 


Warwick . . . 


KU 


„ Tliomas luues. 








Canterburij. . . 


6U 


,, Edward Clark (1). 


Galgai .... 


36 


Don Garrecocha. 


Oxford 1 . . . . 


5U 


., Kdmoud Toll. 









1 Not in the line. 



136 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. ' [1748. 

and sighted them early in the morning of October 1st between 
Tortuga and Havana. The Spaniards at once formed a hne ; yet 
the British, though they had the advantage of the wind, edged down 
only very gradually, and it was 2 o'clock before either side fired. 
The distance was then too great for much damage to be done, but 
at about 2.30 p.m., the two squadrons being nearer, a brisk action 
was begun. The Spaniards seem to have been in good order and 
close together, but the Warwick and Canterbury were far astern 
of station, so that for nearly two hours the British had but four 
ships opposed to six of the Spanish. During this time the Cornwall 
engaged the Africa at pistol range, and was so gallantly received 
that in half an hour she was obliged to fall astern and quit the line, 
having lost her main-topmast and received other damage to her 
rigging. Soon afterwards the Conquistador, also much damaged 
aloft, dropped astern of her consorts and fell nearly where the 
Cornwall lay refitting. Knowles lost no time in attacking her, and 
quickly killed her captain ; but that officer's successor fought the 
ship bravely until she had thrice been set on fire by shells from 
the eight cohorns,^ which the Cornwall, unlike most of her class, 
carried. Not until then did he surrender. The Lenox had taken 
the Corn wall's place and had warmly engaged the Africa ; but 
other Spanish ships succoured their admiral, and Captain Holmes 
was hard pressed for about an hour until he was relieved by the 
Wanvick and Canterburi/. The action then became general and 
fierce, and so continued until about 8 p.m., when the Spanish drew 
off towards Havana, closely pursued. All, however, escaped except 
the Conquistador. The Africa, owing to her damaged condition, 
had to anchor before she reached port ; and, being discovered by 
the British two days after the action, w^as burnt by the Spaniards 
to save her from capture. The enemy lost 86 killed and 197 
wounded ; the British had 59 killed and 120 wounded. But whilst 
the Spaniards had several officers of rank included in each category 
the British had none in either. 

Knowles continued to look out for the i'late fieet, but in vain. 
In the course of time he learnt from a prize that the preliminaries 
of peace had been concluded and that hostilities were to cease, 
whereupon he returned to Jamaica. When he went home to 
England he complained of Holmes for having left the convoy, 

' Coliorn, a small mortar, so named from its inventor, ^k'lino van Coehoorii, the 
Dutch military engineer (born IHIl ; died 1704). 



1748.] KNOWLES'S COUBT-MARTIAL. 137 

oblivious of the fact that, had Hohnes not rejoined the flag, the 
victory ofi^ Havana could not have been gained. Holmes was most 
honourably acquitted. On the other hand, some of the captains 
of the squadron complained of the conduct of the Eear-Admiral, who 
was in consequence tried on board the Charlotte yacht, at Deptford, by 
a court-martial which sat from the 11th to the 20th December, 1749. 
It appeared that -while Eear-Admiral Knowles was standing for the 
Spanish fleet he might, by a different disposition of his squadron, 
have begun the attack simultaneously with six ships, and might 
have begun it earher in the day. It appeared too, that, owing to 
the method which he pursued, he had begun to attack with only 
four ships. Upon these points the court condemned him ; and it 
was also of the opinion that, in order properly to conduct and direct 
the operations of his command, he ought to have shifted his flag 
from the Cornwall to some other vessel, after the former had 
been disabled. For the rest, the proceedings amply vindicated the 
Eear-Admiral's personal courage. The sentence was thus worded : 

" The court unanimously agree that Rear-Admiral Knowles falls under part of the 
14tli Article of War, being guilty of negligence, and also under the 23rd Article. The 
court therefore unanimously adjudge him to be reprimanded for not bringing up 
the squadron in closer order than he did, and for not beginning the attack with so 
great a force as he might have done ; and also for not shifting his flag, on the CornivalVs 
being disabled." 

On the Leeward Islands' Station, Commodore Pocock learned 
by the arrival of the Weazel, sloop, despatched to him by Hawke, 
of the approach of the large convoy, which had been under the 
escort of M. de I'Etenduere ; and, although he had not time to 
collect the whole of his squadron to intercept it, his ships, and the 
privateers on the station, succeeded in capturing no fewer than 
thirty-five sail of it. 

In the Mediterranean, where Eear-Admiral the Hon. John Byng 
commanded, the British fleet was too strong for the French and 
Spanish to attempt at sea anything of importance before the 
conclusion of the peace. The British hampered the passage of 
reinforcements to the allied armies at Genoa, by arming a number of 
small craft and entrusting them to lieutenants, who cruised with 
great success inshore, and intercepted many transports. On the 
peace being concluded, Byng returned to England with most of the 
larger ships of his fleet. 

In the home seas Eear-Admiral Sir Edward Hawke went on 



138 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1749. 

a cruise with a considerable squadron in the month of January ; 
and, ere he returned to port, made several prizes, including the 
Magnaninie, 74, an account of the capture of which will be found in 
the next chapter. Rear-Admiral Sir Peter Warren, in April, also 
went on a cruise ; but in May both he and Hawke were recalled to 
England upon the settlement of the preliminaries of peace. 

" In the course of the war," says Beatson,^ " the British captured 
from the Spaniards 1249 ships, and from the French 2185, making 
in all 3434. The Spaniards captured from the British 1360, and the 
French 1878, making together 3238, being 196 fewer than what had 
been taken by the British." Yet, in spite of this, the general balance 
was in favour of Great Britain, for not only were several of the 
Spanish prizes extraordinarily valuable, but also the British mer- 
chant marine, on account of its superior strength, was far better 
able than either the French or Spanish to suffer great losses without 
being seriously crippled. The main gain to Great Britain by the 
war was the reduction of the French navy to proportions which, for 
the time, were no longer formidable. The peace itself benefited 
her but little, for, in accordance with it, all conquests made by any 
of the combatants were to be restored. On the other hand, the 
point which had been the chief occasion of the war — the right of 
British ships to navigate the American seas without being searched 
— was not touched upon, and remained unsettled. The right to the 
province of Nova Scotia, or Acadia, was to be left to be discussed by 
commissioners appointed for the purpose. This last matter, never 
having been properly arranged, was, as will soon be shown, pro- 
ductive of another bloody and expensive war. 

The first care of France after the conclusion of peace was to 
reorganise and revive her navy. Great numbers of ships were laid 
down at home ; and contracts were placed abroad, especially in 
Sweden, for the construction of others. None of the ambitious 
projects of King Louis were surrendered. He had merely accepted 
peace in order the better to prepare for the realisation of his designs. 
Nor did the French agents invariably take the trouble to obey the 
spirit of the treaty. As early as 1749 the French Governor of 
Martinique seized and fortified the neutral island of Tobago ; and 
the place was not evacuated until grave international complications 
threatened to arise out of the matter. Again, in 1751, the French 
contemplated aggressions on the West African coast, and only 

' ' X'lv. iiii.l :\Iilit. Moms.,' i. 4U. 



1754.] OPERATIONS DURING THE PEACE. 139 

desisted when Captain Matthew Buckle (1), of the Assistance, 50, 
informed M. Perrier de Salvert, the French commodore, that if he 
persisted in his designs of building a fort at Annamaboe, the British 
would look upon it as a breach of the peace and would repel force by 
force. 

French aggression in other quarters was not always checked 
with equal promptitude. M. de La Jonquiere, the French com- 
mander-in-chief in North America, and M. de La Gahssonniere, 
Governor of Canada, hatched between them a project for tampering 
with the Indians of North America and for gradually driving British 
settlers out of that continent ; and French officers occupied British 
territory in Nova Scotia and built forts there. Remonstrances were 
made, and in 1750 commissioners were appointed to adjust the 
disputes ; but nothing came of their conferences. Still, while Great 
Britain herself remained almost indifferent, the Colonists at last 
took up the question. Virginia raised 400 men and i;10,000 for the 
defence of its inland borders, and confided the command of its 
troops to Major George Washington.^ The French Canadians, 
however, in spite of the heroism of the Americans, captured them 
and their commander on July 3rd. Thereupon the colonial 
governors held a congress and agreed upon a common plan of 
defence ; and the Ministry at home, shamed into action, sent troops 
under General Braddock to the assistance of the Colonists. These 
were convoyed to America in 1754 by two 50-gun ships - under 
Commodore the Hon. Augustus Keppel. Such signs assured the 
French that, if they persisted in their policy, an open rupture could 
not but result ; and they therefore endeavoured to associate Spain 
with them in the coming quarrel ; but their schemes were foiled by 
the watchfulness of Sir Benjamin Keene, the British ambassador at 
Madrid. 

In India, where M. Dupleix still governed Pondicherry, the 
French were as aggressive as elsewhere ; and, in consequence, 
hostilities between the two East India Companies were almost 
unceasing, so that the peace in that quarter was a merely nominal 
one. Clive in this contest won great successes and opened up to 

' This was the beginning of the great Washington's military career. See Walpole : 
' Meins. of George II.,' i. 347 ; and ' Corresp.,' iii. 73. 

^ Centurivn,Gi\.^i.t\\e Hon. Aug. Keppel; and Norwich, Capt. the Hon. Samuel 
Barrington. In the latter, Adam Duncan, afterwards Lord Duncan, served as acting 
lieutenant. — Keppel: 'Life of Keppel,' i. 201. 



140 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 17U-1762. [1755. 

the British East India Company such a vision of future wealth and 
glory as induced it to beg the Ministry at home to assist it in pre- 
serving its rapidly growing superiority over its French rival. In 
response the Government in 1754 despatched Rear-Admiral Charles 
Watson with a force which, as ultimately constituted, consisted of 
the Kent, 70, Cumberland, 66, Tiger, 60, Salishunj, 50, Bridge- 
water, 24, and Kingfisher, 16. France at the same time sent out 
a squadron of nearly equal strength ; but, before the ships arrived, 
Dupleix had been recalled, and the French in India had adopted 
a more peaceable policy, which might have led to permanent 
harmony between the two Companies had not the outbreak of war 
elsewhere precluded such a consummation. 

The despatch of General Braddock to America led France to 
throw off her mask and to assemble a large expedition at Brest and 
Rochefort, destined for Canada. Great Britain in reply prepared 
for war; and on March 11th, 1755, a proclamation was issued 
offering bounties for seamen and able-bodied landsmen. On 
March 14th thirty-five sail of the line and numerous small craft 
were commissioned ; a hot press for men was instituted in each of 
the chief ports, and fifty companies of Marines were ordered to be 
raised. 

The French expedition left Brest under the convoy of twenty- 
five sail of the line, commanded by M. de Macnamara, who, after 
seeing it fairly to sea, returned with nine sail, leaving the rest of the 
command to M. Dubois de La Motte, who later detached four sail of 
the line and two frigates to Louisbourg, and proceeded with the rest 
of the fleet to Quebec. The British Ministry was only vaguely 
informed as to these movements, and sent to North America Vice- 
Admiral the Hon. Edward Boscawen with but eleven sail of the line, 
a frigate, and a sloop, convoying two regiments. He sailed from 
Plymouth on April '27th, 1755, with instructions to protect the 
British colonies and to attack the French squadron wheresoever he 
should find it. An intimation of what instructions had been given 
was, at the same time, coiniiumicated to the French ambassador, 
who replied that the king liis master would consider the first gun 
fired at sea in a hostile manner to be a declaration of war. When 
it became known how greatly superior a French force had gone to 
America, a reinforcement of six sail of the line and a frigate, under 
Kear-Admiral Francis Holburue, was sent to Boscawen ; and the 
necessary arrangements were so quickly made that Hollmnie sailed 



1755.] CRUISE OF BOSCAWEN. 141 

on May 11th and joined Boscawen off the Banks of Newfoundland 
on June 21st. 

The mihtary operations in North America of the force under 
General Braddock need not be followed in detail. Suffice it to say 
that an American expedition against Niagara Fort miscarried ; that 
Colonel William Johnson, a colonial officer, on his way to occupy 
Crown Point, defeated a considerable French force which had 
attacked him ; and that Braddock himself, while leading an ex- 
pedition against Fort Duquesne,^ was routed and killed. A com- 
bined naval and mihtary expedition under Captain John Eous, E.N., 
and Lieut. -Colonel Monckton, against French forts in Nova Scotia, 
took Fort Beau Sejour, which was renamed Fort Cumberland, and 
several other works ; and was completely successful with but little 
loss. 

The fleets of Boscawen and Dubois de la Motte did not 
meet, although four French line-of -battle ships, which had become 
separated from their consorts, were chased by the British on 
June 6th. For a time they escaped in a fog ; but on June 8th, 
when the weather cleared, three of the French vessels were again 
visible and a general chase was ordered. The Dunkirk, 60, Captain 
the Hon. Eichard Howe, assisted by the Torbay, 74 (Boscawen's 
flagship). Captain Charles Colby, after a brisk action took the 
Alcide, Captain de Hocquart ; and the Defiance, 60, Captain Thomas 
Andrews (2), and Fougiieux, 64, Captain Eichard Spry, took the Lijs, 
which, though pierced for 64 guns, had only 22 mounted. The third 
ship got away owing to the return of the fog. 

When Boscawen discovered that the French had safely reached 
Quebec, and that his own fleet was very sickly, he left Eear-Admiral 
Holburne with a small squadron to blockade Louisbourg, and went 
to Halifax to refresh his men. But the epidemic of putrid fever 
could not be checked ; and, before Boscawen, with the main part of 
his squadron, got home to England, the ships had lost 2000 people. 
Captain Spry, with a few vessels, w^as left to winter at Halifax. 
Boscawen and the rest of the fleet anchored at Spithead on 
November 4th. It should be added that M. Dubois de la Motte 
returned to France without adventure, and that the vessels which 
he had sent into Louisbourg escaped and rejoined him at the time 
when the British blockading squadron had been driven from its 
station by bad weather. 

' On the yite of what is now Pittsliurir. 



142 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1756. 

The capture of the Alcide and Lijs produced great excitement in 
France, and fanned the flame of war in En_gland ; but although 
hostihties thereupon began, formal war between Great Britain and 
France was not declared until May 18th, 1756, upon the receipt in 
London of the news of the French invasion of Minorca. 

In the summer of 1755, Kear-Admiral Sir Edward Hawke and 
Eear-Admiral Temple West, with a strong squadron, put to sea in 
hopes of intercepting the Comte du Guay, who was expected back 
from the West Indies after having carried reinforcements to the 
Leeward Islands. But the enemy avoided them, and re-entered 
Brest without loss ; whereupon Hawke returned to Spithead. The 
fleet soon afterwards sailed again under Vice-Admiral the Hon. 
John Byng and Kear-Admiral Temple AVest, but re-anchored at 
Spithead on November 21st. When Parliament met in November, 
the addresses in reply to the speech from the throne were very 
warlike, and France, which had previously believed that the great 
body of Englishmen was averse to hostilities, made efforts to 
negotiate : but too late. 

Early in the new year, troops were assembled on the French 
coast as if for an invasion of Great Britain ; and a fleet was collected 
at Brest. The threat of invasion produced almost a panic in 
England, and in February the Ministry increased the alarm by 
issuing a foolish proclamation, ordering the proper officers, in case 
the French should land, to cause all horses, oxen and other cattle, 
which were fit for draft or burden and not actually used in the 
interest and defence of the country, and all other cattle as far as was 
practicable, and all provisions, to be driven or removed at least 
twenty miles from the point at which such an attempt should be 
made. The Government also unwisely detained at home a large 
fleet, while it left America and the West Indies and the Mediter- 
ranean very insufficiently guarded. It did not realise that Great 
Britain is best protected from invasion by the activity and efficiency 
of her Navy at sea. France took advantage of the alarm and con- 
fusion to quietly embark at Toulon about 16,000 men, under the Due 
de Kichelieu, and to send them to Minorca, convoyed by a strong 
squadron under M. de La Galissonniere. The expedition landed at 
Ciudadella on April lUtli. 

Before proceeding to give an account of the operations of the 
war, it may be well to say something of an expedition, which, under 
liear-Admiral Charles Watson, rendered valuable service to commerce 



1756.] OPERATIONS AGAINST ANGBIA. 143 

by destroying the power of a most dangerous pirate in the East 
Indies. This pirate, Tulagee Angria by name, was the representative 
of a family which for about a hundred years had committed outrages 
on the Mahratta coast, and had acquired both wealth and territory. 
Angria was feared not only by the natives of India, but also by 
European traders, and even by the East India Company; and he 
had extended his authority from the small island stronghold of 
Severndroog over a large stretch of coast, which included the town 
and port of Geriah. In 1734 Angria had taken the East Indiaman, 
Derby, richly laden, and later the Bestoration, 20, armed ship, and 
the French Jupiter, 40. He had also ventured to attack Commodore 
Wilham Lisle, who had two ships of the hne and several other 
vessels in company; and he had wrought much damage to the 
Dutch trade. He was by origin a Mahratta, but he had thrown off 
his allegiance ; and the Mahrattas had long urged the East India 
Company to assist in effecting his downfall. More than one attempt 
had been made to destroy him, but in vain ; when, in 1755, an 
agreement of the East India Company, the British Government and 
the Mahrattas led to the fitting out against the pirate of a force, 
which finally secured the desired object. Mr. James, Commodore 
of the East India Company's ships in India, sailed in March with 
the Company's ships Protector, Swallow, Viper, and Triumph, and 
attacked and captured Severndroog, afterwards delivering it up to the 
Mahrattas. He also took Bencote (Fort Victoria), the most northerly 
port in Angria's dominions. 

In November Eear-Admiral Watson reached Bombay, and further 
operations were begun. James, with the Protector, Bevenge, and 
Bombay, went to reconnoitre Geriah, Angria's chief stronghold ; 
and, upon his return on December 31st, the Rear-Admiral sent His 
Majesty's ships Bridgewater and Kingfisher, w^ith some of the 
Company's armed vessels, to cruise off the port. James joined them 
on January 27th, 1756, with the Protector, and Guardian ; and the 
Rear-Admiral, with Eear-Admiral George Pocock as second in 
command, and with Lieut. -Colonel CHve in command of the troops, 
followed with his squadron, arriving on February 12th. In addition 
to the King's and Company's ships, there was a contingent of Mahratta 
craft, which, however, did httle or nothing. Angria, terrified at the 
force arrayed against him, fled to the Mahrattas to try to make 
terms, and left Geriah under the orders of one of his brothers-in-law. 
His offers and promises induced the Mahrattas to withdraw their 



144 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1756. 

active co-operation, in return for an undertaking to put them in 
possession of the place ; and the brother-in-law would have carried 
out this aiTangement but that Watson refused to be satisfied with 
anything short of the destruction of the pirate's stronghold. 

In the afternoon of February 12th, the garrison having refused 
to sun-ender, the squadron weighed and stood in in two divisions : 
one to attack the fort and the other to attack Angria's fleet and 
dockyard. A brisk cannonade resulted. The shipping was soon 
burnt, and part of the town was set on fire. After about three 
hours, the enemy's guns were nearly silenced, and the British guns 
in consequence ceased also ; but, soon afterwards, firing was re- 
commenced, and not until 6.30 p.m., the engagement having begun 
at about 1.30 p.m., did the pirates cease to make further resistance. 
Troops were then disembarked under Clive, ready to take possession ; 
and during the night, lest the enemy might again take heart, the 
bombs occasionally shelled the fort. In the morning Watson 
summoned the garrison and was refused ; whereupon the bombard- 
ment was again recommenced. At length a flag of truce was hung 
out, and an offer of submission was made ; but, as it was not com- 
plete and unconditional, fire was renewed. The governor then 
surrendered unconditionally. On the morning of the 14th, Clive 
marched into the place. Not more than twenty men were killed 
and wounded on the British side in the affair. The victors found 
in the fortress two hundred and fifty pieces of cannon, six brass 
mortars, and a large quantity of stores and ammunition, besides 
about i,'100,000 sterling in rupees and ^630,000 worth of valuables. 
Ten Englishmen and three Dutchmen, who had been enslaved by 
Angria, were released. The pirate fleet which was burnt at Geriah 
consisted of one ship, eight grabs or galleys, and a large number of 
armed row-boats called gallivats. At the end of April Watson left 
the coast of Malabar, and on May 14th arrived off Fort St. David. 

In North America the Earl of Loudoun commanded the British 
land forces, but, before he could take the field, the French had won 
several successes and had made themselves masters of the British 
armed vessels on Lake Ontario. 

It has been mentioned that Commodore Spry had remained at 
Nova Scotia after the return of Boscawen to England in 1755. 
Commodore Charles Holmes, convoying some troops from Cork, was 
sent out with a reinforcing squadron, and assumed command. With 
the Grafton, Nottiiif/ha/n, Hornet and Jdnxuca he cruised ot't 



1756,] THREATS OF INVASION. 145 

Louisbourg in July, and nearly succeeded in cutting off a small 
French force ; and on the following day he fought another French 
force, which, however, also got away. 

On the Leeward Islands' station Commodore Thomas Frankland 
commanded ; and, although he fought no action, and rendered himself 
very unpopular, his cruisers greatly annoyed the enemy. On the 
Jamaica station, the squadron was under the orders of Kear-Admiral 
the Hon. George Townshend ; but it was so small that he had to 
remain almost entirely on the defensive. It, however, prevented the 
French from carrying out an intended attack on Jamaica. 

At home, the threat of invasion continued to cause popular 
uneasiness, and in January, 1756, Vice-Admiral Henry Osborn 
was sent to sea with a large squadron to convoy outward-bound 
merchantmen, and, on his return, to reconnoitre Brest. He would 
have been better employed in reinforcing the fleet in the Mediter- 
ranean, for, although the enemy had sixteen ships of the line in 
Brest and Eochefort, it was discovered that these could not be 
ready before May ; and in the meanwhile. Great Britain had eight 
ships of the line and twenty-three frigates quite ready, and thirty- 
two ships of the line and five frigates nearly ready for sea in the 
home ports. 

Nor was the threat of invasion ever a serious one. The French 
knew too well that the project at that time was hopeless. Upon the 
return of Osborn, Vice-Admiral Sir Edward Hawke was sent with a 
squadron to cruise off Brest, and was reinforced in April by additional 
ships under Eear-Admiral Francis Holburne. But these precautions 
were taken too late, for Vice-Admiral d'Aubigny had left Brest for 
Martinique on January 30th, and M. de Beaussier had sailed on 
February 19th for San Domingo. Yet Hawke, ere he came back 
to England in May, made many valuable prizes. He left Holburne 
to cruise before Brest ; and Holburne was presently joined by Vice- 
Admiral the Hon. Edward Boscawen, who assumed command of the 
united fleet of eighteen ships of the line, six 50-gun ships and two 
frigates. 

This demonstration naturally induced the French squadron to 
keep within its harbour; but some of Boscawen's vessels engaged 
straggling French ships. The invasion scare still continuing, the 
Vice-Admiral took effectual means to put an end to it. He sent 

the Hunter, cutter. Lieutenant Cockburn, to reconnoitre Brest. 

Mr. Cockburn ran close into the harbour's mouth, and then with 
VOL, III. L 



146 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1756. 

five companions, got into a boat and rowed into the port in the 
dark. He reported that he had found there only nine ships of war 
of 50-giins or under and six large merchantmen. Boscawen and 
Holbm-ne returned to England in November, leaving Eear-Admirals 
Savage Mostyn and Harry Norris before Brest, chiefly to intercept 
such of the enemy's ships as might be coming home from abroad. 
The blockading force was afterwards entrusted to Vice-Admiral 
Charles Knowles, who came back to port w^ith most of it in 
December. His departure was somewhat premature, in that it 
enabled M. de Kersaint to get out with a small force for the coast 
of Africa, and M. de Beauffremont to escape with another small 
force bound for the West Indies. It also allowed some small 
cruising squadrons to proceed to sea in safety. 

The British Ministry was very negligent in the matter of 
Minorca. It is quite clear that as early as October, 1755, it had 
received intelligence that the expedition preparing at Toulon was 
destined for that island ; and that French reports to the same effect 
reached it in November and December, as well as later.^ Yet it 
took no proper measures for the defence of the place, the reason 
apparently being that, at that time, it undervalued the importance of 
the position. The mihtary command of the island was in the hands 
of General WilHam Blakeney, an officer in his eighty-second year, 
who was so infirm that when Port Mahon was besieged by the Due 
de Eichelieu, he, though mentally very active, was obliged to spend 
great part of his time in bed. The garrison also was very weak, 
and most of the ofiicers belonging to it were on leave until some 
time after the French expedition had sailed from Toulon. More- 
over, the British squadron in the Mediterranean, including as it did 
only three ships of the line and a few small craft, was a serious 
danger rather than a source of strength. 

Yet at length public opinion in England insisted that something 
must be done ; and on March 11th, 175G, Vice-Admiral the Hon. 
John Byng was appointed to the command of a fleet, which was 
then ordered to proceed to Minorca. The position of second in 
command was given to Bear-Admiral Temple West. But this fleet, 
which should have been a large and powerful one, was by no means 
of formidable proportions. It consisted only of ten sail of the line ; 
and even those few ships were not fitted out without the greatest 
difficulty and friction. At that late date the Ministry seems to have 
' Resols. of Ho. of Comms., May ^nl, 1757. 



1756.] BYNG TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 147 

been still blind to the importance of Minorca. There were at the 
moment twenty-seven ships of the line cruising in the Channel and 
Bay of Biscay, twenty-eight ships of the line in commission at 
home, and many small craft, which might have been detailed for 
the service. But Byng was not permitted to utilise any of these, 
or to draw crews from them ; and his mission was evidently 
regarded as a wholly subsidiary one. He was directed to take on 
board the absent officers of the Minorca garrison and a reinforce- 
ment of troops, consisting of the Koyal Eegiment of Fusiliers, 
under the command of Colonel Lord Bobert Bertie. To make 
room for these men, all the Marines belonging to the squadron were 
sent on shore, with the result that, had Byng been successful in 
throwing troops into Port Mahon, he would, owing to the absence 
of Marines from his ships, have been in a condition unfit for sub- 
sequently fighting an action at sea. 

The Vice-Admiral prepared his fleet with as much dispatch as 
possible, and sailed from St. Helen's on April 6th, arriving at 
Gibraltar on May 2nd. He was there joined by some of the ships, 
which, under Captain the Hon. George Edgcumbe, were already in 
the Mediterranean ; and he received intelligence that the Toulon 
squadron had landed a French army in Minorca, and that the enemy 
was already in possession of almost every strong position in the island. 
Byng communicated to General Fowke, the Governor of Gibraltar, 
an order from home to the effect that, subject to certain conditions, 
a detachment from the garrison, equal to a battalion of men, was 
to be embarked on board the fleet. But General Fowke and his 
advisers came to the conclusion, firstly, that it would be extremely 
dangerous, if not impracticable, to throw succour into Port Mahon ; 
and secondly, that the garrison of Gibraltar was already too weak to 
spare the specified detachment without danger to itself. Yet as the 
fleet was in great want of men, and as Edgcumbe's ships had left 
their Marines, and some of their seamen, in Minorca to assist in the 
work of defence, the Governor permitted 1 captain, 6 subalterns, 
9 sergeants, 11 corporals, 5 drummers and 200 privates to embark, 
it being represented to him that, without such reinforcement, 
several of the ships would be absolutely unable to go into action. 

Captain Edgcumbe, with his little squadron, had been obliged to 
retire from off Minorca upon the appearance of the French. He 
had left behind him Captain Carr Scrope of the Dolphin, who 
commanded the naval detachment on shore, and who was to 

L 2 



148 



MAJOB OPEBATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1756. 



act as signal officer in the event of the appearance of a British 
squadron before the island. Ere Bj^ng, with an easterly wind, 
sailed from Gibraltar on May 8th, he had been joined by the whole 
of Captain Edgcumbe's little force, excepting the Phoenix, which 
had been blockaded at Palina, Majorca, by two French frigates, 
and which was only able to get out upon the appearance of the 
British fleet off that island. The wind was for the most part 
easterly until 9 p.m. on the 18th, when a brisk northerly breeze 
sprang up ; and the squadron, having sailed large all night, sighted 
Minorca at daybreak next morning. Byng at once sent ahead the 
Phcenix, Chesterfield and Dolphin to reconnoitre the mouth of 
Mahon Harbour, to pick up intelligence, and to endeavour to send 
ashore a letter to General Blakeney. Captain the Hon. Augustus 
John Hervey, the senior officer of the advanced squadron, drew in 
with the shore and endeavoured to communicate with the castle of 
St. Philip ; but, before he could effect anything, the enemy's fleet 
appeared in the S.E., and the detachment had to be recalled. 

Vice-Admiral Byng then stood towards the foe and made the 
signal for a general chase. Both squadrons ^ made sail towards one 

' The British and Frenth Fleets ik the Action off Minorca, May 20th, 1756. 



British. 



Frekch. 



Ships. 



Gnus. 



Commamiers. 



Defiance 
Portland i . 
Lancaster . 

Buckingham 

Captain . . 
Intrepid 

Revenge . 

Princess Louisa ' 
Trident . . 

Bamillies . 

Ctilloden 
Kingston 

Fkigates, etc 

Deptford 1 2 . 
Chi^sterjield > 

Phcenix 1 

Fortune l 
t^jjiTimint • 



60 
50 
66 

68 

64 
64 

64 

60 
64 

90 

74 
60 



50 
40 

20 

14 
20 

•Ji) 



(Capt. Thomas Andrews 

I (2)- 

,, Patrick Paird. 
( „ Hon. George Edg- 
t ciinibe. 

iRear-Admiral Temple 

(Capt. Michael Everitt. 

„ Charles (Watford. 

„ James Vouug (1"). 
/■ ,, Frederick Coru- 
1 wall. 

„ Tlidma.'i Noel. 

i „ Philip Durell (1). 

' iVice-Adm. Hou. John 

<^ Byng(B). 

(Capt. Arthur rJardiiicr. 

,, Henry ANaid. 

„ AVilli'ani Pan7C2). 



„ John Amherst. 
„ John Lloyd (2). 
f „ Hon. Augustus 
I John Hervey. 

Com. Jervis Ma|ile.sdeu. 
Capt. James fiikhrist. 
r'liiii. lien.janiiii Marlo\v.3 



Ships. 



Orphee . 
Hippopotame 

liedoutahle . 

Sage . . . 
Guerrier 
Fier . 



Foudroyant . 

Temeraire . 
Content . 
Lion . 

Couronne . 

Triton . 



Fkigates, inct 

Junon ... 
Hose .... 
Gracieuse . . 
Topaze . 
Nymphe . 



Gims. I 



Flag-Offieers. 



64 
50 

1i 

64 
74 
50 

84 

74 
64 
64 

74 

64 



46 
26 
26 
24 
26 



M. de Glaudevez (Chef 
L d'Escadre). 



fM. de La Galissonniere 
I (Lieut.-Geneial). 



(M. de La Clue (Chef 
I d'Escadre). 



1 \\ ere in th>- .Meditcnaiicau uniier Capt. the Hon. U. Edgcuiubc, before Aduural Pjnig's arrival. 
- The /iiplford, having been originally iilace<l in the line between the Cullvdai and the /iingflo7i, and tlieii 
removed from it, was later ordered to take the place of the di.^abled Intrepid. 
3 Capt. Carr Scrope being on service ashore at Port Mahon. 
* La Galissonniere menti ms only four French frigates as having been present. 



1756.] 



BYNG'S ACTION OFF MINORCA. 



149 




1 



another ; and at 2 p.m. the British Commander-in-Chief made the 
signal for a Hne of battle ahead. Bat, the wind dropping, this 
order could not be properly carried 
out. In the meantime he took the 
precaution of reinforcing such of the 
ships as were most weakly manned, 
by means of drafts from the frigates ; 
and he directed that the Phoenix, 
which had been reported as unfit for 
general service, should be made ready 
to act as a fireship in case of necessity. 
At about six o'clock in the eveninsf 
the enemy advanced in order, with 
twelve ships of the line and five 
frigates ; the van being commanded 
by M. Glandevez, the centre by M. de 
La Galissonniere, and the rear by M. 
de La Clue. An hour later the French 
tacked, and went away a distance of 
about six miles, with a view to gaining 
the weather-gage ; and Byng, to pre- 
serve that advantage, tacked likewise 
On the following morning two tartans, 
which had been sent out by M. de 
Eichelieu with soldiers to reinforce 
M. de La Galissonniere, were chased 
by the British ships, one of them 
being taken by the Defiance, and the 
other escaping. That morning at 
daybreak, the weather was hazy, and 
the enemy was not at once seen ; but, 
a little later, he came in sight in 
the S.E. 

Captain Mahan's account of the 
action which followed may be here 
quoted, as it admirably summarises [///^repw should be flying up into the 

^ '' wind. She is here represented as before 

what occurred. the wind.] 



byng's action, may 20th, 1756. 

I.— At 2 P.M. 

British, black; French, ivhite. 

[The angle of approach was somewhat 
greater than as shown in the plans.] 





■^ 




1 ^ '^ 


1 ^ ^ 


4 "" 




/ . 1 * 




byng's action, may 20th, 1756. 


n.— At 2.30 P.M. 


British, black ; French, lohite. 



" The two fleets," he writes, " having sighted each other on the morning of 
May 20th, were found after a series of manoeuvres both on tlie port tacli, with an 
easterly wind, heading southerly, the French to leeward, between the English and the 



150 



MA JOE OPERATIONS, 171-1-1762. 



[1756. 



liarbour. Byng ran dowii in line ahead off the wind, the French remaining by it, so 
that when the former made the signal to engage, the fleets were not parallel, but 
formed an angle of from 30° to 40° (PI. I.). The attack which Byng by his own account 
meant to make, each ship against its opposite in the enemy's line, difficult to carry out 
under any circumstances, was here further impeded bj^ the distance between the two 
rears beinf much freater than that between the vans ; so that his whole line could not 
come into action at the same moment. When the signal was made, the van ships kept 
away in obedience to it, and ran down for the French so nearly head on as to sacrifice 
their artillery fire in great measure (PI. II.). They received three raking broadsides 

and were seriously dismantled aloft. The sixth 
English ship " {Intrepid) " counting from the 
van, had her foretopmast shot away, flew up 
into the wind, and came abacK, stopping and 
doubling up the rear of the line (PI. III.). Then 
undoubtedly was the time for Byng, having 
committed himself to the fight, to have set the 
example and borne down, just as Farragut did 
at Mobile when his line was confused by the 
stopping of the next ahead ; but according to 
the testimony of the flag-captain, Mathews's 
sentence deterred him. ' You see. Captain 
Gardiner, that the signal for the line is out, and 
that I am ahead of the ships Louisa and 
Trident' (which in the order should have been 
ahead of him). ' You would not have me, as 
admiral of the fleet, run down as if I were going 
to engage a single ship. It was Mr. Mathews's 
misfortune to be prejudiced by not carrying 
down his force together, which I shall endeavour 
to avoid.' The affair thus became indecisive; 
the English van was separated from the rear 
and got the brunt of the fight. One French authority blames Galissonniere for not 
tacking to windward of the enemy's van and crushing it. Another says he ordered the 
movement, but that it could not be made from the damage to the rigging ; but this seems 
improbable, as the only injury the French squadron underwent aloft was the loss of 
one topsail-yard, whereas the English suftered very badly. The true reason is probably 
that given and approved by one of the French authorities on naval warfare. Galisson- 
niere considered the support of the land attack on Port Mahon paramount to any 
destruction of the English fleet, though he thereby exposed his own. ' The French 
navy has always preferred the glory of assuring or preserving a conquest to that, 
more brilliant perhaps, but actually less real, of taking some ships ; and therein 
it has approached more nearly tlie true end that has been proposed in war.' The 
justice of this conclusion depends upon tiic view that is taken of the true end 
of naval war." ^ 





: 


, . 


» ^ 


: 


* 6 


% 


^ ^i 


% * (» 


(i 


1 ^ ^ 


^ ^0 / 


*"" ' '/ 


*  / 


f 


1 1 


* * 





byng's action, may 20th, 1756. 

III.— 3 P.M. 



The losses (see following page^) in killed and wounded were 
nearly equal ; but the French lost no officers of rank, whereas in 
Byng's fleet Captain Andrews, of the Defiance, was killed, and 
Captain Noel, of the Princess Louisa, was mortally wounded. 
The British ships also suffered much more than the French in 



Inn. of Sea Power ujion Hist.,' 286, 287. 



1756.] 



BYNG'S ACTION OFF MINORCA. 



151 



their masts, yards and rigging ; so much so, in fact, that Byng 
deemed it right, before ventm'ing to do anything further, to call a 
council of war on board the Bamillies, and to summon to it not 
only the naval officers, but also several of the land officers who 
were on board the ships. The questions debated in this council, 
and the conclusions arrived at, were as follows : — 

1. Whether an attack on the French fleet gave any prospect of relieving Mahon ? 

Eesolved : It did not. 

2. Whether, if there were no French fleet cruising at Minorca, the British fleet 

could raise the siege ? Eesolved : It could not. 

3. Whether Gibraltar would not be in danger, should any accident befall Byng's 

fleet ? Eesolved : It would be in danger. 

4. AVhether an attack by the British fleet in its present state upon that of the 

French would not endanger Gibraltar, and expose the trade in the Mediter- 
ranean to great hazards ? Eesolved : It would. 

5. Whether it is not rather for His Majesty's service that the fleet should proceed 

immediately to Gibraltar ? Eesolved : It should proceed to Gibraltar. 

As a result, the squadron sailed for Gibraltar, and, on the way, 
occupied itself in repairing such damages as could be repaired at 



^ The losses in killed and wounded in the two fleets were as follows : — 



Burns H. 


Fkench. 


Ships. Killed. 


Wounded. 


Ships. Killed. 


Wounded. 


Defiance .... 14 


45 


Orpliee .... 


10 





Portland 




6 


20 


Hipijopotame 






2 


10 


Lancaster 




1 


14 


Bedoutahle . 







3 


Buckingham . 




3 


7 


Sage . 









8 


Captain . 




6 


30 


Guerrier . 









43 


Intrepid . 




9 


36 


Fier . . 









4 


Princess Louisa 






3 


13 


Foudroyant 






2 


10 








Temeraire 









15 








Content . 






5 


19 








Lion . 






2 


7 








Couronne 









3 








Triton 








5 


14 


Totals 






42 


165 


Tot; 


lis 




1 


26 


136 



London Gazette of June 26th, 1756. Lists in Beatsou, iii. 118, put the total losses 
at— British, 43 killed, 168 wounded ; French, 38 killed, 181 wounded. La Galissonniere 
puts the French loss at 38 killed, and 1 15 wounded. It may be that 26 French were 
killed outright, and that 12 more died of their wounds. No two accoimts of the 
number of wounded can be expected to agree exactly, some enumerators naturally 
including among the wounded men with only slight injuries. 



152 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-17G2. 



[1756. 



sea. At the Kock the Admiral ^ found reinforcements,'- which had 
been sent out to him under Commodore Thomas Broderick,^ the 
Ministry, after Byng's departure from England, having apparently 
realised for the first time the full extent of the danger in the 
Mediterranean. 

It was unfortunate for Byng that the first detailed news of what 
had happened off Minorca reached the Government through French 
channels. M. de La Galissonniere's dispatch cannot now be found 
in the Archives de la Marine in Paris, and possibly it no longer 
exists ; but a copy of it, or a translation, reached the Secretary 
of the Admiralty some time before Byng's own dispatch arrived 
in England ; and upon the former the Government took action, 
recalling Byng and West, and sending out Vice- Admiral Sir 
Edward Hawke and Bear-Admiral Charles Saunders to supersede 
them. The important part of this dispatch of La Galissonniere's * 
is as follows : — 

" At half-past two in the afternoon the two squadrons were in line of battle and 
began the engagement. The English consisted of eighteen sail, of which thirteen were 
of the line, and oars, of twelve sail of the line and four frigates. The action lasted 
almost three hours and a half, but was not general during the whole of the time. The 
English ships that had suffered most from our broadsides got away to the windward, 
out of gunshot. They continually preserved this advantage that they might keep 
clear of us as they pleased. After having made their greatest efforts against our rear 
division, which they found so close and from which they received so hot a tire that 
they could not break in upon it, they made up their minds to sheer off, and did not 
appear again during the whole of the next day, the 21st. Speaking generally, none of 
their ships long withstood the fire of ours. Our vessels suffered but little. They were 
re])aired in the night, and on the following morning were tit for action." ..." Our 
total killed was thirty-eight, and woimded one hundred and fifteen." 



' On June 4th, 1756, Byng was promoted to be Admiral of the Blue. 

^ Reinforcement despatched to Admiral the Hon. John Byng uuder Commodore 



Broderif 



Ships. 



Prince Geonje. 

Ipswich 
Xassau 

Hampton Court 
his. 



Guns. 



80 

64 
64 
64 
50 



Commanders. 



jCommod. Thomas Brodericl 
\Capt. Abraliam North. 

„ Richard Tyrrell. 

„ James Saycr. 

„ James Webb. 

„ Edward Wheeler. 



^ This officer, who was born in 1704, and died a Vice-Adniiral in 
spelt liis name Broderick. It was, however, properly sjiclt Brodrick. 
■* As published in the journals of the time. 



rO'.i, usually 



1756.] BFNG'S DISPATCH. 153 

It may here be pointed out, in passing, that this report makes 
the British fleet to have been considerably superior to the French, 
whereas if there were any real difference between them it was only 
a very slight one ; and that it does not agree, in other respects, with 
the facts as they are now accepted. 

Before going further, it is right to print the dispatch which Byng 

addressed to the Admiralty on May 25th, and in which he gave his 

version of what had happened. It is right also to say that the 

Admiralty, after receiving this dispatch, kept it for some time 

before making it public, and that, when it did publish it, gave 

it to the world in a mutilated condition. The complete dispatch 

was printed by Byng after his return to England, and ran as 

follows : — 

Ramillies, off Minorca, May 25th, 1756. 

" Sir, — I have the j^leasure to desire that you will acquaint their Lordships that, 
having sailed from Gibraltar the 8th, I got off Mahon the 19th, having been joined hj 
his Majesty's ship PnoiNix off Majorca two days before, by ivho7n I had confirmed the 
intelligence 1 had received <>t Gibraltar, of the strength of the French fleet, and of their 
being of Mahon. His Majesty^s colours luere still flying at the castle of St. Philip ; 
and I could perceive several bomb-batteries -playing on it from different parts. French 
colours I saio flying on the luest part of >St. Philip. I dispatched the Phoenix, 
CI tester field, and Dolphin ahead, to reconnoitre the harbours mouth; and Captain 
Hervey to endeavour to land a letter for General Blakeney, to let him know the fleet 
ivas here to his assistance ; though every one was of the opinion tve could be of no use 
to him; as, by all accounts, no place was secured for covering a landing, could we have 
spared the people. The Phanix was also to make the private signal betioeen Captain 
Hervey and Capdain Scrope, as this latter ivould undoubtedly come off, if it were 
practicable, having kep)t the Dolphin^s barge with Mm : but the enemy^s fleet appearing 
to the south-east, and the ivind at the same time coming strong off the land, obliged me 
to call these ships in, before they could get quite so near the entrance of the harbour 
as to make sure what batteries or guns might be placed to prevent our having any 
communication with the castle. Falling little wind, it was five before I could form 
my line, or distinguish any of the enemy's motions ; and could not judge at all of their 
force, more than by numbers, which were seventeen, and thirteen appeared large. 
They at first stood towards us in regular line; and tacked about seven; which I 
judged was to endeavour to gain the wind of us in the night ; so that, being late, 
I tacked in order to keep the weather-gage of them, as well as to make sure of the 
land wind in the morning, being very hazy, and not above five leagues from Cape 
Mola. We tacked off towards the enemy at eleven ; and at daylight had no sight of 
them. But two tartans, with the French private signal, being close in with the rear 
of our fleet, I sent the Princess Louisa to chace one, and made signal for the Rear- 
Admiral, who was nearest the other, to send ships to chase her. The Princess Louisa, 
Defiance, and Captain, became at a great distance ; but the Defiance took hers, which 
had two captains, two lieutenants, and one hundred and two private soldiers, who were 
sent out the day before with six hundred men on board tartans, to reinforce the 
French fleet on our appearing off that place. The Phcenix, on Captain Hervey's ofter, 
prepared to serve as a fire-ship, but without damaging her as a frigate ; till the signal 
was made to prime, when she was then to scuttle her decks, everything else prepared, 
as the time and place allowed of. 



154 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [175G. 

" The enemy now began to appear from the mast-head. I called in the cruisers ; 
and, when tliey had joined me, I tacked towards the enemy, and formed the line ahead. 
I found the French, were preiDaring theirs to leeward, having unsuccessfully endeavoured 
to weather me. They were twelve large ships of the line, and five frigates. 

"As soon as I judged the rear of our fleet the length of their van, we tacked 
altogether, and immediately made the signal for the ships that led to lead large, and 
for the Deptford to quit the line, that ours might become equal to theirs. At two 
I made the signal to engage : I found it was the surest method of ordering every ship 
to close down on the one that fell to their lot. And here I must express my great 
satisfaction at the very gaUant manner in which the Eear-Admiral set the van the 
example, by instantly bearing down on the ships he was to engage, with his second, 
and who occasioned one of the Fiench ships to begin the engagement, which they did 
by raking ours as they went down. The Intrepid, unfortunately, in the very begin- 
ning, had her foretopmast shot away ; and as that hung on her foretopsail, and backed 
it, he had no command of his ship, his fore-tack and all his braces being cut at the 
same time ; so that he drove! on the next ship to him, and obliged that and the ships 
ahead of me to'throwlall back. This obliged me to do also for some minutes, to avoid 
their falling on board me, though not before we had drove our adversary out of the 
line, who put before the, wind, and had several shots fired at him by his own admiral. 
This not only caused the enemy's centre to be unattacked, but the Eear-Admiral's 
division rather uncovered for some little time. I sent and called to the ships ahead of 
me to make sail, and go down on the enemy ; and ordered the Chesterfield to lay by 
the Intrepid, and the 'Deptford to supply the Intrepid's place. I found the enemy 
edged away constantly ; and as they went three feet to our one, they would never 
permit our closing with them, but took advantage of destroying our rigging ; for 
though I closed the Rear-Admiral fast, I found that I could not gain close to the enemy, 
whose van was fairlyidrove from their line; but their admiral was joining them, by 
bearing aAvay. 

"By this time it]was past six, and the enemy's van and ours were at too great a 
distance to engage, I perceived some of their ships stretching to the northward ; and 
T imagined they were going to form a new line. I made the signal for the headmost 
ships to tack, and those that led before with the larboard tacks to lead with the 
starboard, that I might, by the first, keep (if possible) the wind of the enemy, and, by 
the second, between the Eear-Admiral's division and the enemy, as he had suffered 
most ; as also to cover the Intrepid, which I perceived to be in very bad condition, 
and Avhose loss would give the balance very greatly against us, if they attacked us 
next morning as I expected. I brought to about eight that night to join the Intrepid, 
and to refit our ships as fast as possible, and continued doing so all night. The next 
morning Ave saw nothing of the enemy, though we were still lying to. Mahon was 
N.X.W. about ten or eleven leagues. I sent cruisers to look out for the Intrepid and 
Chesterfield, who joined me next day. And having, from a state and condition of the 
squadron brought me in, found, that the Captain, Intrepid, and Defiance (which latter 
has lost her ca])tain), were much damaged in their masts, so that they were in danger 
of not being able to secure their masts froperly at sea ; and also, th'it the squadron in 
general were very sickly, many killed and wounded, and nowhere to put a third of 
their number if I made an hospital of the forty-gun ship, which was not easy at sea ; 
I thought it proper in this situation to call a council of war, before I went again to 
look for the enemy. I desired the attendance of General Stuart, Lord Effingham, and 
Lord Eobert Bertie, and Colonel Cornwallis, that I might collect their opinions upon 
the present situation of Minorca and Gibraltar, and make sure of protecting the latter, 
since it ivas found impracticable either to succour or relieve the former with the 
force we had. So, though lue may justly claim the victory, yet we are much inferior 
to the weight of their ships, though the numbers are equal ; and they have the advantage 
of sending to Minorca their wounded, and getting reinforcements of seamen from their 



1756.] FALL OF PORT MAHON. 155 

transports, and soldiers from their camp; all which undoubtedly has been done in this 
time that we have been li/ing to to refit, and often in sight of Minorca ; and their ships 
have more than once appeared in a line from our mast-heads. 

^^ I send their Lordships the resolutions of the council of ivar, in which there ivas 
not the least contention, or doubt arose. 1 hope, indeed, we shall find stores to refit us 
at Gibraltar ; and, if I have any reinforcement, will not lose a moment of time to 
seek the enemy again, and once more give them battle, though they have a great 
advantage in being clean ships that go three feet to our one, and therefore have their 
choice how they tvill engage us, or if they luill at all ; and ivill never let us close them, 
as their sole view is the disabling our ships, in ivhich they have but too ivell succeeded, 
though we obliged them to bear up. 

" I do not send their Lordships the particulars of our losses and damages by this, 
as it would take me much time ; and I am willing none should be lost in letting them 
know an event of such consequence. 

" I cannot help urging their Lordships for a reinforcement. If none are yet sailed 
on their hnowledge of the enemy''s strength in these;seas, and which, by very good intelli- 
gence, will in a few days be strengthened by four mare large ships from Toidon, almost 
ready to sail, if not sailed, to join these. 

" I dispatch this to Sir Benjamin Keene, bylway of Barcelona; and am making 
the best of my way to cover Gibraltar, from which place I propose sending their 
Lordships a more particular account. I remain, Sir, your most humble servant, — 

"J. Byng. 

" Hon. John Clevland, Esq." 

The above dispatch appears to have arrived in England on 
June 16th ; but it was not pubHshed in the Lo?idon Gazette until 
June 26th, and then only with the omission of those passages which 
are now printed in italics. The omissions, it is clear, were some- 
what unfair, and, being calculated to prejudice Byng, they show the 
bias of the Ministry, which, previously inclined to underrate the 
importance of Minorca, at length seemed disposed to attach the 
utmost significance to it. The dispatch is, however, an unsatis- 
factory one, even as it stands. It is too full of excuses, too 
apologetic, to be the work of a strong and self-reliant man. It 
smacks, indeed, more of a Persano than of a Nelson or a Saumarez. 

To avoid a break in the narrative, it may here be said that the 
town of Port Mahon defended itself gallantly, but had to capitu- 
late, on June 29th, on honourable terms. The garrison was sent to 
England. 

Commodore Broderick, with the reinforcement, had reached 
Gibraltar on June 15th, and was there found by Byng on his arrival 
there on June 19th. The Admiral at once began preparations to 
return to Minorca ; but, while he was still engaged in these, on 
July 3rd, the Antelope, 50, came in with Vice-Admiral Sir Edward 
Hawke, Eear-Admiral Charles Saunders, and the order for the 
supersession of the Commander-in-Chief and Eear-Admiral West. 



156 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1757. 

She had sailed from home on Jmie 16th. Captams Gardiner and 
Everitt, Captain WiUiam Gough (who had been a Heutenant of the 
Bamillies, and who had since been appointed captain of the Experi- 
ment), and Commander Christopher Basset (who had also been a 
lieutenant of the Bamillies and had been appointed after the action 
to the command of the Fortune), were also recalled, besides other 
officers, who were required as witnesses in England. The original 
order to Hawke directed only the supersession of Byng ; but after 
Hawke's departure from England and the receipt of Byng's dispatch 
of May 25th, the Admiralty decided to go further and to make 
prisoner of the late Commander-in-Chief. He sailed for England 
in the Antelope, on July 9th, and, upon arriving at Spithead on 
July 26th, he was put under arrest. He was landed on August 19th 
and sent to Greenwich. There he remained in confinement until 
December 23rd, when he was removed to Portsmouth. His trial 
began on board the St. George in Portsmouth Harbour on 
December 27th, and continued until January 27th, 1757. On that 
day sentence was pronounced, and the Admiral was transferred to 
the Monarch, then in harbour. 

The court-martial, summoned to try Byng, consisted of Vice- 
Admiral Thomas Smith (4), who was president, Eear-Admirals 
Francis Holburne, Harry Norris and Thomas Broderick, and nine 
captains. After hearing the evidence, the court agreed to thirty- 
seven resolutions or conclusions, which embodied, among others, 
the following : — 

That when the British fleet, on the starboard tack, was stretched abreast, or was 
about abeam, of the enemy's line. Admiral Byng should have caused his 
ships to tack together, and should have immediately borne right down on 
the enemy ; his van steering for the enemy's van, his rear for its rear, each 
ship making for the one opposite to her in tlie enemy's line, under such sail 
as would have enabled the worst sailer to preserve her station in tlie line of 
battle. 

That the Admiral retarded the rear division of the British fleet from closing with 
and engaging the enemy, by shortening sail, in order that the Trident and 
Princens Louisa might regain their stations ahead of the RamilUes ; wliercas 
he should have made signals to those shijjs to make more sail, and should 
have made so much sail himself as would enable the Culloden, the worst 
sailing ship in the Admiral's division, to kec]) her station with all her plain 
sails set, in order to get down to the enemy with as much expedition as 
possible, and thereby proi:)erly support the division of Eear- Admiral West. 

Tliat tlie Admiral did wrong in ordering the fire of the RamilUes to be continued 
before lie had placed her at proper distance from the enemy, inasmuch as he 
tliereby not only threw away his sliot, but also occasioned a smoke, which 
prevented his seeing the motions of the enemy and the positions nf the ships 
immediately ahead of the RamilUes. 



1757.] BYNG'S COURT-MARTIAL. 157 

That after the ships which had received damage in the action had been refitted as 
circumstances would permit, the Admiral ought to have returned with his 
squadron off Port Malion, and endeavoured to open communication with the 
castle, and to have used every means in his power for its relief, before 
returning to Gibraltar. 

In short, the court considered that Byng had not done his 
utmost to reheve St. PhiHp's Castle. It also considered that 
during the engagement he had not done his utmost to take, sink, 
burn, and destroy the ships of the enemy, and to assist such of 
his own ships as were engaged ; and it resolved that the x4.dmiral 
had fallen under the 12th Article of War ^ ; and the court decided 
that, as the 12th Article of War positively prescribed death, without 
leaving any alternative to the discretion of the court under any 
variation of circumstances, Admiral Byng should be shot to death, 
at such time and on board such ship as the Lords Commissioners 
of the Admiralty should direct. 

" But," concludes the thirty-seventh resolution, " as it appears by the evidence of 
Lord Robert Bertie, Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, Captain Gardiner and other officers 
of the ship, who were near the person of the Admiral, that they did not perceive any 
backwardness in him during the action, or any marks of fear or confusion, either from 
his countenance or behaviour, but that he seemed to give his orders coolly and dis- 
tinctly, and did not seem wanting in personal courage, and from other circumstances, 
the court do not believe that his misconduct arose either from cowardice or disaffection ; 
and do therefore unanimously think it their duty most earnestly to recommend him as 
a proper object of mercy." 

The court forwarded the sentence to the Admiralty, with an 
accompanying letter signed by all the members. In this the 
officers represented the distress of mind which had been occasioned 
to them by being obliged to condemn to death, under the 12th 
Article of War, a man who might have been guilty of an error of 
judgment only ; and, for the sake of their consciences, as well 
as for Byng's sake, they warmly pleaded for an exercise of 
clemency. 

In consequence of this letter, and of the recommendation to 

^ " Every person in the fleet, who, through cowardice, negligence, or disaffection, 
shall, in time of action, Avithdraw, or keep back, or not come into fight, or engagement, 
or shall not do his utmost to take or destroy every ship which it shall be his duty to 
engage ; and to assist all and every of his Majesty's ships, or those of his allies, which 
it shall be his duty to assist and relieve ; every such person, so offending, and being 
convicted thereof by the sentence of a court-martial, shall suffer death." — -Act of 
22 George II., Art. 12. 

This article superseded one in the Act of 13 Car. II., which, after the word 
" death," had the words, " or such other punishment as the circumstances of the offence 
shall deserve, and the court-martial shall judge fit." 



158 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1757. 

mere}', the opinion of the twelve Judges was asked for as to the 
legahty of the sentence which had been pronounced. The decision 
was given on February 14th, 1757, and was to the effect that the 
sentence was legal. Some of the members of the court then made 
an effort to save Byng by applying to Parliament to release them 
from the oath of secrecy, by which they were bound not to reveal 
the votes or opinions of individual members, upon the allegation 
that they had something vital to disclose relative to the sentence. 
Byng was respited, and a Bill for the desired purpose passed the 
Commons, but was thrown out by the Lords, it not appearing to 
that House that there was anything material to be divulged. The 
fact is, that certain members simply desired to be able to make 
public the fact that, had they reahsed that the result of their 
sentence would be the infliction of the death penalty, their sentence 
would have been other than it was. The severity of the punishment 
caused Vice-Admiral the Hon. John Forbes, one of the Lords of 
the Admiralty, to refuse to sign the sentence, and it also induced 
Eear-Admiral West, who had been offered a command, to decline 
it, on the plea that although he could answer for his loyalty and 
good intentions, he could not undertake to be held capitally 
responsible on all occasions for the correctness of his judgment. 

Byng, both during his trial and after his sentence, behaved like 
a brave man. It was at first ordered that he should be executed on 
the forecastle of the Monarch. This ignominy was, however, spared 
him at the solicitation of his friends. On March 14th, 1757, the 
day appointed for the carrying out of the sentence, the Marines of 
the Monarch were drawn up under arms upon the poop, along 
the gangways, in the waist, and on one side of the quarterdeck. 
On the other side of the quarterdeck was spread some saw-dust, 
on which w^as placed a cushion ; and in the middle of the quarter- 
deck, upon the gratings, a platoon of nine Marines was drawn up 
in three lines of three. The front and middle lines had their 
bayonets fixed, as was customary on such occasions. The captains 
of all the ships in Portsmouth Harbour and at Spithead had been 
ordered to attend with their boats ; but, to avoid crowding, they 
were directed to lie abreast upon their oars, without coming on 
board. A little before twelve o'clock, the Admiral retired to his 
inner cabin for about three minutes, after which the doors of the 
outer cabin were thrown open, and the Admiral walked from his 
after cabin with a dignified pace and unmoved countenance. As 



1757.] 



BYNG'S EXECUTION. 



159 



he passed through the fore cabin, he bowed to his acquaintances 
there, and, saying to the Marshal of the Admiralty " Come along, 
my friend," went out upon the quarterdeck. There, turning to 
the Marshal, he politely bowed and gave him a paper containing 
a sober vindication of his position, adding: "Remember, sir, what 
I have told you relative to this paper." He next went to the 
cushion and knelt down. One of his friends, following him, offered 




ADMIRAL THE HON. JOHN BYNG. 

{From Pi. Houston's engraving after the portrait by Hudson.) 



to tie the bandage over his eyes, but Byng declined the service and 
blindfolded himself. The Marines, in the meantime, advanced two 
paces and presented their muskets, waiting for the Admiral to give 
them the signal to fire. He remained upon his knees for about 
a minute, apparently praying, and then dropped a handkerchief, 
the signal agreed upon. Six of the Marines fired. One bullet 
missed ; one passed through the heart ; and four others struck 
different parts of the body. The Admiral sank to the deck, dead. 



160 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1756. 

A little later the corpse was put into a coffin ; and in the evening 
it was sent on shore to the dockyard, whence it was forwarded to 
the family burial place at Southill, in Bedfordshire. His monument 
bears this inscription : "To the Perpetual Disgrace of Public 
Justice, the Hon. John Byng, Esq., Admiral of the Blue, fell a 
Martyr to Political Persecution, March 14th, in the year mdcclvii ; 
when Bravery and Loyalty were insui!icient Securities for the Life 
and Honour of a Naval Ofticer." 

The tragedy, viewed from nearly every aspect, is to be most 
heartily regretted. Byng was neither traitor nor coward ; but he 
was not an original genius, and, having seen Mathews punished for 
doing a certain thing, he believed that under no circumstances was 
it his duty to do anything even remotely of the same kind. His 
chief fault was that he was not independent enough, where a great 
object was to be gained, to shake himself loose from formulas and 
precedents, and to dash in when occasion allowed him. Yet, in 
one way, the sentence may have been productive of good. It may 
have taught the admirals who followed the unfortunate Byng, that 
they must pay more attention to victory than to red tape, and 
that not even the most honest devotion to conventional methods 
is so great a merit in a naval officer as success against the enemies 
of his country. 

Sir Edward Hawke, soon after his arrival at Gibraltar, sailed 
with the fleet to Minorca, but found that the island had fallen, and 
that the French army and fleet had returned to Toulon. The 
enemy had no longer any squadron at sea in the Mediterranean, 
and the Vice-Admiral therefore had to confine himself to protecting 
British trade and preserving British prestige. This he did with 
conspicuous energy and success. On December 3rd, 1756, he set 
out with part of his fleet for home, leaving Bear-Admiral Charles 
Saunders in command. 

It has been said that Vice-Admiral Charles "Watson, Commander- 
in-Chief in the East Indies, arrived off Fort St. David in the middle 
of May, 1756. He had not been there long ere he received an 
important piece of news, to the effect that six large French East 
Indiamen, full of troops, were expected in India, where they were 
to be fitted as men-of-war. Thereupon, in response to an urgent 
summons, he went to Madras, where he learnt that the Nawab of 
Bengal, Surajah Dowleh, had seized Cassimbazar and Calcutta. 
Almost at the same moment Watson received orders from the 



1757.] 



WATSON TAKES CALCUTTA. 



161 



Admiralty to return with his squadron^ to England. He had, 
however, sufficient strength of character to disregard orders which 
he knew had been sent to him under misconception of the position 
in India ; and he proceeded at once to the mouth of the Ganges, 
with a detachment of troops under Lieut. -Colonel Clive. In spite of 
great difficulties he assembled at Fulta, on December 15th, a force 
consisting of the Kent, Tiger, Bridgeivater, Salisbury, and Kingfisher, 
with some ships belonging to the East India Company, He there 
found Governor Blake and other fugitives from Calcutta, and learnt 
of the horrible fate of those Europeans who had been less fortunate, 
and who had been confined in the infamous Black Hole. Watson 
reinforced his command by the purchase of a craft, which he named 
the Thunder, and fitted as a bomb under the command of Lieutenant 
Thomas Warwick. The squadron sailed on December 27th ; and 
on the 29th the force was landed, and Fort Bougee-Bougee was 
attacked. This place was captured by an impromptu assault, 
brought on by an incursion into the works of a drunken British 
seaman named Strachan ; and on December 30th the white troops 
were re-embarked, and the squadron proceeded up the river, the 
sepoys of the Company's service marching parallel with it along 
the shore. 

On January 1st, when the ships entered the channel between 
Eort Tanna and the battery opposite to it, the enemy abandoned 
both. The Salisbury was left there to bring off the guns from the 
works, and to demolish the defences, and at night the Vice-Admiral 
manned and armed the boats of his squadron and sent them a few 

^ The Squadron under AacE-ADMiKAL Watson in the East Indies, 1756-1757. 



Ships. 


Guus. 


Commanders. 


Kent .... 


70 


fVice-Adm. Charles Watsou (B). 
\Capt. Henry Speke. 


Cumherland . 


66 


jKear-Adm. George Pocock (R). 
\Capt. John Harrison. 


Ti<ier .... 


60 


„ Thomas Latham. 


Salishury . 


50 


„ William Martin (2). 


Bridgeivater . 


24 


,, Henry Smith. 


Triton'^ 


24 


„ Edmund Townley. 


Kingfisher . 


14 


Com. Richard Toby. 


Thunder, bomb^ . 


.. 


„ Th(imas Warwick. 


Blaze, fireship^ ^ . 


•• 


Lieut. ? 



1 Arrivea from Englaud, after the rest of the squadron had gone to Bengal. 

2 Purchased and armi'd by the Vice-Admiral in India. 

3 Could not make the Gauges, and had to boar away for Bombay. 



VOL. III. 



M 



162 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1 



<0l 



miles up the river, where they boarded and burnt some fireships, 
which had been collected there. Early on the 2nd, Colonel Clive, 
with the troops, landed and began the march towards Calcutta ; the 
Kent, Tiger, Bridgeicater, and Kingfisher proceeding as the army 
advanced. At 9.40 a.m. the enemy opened upon the Tiger from 
their batteries below • Calcutta, but abandoned them as the ships 
drew near. At 10.20 the Tiger and Kent began a hot cannonade 




VICE-ADMIRAL CHARLES WATSON. 
(From E. Fisher's engraving after the portrait hy Hudson.) 



of Fort William, and after two hours drove the defenders out of it. 
In this action the British lost only nine seamen and three soldiers 
killed, and twenty-six seamen and five soldiers wounded. Calcutta 
was at once occupied. 

The Vice-Admiral later detached an expedition, the naval part 
of which was under Captain Richard King (1), who was serving as a 
volunteer in the squadron, to seize the town of Hugli, thirty miles 
above Calcutta. Another expedition, under Captain Speke, burnt 



1757.] WATSON TAKES CHANDERNAGORE. 163 

the enemy's granaries at Gongee, and, assisted by the troops, 
defeated a body of natives which had attacked them. This action 
provoked Surajah Dowleh to send a large army against Calcutta. 
Clive obtained from the Vice-Admiral the aid of a detachment of 
seamen, under Commander AVarwick, and tried to bar the way to 
the city ; but, being misled by his guides in a fog, he had to retreat 
upon Calcutta. In this affair Lieutenant Lutwidge of the Salisbury 
was mortally wounded, and seventeen seamen were killed and 
fifteen wounded. Clive, however, quickly regained his former 
advanced position, and so disconcerted his opponent that the latter 
sued for a peace, which was concluded on February 9th. The 
British might undoubtedly have obtained more favourable terms 
than they did, had they not been anxious to patch up all their 
differences with the native princes, in order to be able to concentrate 
the whole of their resources in opposition to the French in India. 

These matters having been settled, the Vice-Admiral made 
preparations for at once attacking Chandernagore ; but the French 
made overtures for the neutrality of the place, and thus to some 
extent delayed him. Failing in their efforts in this direction, the 
French began to tamper with Surajah Dowleh. In the mean- 
time, however, Watson and Clive invested Chandernagore. On 
March 19th, the British boats destroyed some French fireships 
which were collected near the town. On the 21st, Kear-Admiral 
Pocock joined the flag ; but he had been obliged to leave his own 
flagship at Ballasore, as she drew too much water to come up the 
river ; and he arrived in a boat. On the '22nd he hoisted his flag in 
the Tiger. On the 23rd there was a general bombardment of the 
fort from land and water ; and, after three hours' hot firing, the 
French capitulated. The Salishury, owing to an accident, was 
unable to get into action. The Kent lost 19 killed and 49 wounded ; 
the Tiger, 13 killed and 50 wounded. Among those hurt was Eear- 
Admiral Pocock. 

The fugitives from Chandernagore were received and sheltered 
by the Nawab, who acted throughout with great duplicity ; and, as 
the British soon afterwards learnt of a plan of his own discontented 
subjects to depose him, they determined to aid and abet it. It 
cannot be pretended that the negotiations to this end were altogether 
honourable to those Englishmen who were concerned in it ; and 
Vice-Admiral Watson declined to be a party to certain questionable 
undertakings, which, in pursuance of the resolution, were entered 

iVi 2 



164 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1757. 

into by Clive and the council ; but his name was, without his 
privity, affixed to the treaty with the malcontents. Clive then 
attacked the Nawab, and on June 23rd, 1757, defeated him at 
Plassey. This victory eventually led to the fall and death of 
Surajah Dowleh, and to the establishment in his place of Meer 
Jaffier, a nominee of the British. The settlement was barely con- 
cluded when, on August 16th, Vice-Admiral Watson died. His part 
in the foundation of the British Empire in India has scarcely been 
done justice to, and his loss, just then a serious one, would have 
been much more severely felt than it was, had he not had as his 
successor so capable an officer as Eear-Admiral Pocock. 

Commodore James, of the East India Company's service, in 
the Revenge, 22, had been stationed off Pondicherry to watch 
the motions of the enemy, and had been joined there by H.M.S. 
Triton, 24. But these vessels were driven off in September by 
a strong French squadron ; and, since Pocock's ships were in a rather 
bad condition, and some of them temporarily unfit for action, the 
situation began to look threatening, especially seeing that an 
expected British reinforcement, under Commodore Charles Stevens, 
had been detained at Bombay, and did not actually sail thence for 
the coast of Coromandel until January 20th, 1758. 

Indeed, the French were making great efforts to defend their 
challenged possessions in India. They had already fitted out an 
expedition, the naval command of which was given to the Comte 
d'Ache, and the military, to General Comte de Lally. The squadron 
consisted of three king's ships, and one ship and a frigate belonging 
to the French East India Company, with about 1200 troops on 
board. D'Ache sailed on March (3th, 1757, but was driven back to 
Brest by a storm, and, while there, was deprived of two of the 
king's ships, in order that they might be despatched to Canada. 
Instead of them he received five more East Indiamen. He sailed 
on May 4th, and on December 18th reached Isle de France, where 
he found four additional armed East Indiamen. Choosing the best 
vessels at his disposal, he put to sea with them on January 27th, 
1758. The further movements of d'Ache and of Pocock will be 
referred to later. Operations in other quarters during 1757 must 
first be followed. 

On the Leeward Islands' station. Commodore John Moore (1) 
relieved Kear-Admiral Thomas Frankland and rendered valuable 
service in protecting trade. On the Jamaica station, Eear-Admiral 



1757.] 



FOBBESrS ACTION WITH DE KEB SAINT. 



165 



Thomas Cotes was in command, and was not less successful. In 
the autumn, learning that the French were assembling, at Cape 
Fran9ois, a convoy for Europe, he sent the Augusta, Edinburgh 
and Dreadnought to cruise off that place to intercept it. This 
convoy was to be escorted by M. de Kersaint, with a small squadron, 
which Cotes believed would be little, if at all, superior to that under 
Captain Arthur Forrest of the Augusta. But de Kersaint was 
reinforced at Cape Frangois, and had in consequence a considerably 
more powerful command ^ than the British officer. On October 21st, ^ 
de Kersaint issued forth, hoping by his very appearance in such 
force to drive Forrest away. The latter, upon the French being 
signalled, summoned his brother captains on board the Augusta, 
and, when they met him on his quarterdeck, said, " Well, gentle- 
men, you see they are come out to engage us." Upon which 
Captain Suckling answered, " I think it would be a pity to dis- 
appoint them." Captain Langdon was of the same opinion. 
"Very well," replied Captain Forrest; "go on board your ships 
again " ; and he at once made the signal to bear down and engage 
the enemy. The French had seven vessels to the British three. 
Captain Suckling took the van, Captain Forrest the centre, and 
Captain Langdon the rear. The action began at about 3.20 p.m., 
and continued very briskly for two hours and a half, when the 
French commodore ordered one of his frigates to come and tow 
him out of the line. Others of his squadron soon followed his 
example ; and eventually the French made off.. The British ships 
were all much cut up aloft. The Augusta lost 9 killed and 
29 wounded ; the Dreadnought, 9 killed and 30 wounded ; and the 
Edinburgh, 5 killed and 30 wounded. The loss of the French is said 

^ The British and Frexch Squadroxs engaged ox October 21st, 1757. 





British. 


1 


Feen 


:h. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanders. 


Ships. Guns. 


Commanders. 


Aiir/nsta. 
Dreadnought . 
Edinburgh . 


60 
60 
61 


Capt. Artliiir Forrest. 
„ ]\Iaiiriie Suckling. 
,, William Langdon. 


Intrlpide 

Sceptre .... 

Opinidtre . 
1 Greenwich . 
'. Outarde .... 

Sauvage .... 

Licorne .... 


74 
74 
64 
50 
44 
32 
32 


M. de Kersaint. 



^ On the same day, forty-eight years later, was fought the battle of Trafalgar. 
Nelson, before going into action, recalled the fact that the day was the anniversary of 
his uncle's gallant behaviour, and regarded it as of good omen. 



166 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1 



ioi. 



to have exceeded 500 in killed and wounded. Few pluckier or more 
creditable actions have ever been fought ; and it is worth noting 
that among the British captains, all of whom greatly distinguished 
themselves, one, Maurice Suckling, was a maternal uncle of Lord 
Nelson, and Nelson's earliest patron. Forrest had to bear up for 
Jamaica, in order to get his ships refitted. De Kersaint, in the 
meantime, picked up his convoy and sailed for France. But, at the 




CAPTAIN' MAURICE SUCKLING, K.N., CONTKOI^LEIl OF THE NAVY, 1775-78. 
(By permmio)), from the portrait by BardweU, in the possession of Capt. Thomas Suckling, B.N.) 

very end of his voyage, he met with a severe storm, in which 
the Opinidtre, Greemvich, and Outarde drove ashore and were 
wrecked. 

On the North American station Lord Loudoun, the new military 
commander-in-chief, had formulated in the autumn of 1756, a plan 
for the conquest of Cape Breton; and, in the winter, the Ministry 
at home approved his scheme. On January 3rd, 1757, he laid 
a general embargo on all outward-bound ships in American colonial 



1757.] FLANS OF LORD LOUDOUN. 167 

ports. His objects were, firstly, to prevent the communication of 
intelligence to the enemy ; secondly, to obtain the necessary trans- 
ports ; and thirdly, to secure additional seamen for his Majesty's 
ships. The measure, though perhaps it was wise, produced strong 
dissatisfaction both in America and at home ; and, in spite of the 
precaution, the French heard of the project. In the early spring, 
therefore, they sent a fleet and strong reinforcements to Louisbourg. 

Loudoun assembled at New York ninety transports ; and, 
presently. Sir Charles Hardy (2), Governor of New York, received a 
commission as Kear-Admiral, with orders to hoist his flag and co- 
operate with the military commander-in-chief. He first hoisted his 
flag in the Nightingale, 20, but removed it later to the- Sutherland, 50, 
Captain Edward Falkingham (2). The army, consisting of 3500 
men, was all embarked by the 25th ; but, just as the fleet was ready 
to sail, news arrived that a French squadron, of five ships of the 
line and a frigate, was cruising off Halifax. This delayed the 
departure of the expedition until the Rear-Admiral had sent two 
sloops to reconnoitre. As they saw no enemy, Hardy sailed on 
June 5th, and a few days afterwards disembarked his forces for 
refreshment and exercise at Halifax, where were found three 
infantry regiments and a company of artillery, bringing the total 
force up to about 11,000 men. 

Loudoun would scarcely have left New York with so feeble 
a convoy ^ as that which was available under Hardy, had he not 
had reason to expect to meet at Halifax Vice-Admiral Francis 
Holburne, with a fleet from England, to support him. But, owing 
to mismanagement at home, Holburne did not leave St. Helen's for 
Ireland, where he was to pick up troops, until April 16th ; and 
sailing from Cork on May 27th, he did not reach Halifax until 
July 7th, when the season was almost too far advanced for the safe 
commencement of an enterprise which could not but be met with 
the most vigorous opposition. Moreover, the French had been 
beforehand, and had despatched from Brest a fleet, which, under 
M. de Beauffremont, went first to the West Indies, and, proceeding, 
entered Louisbourg on June 5th, finding there four sail of the line 
which a few days earlier had arrived from Toulon under M. du 
Eevest. A further reinforcement from Brest, under M. Dubois 

^ Sutherland, 50, Captain Edward Falkiugham (2); Nujhtingale, 20, Captain 
.James Campbell (2) ; Kennington, 20, Captain Dudley Digges ; Vulture, 16, Commander 
Sampson Salt ; and Ferret, 14, Commander Arthur Upton. 



168 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1757. 

de la Motte, sailed on Maj^ 3rd, and, evading the British blockade, 
reached Louisbourg on June 29th, when the united French 
squadrons included eighteen sail of the line and five frigates, a 
force much superior to that which Holburne and Hardy were able 
to dispose of. The town also contained 7000 regular troops. 
Dubois de la Motte had been expressly ordered to protect Louis- 
bourg, and on no account to hazard an engagement with the 
British fleet unless he should be in such overwhelming force as to 
place the question of his success beyond a doubt. It is right to 
point this out in order to excuse him for having neither annihilated 
Holburne, nor blockaded the British in Halifax. 

Vice-Admiral Holburne sent the Winchelsea, 20, Captain John 
Eous, and other frigates, to look into Louisbourg. Eous returned, 
and, in consequence of his report, the army was re-embarked on 
August 1st and 2nd, and a rendezvous was appointed in Gabarus 
Bay, six miles west of Louisbourg. Eous seems to have underrated 
the strength of the French forces ; but truer information concerning 
it was presently received from some papers which had been dis- 
covered in a prize. This led to the abandonment of the project. 
Some regiments remained in Halifax ; others, under convoy, went 
to the Bay of Fundy, to Fort Cumberland, and to Annapolis Eoyal ; 
and the rest, with Loudoun, against whom there was a great outcry, 
returned to New York. 

Holburne, however, was not satisfied, and resolved to reconnoitre 
Louisbom^g for himself. Leaving, therefore, a few vessels for the 
defence of Halifax, he sailed on August 16th, and arrived before the 
place on August 20th. Near the harbour's mouth some of his ships 
got close enough in to draw the fire from the island battery. The 
Vice-Admiral was thus able to satisfy himself that the strength of 
the enemy had not been exaggerated. Dubois de la Motte signalled 
his fleet to unmoor, whereupon the British tacked, stood off, and at 
nightfall bore away. On September 11th, Holburne was again at 
Halifax, where he found reinforcements of four sail of the line from 
England, under Captain Francis Geary. 

The original project could not then be persisted in, but Holburne, 
after watering and rewooding his fleet, which by that time consisted 
of nineteen sail of the line, two fifty-gun ships, and several frigates, 
sailed for Louisbourg with the intention of blockading the French, 
until the approach of winter and shortness of supphes should oblige 
them to come out and fight him. On September 2 1th, he was only 




15. 

55 

a. 



P3 

o 

I— I 

o 
I-; 

t. 

o 

« 
o 

w 

Eh 

« 
W 
H 

<i 

«' 

< 
1-1 

c 
w 

o 



pq fc) 



O 



o 



Q 
O 

D 

« 

P3 



I 



tq 



fe, 



P 
H 






r. 



1757.] STORM OFF LOUISBOURG. 169 

about sixty miles south of Louisbourg, when a fresh easterly gale 
sprang up. In the night it veered to the southward and blew an 
awful hurricane until about 11 a.m. on the 25th. Then, fortunately, 
it again veered to the north, otherwise the fleet could scarcely have 
been saved from destruction. The Tilhunj, 60, Captain Henry 
Barnsley,^ who, with nearly all the crew, was lost, struck and went 
to pieces. The Grafton,'^ 70, Captain Thomas Cornewall, bearing 
the broad pennant of Commodore Charles Holmes, also struck, but 
was got off. The Ferret, 14, Commander Arthur Upton, foundered 
with all hands. All the other ships of the fleet were seriously 
damaged, no fewer than twelve being dismasted either wholly or in 
part. It was the fiercest hurricane ever experienced by anyone then 
on the station ; and it naturally put an end to Holburne's plan. The 
Vice- Admiral sent his most damaged ships direct to England, under 
Sir Charles Hardy (2) and Commodore Charles Holmes, and went 
with the rest to Halifax, whence, having refitted, he too sailed for 
England, leaving a few ships under Captain Lord Colville, of the 
Northumberland, 70, to winter at Halifax. Lord Colville had 
orders to endeavour, when the season should permit, to prevent 
supplies from getting into Louisbourg. The French force there, 
however, put to sea at the end of October, and, after suffering from 
very bad weather during the voyage, reached Brest at the end of 
November. 

The proceedings of M. de Kersaint on the Jamaica station have 
already been described. Previous to going thither he had cruised 
on the coast of Guinea ; and, in the absence of any sufficient British 
squadron there to oppose him, had taken many prizes. He had also 
attempted Cape Coast Castle, but had been beaten off by the resource 
and courage of Mr. Bell, the Governor. 

In the Mediterranean, Bear- Admiral Charles Saunders, who had 
been left in command after the return to England of Sir Edward 
Hawke, heard at the end of March that four sail of the line^the 
same which later reached Louisbourg — and one frigate, under 
M. du Eevest, had quitted Toulon. He therefore left Gibraltar on 
April 2, 1757, to intercept them with the Culloden, 74, Benvick, 64, 
Princess Louisa, 60, Guernsey, 50, and Portland, 50. On April 5th, 

^ In some Navy Lists of the period this officer appears as Barnsby. He was a 
captain of 174:8, 

2 She lost her mainmast, foi-etopmast, and rudder ; but the ship was safely steered 
to England by means of a jury- rudder devised by Commodore Holmes. {See plate.) 



170 



MA JOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1757. 



at 5 P.M., he sighted the enemy and, being to leeward, formed his 
hne. At sunset the French did the same, and began to fire at very 
lone ran^e. The British chased, and gained so much on them that 
the Guernseij and Princess Louisa were able to engage ; but in the 
night the French got away. Vice-Admiral Henry Osborn arrived 
with reinforcements in May, and assumed the command ; but, 
though the trade was well protected and many prizes were taken. 




■.^JU^ 



ADMIRAL SIR ClIAKLKS SAUXPERS, K.B. 
(Frotii a portrait in the ' Naml Chronicle' 1802.) 



no further fleet operations of any importance took place on the 
station during the year. 

It has been said that M. Duljois de la Motte escaped from Brest 
in May 1757, with nine sail of the line and four frigates, and 
reached Louisbourg. He was enabled to escape by the fact that 
the blockading squadron before the place, under Vice-Admiral 
Temple West, had been driven from its station by bad weather. 
West was afterwards relieved by Eear-Admirai Thomas Broderick, 



1757.] EXPEDITION AGAINST ROOHEFORT. 171 

who remained cruising till Jnne, when Vice-Admiral the Hon. 
Edward Boscawen took the command of the squadron for about a 
month. Prizes were made, but there was no meeting between the 
fleets of the two countries. 

As the French still notoriously cherished the design of an in- 
vasion of England, the Ministry determined if possible to be before- 
hand and to deal a blow on the French coasts. A military officer, 
who had made a short stay at Eochefort before the outbreak of the 
war, gave information concerning the condition of the defences of 
that port, which, though supposed to be weak, contained' a most 
valuable dockyard, arsenal, and foundry. The representations of 
this officer. Captain Clarke by name, induced the authorities to 
undertake an expedition against the town, and they were the more 
readily inclined to adopt this course seeing that nearly the whole of 
the French army was believed to be employed in Germany, and that 
but few troops were supposed to be available on the Atlantic seaboard. 
The scheme was kept secret ; but a large squadron was prepared 
and entrusted to Admiral Sir Edward Hawke {BamiUies, 90), 
Vice-Admiral Charles Knowles {Neptune, 90), and Eear- Admiral 
Broderick (Princess Amelia, 80) ; and troops were collected and em- 
barked under Lieut. -General Sir John Mordaunt and Major-Generals 
Conway and Cornwallis. The instructions to Sir Edward Hawke 
were " to attempt, as far as it shall be found practicable, a descent 
on the coast of France, at or near Bochefort, in order to attack and, 
by vigorous impression, force that place ; and to burn and destroy to 
the utmost of his power all such docks, magazines, arsenals and 
shipping as shall be found there." 

The fleet consisted of sixteen sail of the line, besides numerous 
frigates, small craft, and transports ; and it sailed on September 8th ; 
but its destination was not known, nor even suspected, by any with 
it, except the chiefs, until September 14th, when the alteration of 
course revealed it. 

On the 20th Sir Edward Hawke issued orders to Vice-Admiral 
Knowles, directing him to attack Isle d'Aix ; and at noon the Vice- 
Admiral proceeded to execute these directions ; but, in doing so, he 
chased a two-decked French ship, which escaped into the Garonne 
and gave the alarm. Early on the 23rd the Vice-Admiral, with the 
Neptune, 90, Captain James Galbraith ; Magnanime, 14., Captain 
the Hon. Eichard Howe ; Barflear, 90, Captain Samuel Graves (1) ; 
Torhay, 74, Captain the Hon. Augustus Keppel ; Boijal William, 84, 



172 MA JOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1758. 

Captain Wittewronge Taylor, and two bombs, the Firedrale and 
Infernal, attacked the works on Aix. The Macjnanime got into 
action within forty yards of the fort, and, she being well seconded 
by the Barjieur, in half an hour the position surrendered. It was 
taken possession of, and the defences were later destroyed. In the 
meantime vessels were sent to reconnoitre, and to sound for a 
suitable place of disembarkation on the mainland ; but it was 
discovered that a landing in any case would be difficult, and that, 
if opposed, it could scarcely be effected. At a council of w^ar, held 
on the 2oth in the Neptune, it was therefore decided not to proceed ; 
but at another council of war, on the 28th, this decision was re- 
versed, and it was determined to attempt an attack, in spite of the 
fact that the enemy, who had been very active, was then better than 
ever prepared. Yet when, in the early morning of the 29th, all was 
ready, the wind blew off shore, and the scheme had finally to be 
abandoned. On October 1st the fleet sailed for England, and on the 
6th arrived at Spithead. The collapse of the expedition, and the 
waste of money, which its mismanagement by the Government had 
entailed, caused grave public dissatisfaction. 

Almost immediately afterwards a fleet of fifteen sail of the line 
and several frigates, under Admiral Sir Edward Hawke and Vice- 
Admiral the Hon. Edward Boscawen, was sent to sea with a view 
to intercept the home-coming French squadron from Louisbourg. 
It sailed from Spithead on October 22nd, but, when on its station, 
was dispersed by a gale ; and, before it could regain its assigned 
position, M. Dubois de la Motte got into Brest unperceived, except 
by the Vanguard, Captain Robert Swanton, which sighted it on 
November 23rd, and which was engaged by some of the enemy. 
M. Dubois de la Motte finally called off his chasers for fear of 
attracting the attention of the British fleet. Hawke and Boscawen, 
therefore, returned to Spithead on December 15th. 

The Earl of Loudoun was in 1758 succeeded as military com- 
mander-in-chief in North America by Major-General Abercrombie ; 
and it was determined to begin operations for the year with the 
siege of Louisbourg. Admiral Boscawen, Eear-Admiral Sir Charles 
Hardy (2), and Commodore Philip Durell (1), were nominated to the 
command of the fleet which was designed for the service ; and, in 
January, Hardy sailed in the Captain, 64, for Halifax, to assume 
charge of the ships already there, and with theim to blockade 
Louisbourg as soon as the season should permit. Early in February, 



1758.] 



DISTRIBUTION OF THE NAVY. 



173 



Durell followed him in the Diana, 36, to make the necessary local 
preparations ; and on February 19th Boscawen himself sailed with 
the fleet. After Boscawen's departure, Sir Edward Hawke was 
despatched to blockade the French Channel ports, while Commodore 
Charles Holmes cruised off the north coast of Holland, and assisted 
in obliging the French and their allies to evacuate Emden. At 
the same time, troops were assembled in the Isle of Wight for an 




ADMIRAL SIR GEORGE POCOCK, K.B. 
{From an engraving hi/ Ridley, after the portrait hy Hudson.) 



intended incursion upon the coast of France, and Admiral Lord 
Anson assumed the command of the blockading fleet before Brest, 
while a squadron for the descent upon the French coast was collected 
under Commodore the Hon. Eichard Howe. It should be added 
that reinforcements were sent to India, under Captain Richard 
Tiddeman ; that a small force under Captain Henry Marsh went to 
the west coast of Africa ; and that an expedition, ultimately en- 
trusted to Commodore John Moore, sailed later for the West Indies. 



174 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1758. 



Havino- thus summarised some of the chief naval movements of 
1758, we may proceed to give accounts of the squadrons and their 
principal doings. 

In the East Indies Vice- Admiral Pocock was joined in Madras 
Eoad, on March 24th, by Commodore Charles Stevens, and, on 
April 17th, sailed, with the object of getting to windward of Fort 
St. David, to intercept the French squadron which was expected on 
the coast. Comte d'Ache had reached Mauritius on December 17th, 
1757, and had there joined the small squadron under M. Bouvet, 
with whom he sailed on January 27th, 1758, and made for the coast 
of Coromandel ; but, owing to the monsoon, he did not anchor off 
Fort St. David until April 28th. Having eleven vessels, the French 
cut off the escape of H.M.S. Bridgeioater, 24, Captain John Stanton, 
and Triton, 24, Captain Thomas Manning, which were lying there, 
and which, to save them from capture, were run ashore and burnt. 
D'Ache detached thence the Comte de Provence, 74, and the Dili- 
gente, 24, to carry to Pondicherry M. de Lally, the new governor of 
the French East India possessions. On the 29th, at 9 a.:m., ere the 
detachment had disappeared, Pocock sighted the French squadron 
which then consisted of eight ^ ships fit for the line, whereas the 
British consisted of only seven. ^ Pocock signalled for a general 
chase ; upon which the French weighed and stood out to sea 
E. by N., with the wind from the S.E. At 12.30 p.m. Pocock got 
within three miles of the enemy, who waited for him in line of battle 
ahead. He then hauled down the signal for a general chase and 

^ Nine were actually put into line by the French. 

^ British axd Frexch Squadrons in the Action off Cuddalore 

ON April 29th, 1758. 





Bfillisil. 


1 


Fkench. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Coiumainlers. 


Ships. 


Gims. 


Commanders. 


Tiger 

Salishur;/ . 

Elizabeth . . . 

Tarmoiith . . . 
Cumherlaml 


60 
50 

64 

64 
56 


Capt. Thomas Latham, 
f „ John Stukley 
I Somerset. 
jCommoil. Charles Stevens. 
'Capt. Richapl Kemptn- 
1 felt. 

iVice-Admiral George 
i I'ocock. 
(Capt. John Han-isou. 

,, AVilliani Hrereton. 

„ George Legge. 

„ Nicholas Vincent. 

„ Hon. James Colville. 


Bien Aime . 
Vtngeur .... 
Condi .... 
Due d'Orleans . . 

Zodiaque . . . 

St. Louis . . . 
Moras .... 
Sylphide. . . . 
Due de Bourgojne. 


581 
541 
441 
561 

U 

501 
441 
36 

60 

T4 
24 


Capt. fie La Palliere. 

„ Bonvet (2"). 

,, tie Kosbau. 

„ tie Surville (2). 
f Comte tl'Ache. 
ICapt. Gotho. 

,, Joaunis. 

,, Bee tie Lievre. 

„ Mahe. 

,. tl'Apret. 


Weipnouth ... 00 

Qneenborouf/h . . 24 
Protector, .Htore.ship 


Comte de Provence. 
Diligente . . . 


„ tie La Chaise. 



' Ijuus actually lu^untc I. hiith ot these ships could, and later did, tarry iiinro. 



1758.] POCOGK AND D'ACHE OFF CUDDALORE. 175 

made that for line of battle ahead, with the ships at a distance of 
half a cable apart. The Cuniherlancl and Tiger, sailing badly, did 
not get into their positions until 2.15, when Pocock bore down on 
the Zodiaque, d'Ache's flagship, which occupied the centre of the 
French line. The captains of the Newcastle and Weymouth un- 
fortunately mistook the signal for the line, and did not close up to 
the ships ahead of them ; and, when the Vice- Admiral signalled for 
closer action, these ships did not obey. The enemy opened fire as 
the British approached. The Cumberland was so long in getting up 
that the Vice-Admiral, and the three ships ahead of him, had, for 
some time, had to sustain the whole fire of the French. Yet, Pocock 
did not return a shot until his ship had hauled up exactly abreast of 
the Zodiaque, and then, at 3.55 p.m., he made the signal to engage. 

Commodore Stevens, with the ships ahead of the Vice-Admiral, 
behaved magnificently, but the three ships astern did not properly 
support the van. This might have been serious, and even fatal, if 
there had not been corresponding mistakes and derelictions of duty 
on the French side. The captain of the Due de Bourgogne took up 
a post behind the French line, and, in the most cowardly manner, 
fired across it at the British ; and the Sijlphide, 36, a weak ship, 
which seems to have improperly found a place in the line, was 
driven out of it at the first broadside The Gonde lost her rudder, 
and was also obliged to fall out. In the van and centre, however, the 
action was for the most part fought with the greatest determination 
on both sides. In her somewhat belated attempts to get into action, 
the Gumherland nearly fouled the Yarmouth, and forced her to back 
her topsails, thus obliging the Newcastle and the Weymouth to back 
theirs likewise. But when the Cumberland had at length gained 
her station, the Newcastle held back, in spite of signals from the 
Vice-Admiral, and in spite of the Weymouth's hailing her to close 
up ; whereupon the Weymouth hauled her wind and, passing to wind- 
ward of the Newcastle, got into line ahead of her and quickly obliged 
the Moras to bear away. The Cumberland in the meanwhile en- 
gaged the St. Louis, so materially relieving the Yarmouth. 

In the height of the engagement explosions of powder on board 
both the Zodiaque and the Bien Aime caused some confusion. 
D'Ache signalled for those of his ships which had withdrawn to 
return to the action ; but they paid no attention. Still the fight was 
hot, and the Tiger was very hard pressed until she was assisted 
by the Salisbury and Elizabeth. As the battle neared its termina- 



176 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1758. 

tion, the ship and frigate which had been detached by d'Ache to 
Pondicherry, and which M. de Lally had refused to allow to 
return at once, although d'Ache had signalled for them, were coming 
up ; but, the British rear then closing somewhat, and the fugitive 
French vessels not rejoining, d'Ache at about 6 p.m. bore down to 
his friends, and then, hauling his wind, made for Pondicherry. His 
final movement, which seems to be thus rightly interpreted, appeared 
to Pocock to have a different significance ; for he wrote :■ — 

" At half-past four p.m. the rear of the French line had drawn pretty close up to 
their flagship. Our three rear shiits -were signalled to engage closer. Soon after, 
il. d'Ache broke the line and put before the wind. His second astern, who had kept 
on the Yarmouth's quarter most part of the action, then came up alongside, gave his 
fire, and then bore away ; and a few minutes after the enemy's van bore away also." 

From this, as Captain Mahan points out, it would appear that 
the French deliberately, before leaving the scene of the action, 
effected upon the principal English ship a movement of concentra- 
tion, defiling past her.^ 

Pocock hauled down the signal to engage, and rehoisted that for 
a general chase ; but such of his ships as had fought well were too 
disabled to come up with the enemy, and, night approaching, he 
stood to the southward wdth a view of keeping to the windw^ard of 
the enemy, and of being able to engage him in the morning, if the 
French did not weather the British. With this object he ordered 
the Queenhorough, 24, ahead to observe the enemy ; and he con- 
tinued to endeavour to work up after the French until 6 a.m. on 
May 1st, w^hen, as he lost ground and pursuit appeared to be useless, 
he anchored three miles south of Sadras. 

In this battle, which was fought about twenty-one miles from 
Lampraavy, the British had lost 29 killed and 89 wounded. At 
10 P.M. on the day of the action, the French anchored off Lam- 
praavy. There, owing to the loss of her anchors and to damage to 
her cables, the Bien Aime drove ashore and was wrecked ; all her 
crew, however, being saved. In the engagement the French had 
suffered far more severely than the British, having lost 162 killed, 
and 860 wounded ; for the ships had been full of troops and the 
English fire had been directed, as usual, against the hulls rather 
than against the rigging. D'Ache afterwards proceeded to Pondi- 
cherry, where he landed 1200 sick, and superseded M. d'Apret, 
captain of the Due de Bourgognc, by M. Bouvet. It seems to have 

' ' Tnfl. of Sea Power,' 308. 



1758.] D'ACEE AT PONDICHERRY. ill 

been chiefly owing to the backwardness of the captains in the 
British rear that the French were not completely defeated. 

At about the time of the action, the French on land had taken 
Cuddalore, the garrison of which was allowed to retire to Fort 
St. David. That place was soon afterwards besieged by M. de Lally. 
Pocock received some additional men from Madras, including eighty 
lascars, and, having repaired the worst damages of his ships, tried in 
vain to work up along the coast. He then stood to sea, and on 
May 10th had stretched as far south as lat. 9° 30', whence he 
endeavoured to fetch to the windward of Fort St. David ; but, 
standing in, he met with a strong west vnnd, and, being unable to 
get higher than Lampraavy, he anchored there on May 26th. On 
the 30th he sighted Pondicherry, and saw the French squadron in 
the road. 

D'Ache, upon descrying the British, called a council of w^ar, 
which decided that the ships should remain moored close under the 
batteries to await attack ; but M. de Lally, arriving from before 
Fort St. David, insisted that the British should be met at sea, and 
sent out to the fleet 400 lascars as a reinforcement. As de Lally 
had the supreme command in India, d'Ache weighed with eight ships 
of the line and a frigate ; yet, instead of bearing down on Pocock, 
who could not work up to him, he kept his wind and plied for Fort 
St. David, whither de Lally returned by land to prosecute the siege. 
But no sooner had de Lally departed than the governor and council 
of Pondicherry, who had full powers during de Lally's absence, 
recalled d'Ache to protect their town. This order was most service- 
able to the British ; for, soon after the return of the French squadron, 
three valuable East India Company's ships, which must otherwise 
have been taken, got safely into Madras. 

Chiefly owing to the bad sailing of the Cumberland, Pocock failed 
to get up with the French squadron. On the 6th he heard that 
Fort St. George was likely to be invested ; and, realizing that should 
this be so, his ships would be unable to re-water on the coast, he 
made for Madras, where he brought his defaulting captains to court- 
martial. Captain George Legge, of the Newcastle, was dismissed 
the service ; Captain Nicholas Vincent, of the Weymouth, was dis- 
missed his ship ; and Captain William Brereton, of the Cumherland, 
was sentenced to the loss of one year's seniority as a post-captain. 

Fort St. David capitulated on June 2nd, and M. de Lally destroyed 
the place. Had he then gone at once to Madras, he could have 

VOL. III. X 



178 MA JOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1758. 

taken it easily ; but he delayed, and, in the interval, Fort St. George 
was considerably strengthened. Instead of going to Madras, he 
attacked Tanjore, in order to obtain payment of some money which 
had been promised by the king to M. Dupleix in 1749. Before 
Tanjore, his army, weakened by sickness and want of provisions, 
was defeated ; and, being obliged to raise the siege and to retire, 
closely pursued by his native opponents, he had some difhculty in 
reaching Carical. On his retreat thither he learnt that d'Ache, 
then off Pondicherry, had intimated his intention of proceeding to 
Mauritius. He therefore sent to remonstrate with the French 
commodore, and was thus able to induce him to postpone his 
departure. 

Yice-Admiral Pocock refitted, and, on July 25th, sailed with a 
favourable wind southward along the shore to seek the enemy. On 
the 26th he anchored off Lampraavy, where he took or burnt some 
small craft of the enemy. On the evening of the 27th he got within 
nine miles of Pondicherry, and saw the French fleet at anchor in 
the road. On the 28th, at 10 a.m., the French got under sail and 
stood to the southward with a land breeze ; on which Pocock 
signalled for a general chase ; but the enemy kept to windward and 
anchored early next morning off Porto Novo. AVhen the land breeze 
arose, the French weighed and stood to windv/ard ; and at about 
8 A.M. were out of sight. In the afternoon Pocock burnt the French 
ship Bestitution, a British prize, off Porto Novo, At 10 a.m. on 
August 1st he again sighted d'Ache, who was getting under sail off 
Tranquebar, and who soon afterwards formed his line of battle 
ahead with starboard tacks on board, and seemed to edge down 
towards the British, But when Pocock made sail and stood for the 
French, they hauled on a wind. At about 1 p.m., however, they 
formed line of battle abreast and bore down on Pocock under easy 
sail. He, at 1.80, signalled for a line of battle ahead with the 
starboard tacks on board, and stood to the eastward under topsails, 
or with the maintopsails square so as to allow his ships to take 
station, in waiting for the enemy. At 5 p.m, the French van was 
abreast of the British centre at a distance of about two miles. The 
enemy stood on till his van was abreast of the British van, and then 
kept at about that distance until 6.30, when he hoisted his topsails, 
set his courses, and stood to the south-east. Admiral Pocock 
signalled to his van to fill and stand on, and made sail to the south- 
ward, keeping his line until midnight, when he judged the French 



1758.] 



POCOOK AND WACEE OFF NEGAPATAM. 



179 



to have tacked. He then signalled the fleet to wear, and stood after 
the enemy to the westward. But, at daylight on the 2nd, the enemy 
was not to be seen. In the evening, however, four sails were sighted 
inshore to the north-west; and on the 3rd, at 5 a.m., the British 
sighted the French fleet off Negapatam, about three miles to wind- 
ward, formed in hne of battle ahead, with the starboard tacks on 
board. ^ 

Pocock also formed his hne of battle ahead on the starboard tack, 
and stood towards the French; and, seeing that the Comte de 
Provence, 74, led their van, he ordered the Elizabeth, 64, to take the 
place of the Tiger, 60, an inferior ship, as the leader of his own line. 
At 11 A.M., the wind dying away, the British were becalmed; though 
the enemy still had a hght breeze from off the land, and, with it, 
stood on, their line stretching from east to west. On that course the 
French passed at right angles so close to the rear of the British that 
they might almost have cut off the Cumberland and Newcastle, the 
sternmost ships. At noon a sea breeze sprang up, and gave Pocock 
the weather-gage. Both fleets thereupon formed line afresh ; and at 
12.20 P.M. Pocock signalled to bear down and engage. 

The Elizabeth and Comte de Provence began the action ; but, the 
latter's mizen catching fire, she had to quit the line and cut away 
the mast. The French charge Pocock with throwing inflammables 
on board of them ; but the Vice- Admiral does not seem to have taken 
any special measures for setting his opponents on fire, though 
certainly in this battle they were unusually unfortunate in that 
respect. The Elizabeth' s next opponent was the Due de Bourgogne, 
which, being hardly pressed, would have been assisted by the 



^ List of the British and French Squadrons in the Actiox off 
Negapatam, on August 3rd, 1758. 



Bkitish. 


French. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanders. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanders. 


Yarmouth . . . 

Elizabeth . . . 

Tiger 

Weymouth . . . 

Cumberland 
Salisbury . . . 
Newcastle . . . 


64 

64 

60 

60 

56 
50 
50 

24 


iVice-Adm. (ieorge Po- 1 
i cock. 

ICapt. John Harrison. i 
jCommod. Charles Stevens.' 
i^Capt. Richard Kempeu- 
{ felt. 1 

„ Thomas Latham, 
f ,, John Stukley ; 
I Somerset. 

„ William Martin (2). 

„ AVilliam Brereton. 

, , Hon. James (Jol v ille. 

„ DigbyDent(3) 


Zodiaque 
Comte de Provence 
St. Louis 
Yengeur. . . 
Due d'Orle'ans . 
Due de Bourgogne 
Conde . .  
Moras . . . 
Diligente 




74 
64 
64 
60 
60 
50 
50 
24 


Comte d'Ache. 
Capt. de La Chaise. 

„ de La Palliere. 
,, de Surville (2). - 
„ Bouvet (2). 

,, Bee de Lievre. 


Queenborough . . 









N 'A 



180 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1758. 



Zodiaque, had not the latter had her wheel carried away by a shot 
from the Yarmoiitli, her first antagonist. To repair it, she went 
under the lee of the Due cV Orleans ; but, as soon as she returned to 
the line, one of her lower-deck guns burst, and a fire broke out near 
her powder room. In the consequent confusion, her new steering 
gear gave way, so causing the ship to fall on board the Due 
d' Orleans ; and, while the two ships were entangled together, both 




REAR-ADMIRAL RICHARD KEMPENFELT. 
(From a lUhofjraphed engraving htj Ridley.) 

were heavily cannonaded with impunity by the Yarmouth and Tiger. 
By that time the Conde and Moras had been driven out of the line ; 
and, at 2.8 p.m., the Zodiaque being free, M. d'Ache bore away. He 
was followed in about a quarter of an hour by the rest of his ships. 

Pocock signalled for closer action ; and the retiring enemy was 
badly mauled as he went off under all possible sail. The signal for 
a general chase followed ; whereupon the French cut away the boats 
which most of them had towing astern ; and crowded to the N.N.W. 



1758.] D'ACEE RETIRES TO MAURITIUS. 181 

A running fight was maintained till about 3 p.m., when the French 
were out of range. Pocock, however, pursued until dark, and, at 
about 8 P.M., anchored three miles off Carical, w^hile the French 
pursued their course to Pondicherry. 

The fight, considering its indecisive character, was a very bloody 
one, especially on the side of the French, who lost 250 killed and 
600 wounded. The Zodiaque alone lost 183 killed or dangerously 
wounded. On the British side, however, only 31 were killed and 
166 wounded. Both d'Ache and Pocock received slight injuries ; 
and Commodore Stevens had a musket wound in his shoulder. 
Aloft the British suffered more than the French ; and, had the 
weather not been fine, many of them must have lost their masts. 

D'Ache refitted at Pondicherry ; and, being apprehensive of an 
attack there, anchored his ships close under the town and forts. 
Feeling also that he could not, in his then state, again fight the 
British, and that his remaining on the coast might lead to disaster, 
he again announced his intention of proceeding to Mauritius. M. de 
Lally and the French military and civil officers were astounded at 
this new determination, and endeavoured to dissuade him ; but he 
was supported by his captains, and, having landed 500 marines and 
seamen to reinforce the army on shore, he sailed for his destination 
on September 3rd. Pocock could not believe that d'Ache had any 
idea of withdrawing from the scene of operations, and supposed that 
he would presently set out on a cruise. The Queenborough, 24, was 
therefore despatched to get news of the French ; but she failed to 
obtain any. The British sailed from Madras on August 20th for 
Bombay, calling at Trincomale for water. The Admiral ordered the 
Beveuge, a Company's ship, to cruise off that port ; and she actually 
sighted, and was chased by, d'Ache on his way to Mauritius ; but, 
though the British put to sea, they could not come up with the 
enemy. Pocock afterwards continued his voyage to Bombay. 

In spite of the withdrawal of d'Ache, between whom and 
M. de Lally the worst possible relations existed, the latter continued 
his activity, and on December 14th laid siege to Madras. The town 
was hard pressed, when, on February 16th, 1759, Captain Richard 
Kempenfelt, with two twenty-gun ships and six other vessels, 
containing men and stores, arrived. Early on the 17th de Lally 
raised the siege, retiring in such haste that he left behind him much 
of his siege artillery, and large quantities of stores and ammunition. 
It was a remarkable and dramatic instance of the influence of sea 



182 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 17U-1762. [1758. 

power upon history. Had d'Ache held the sea, and had he been in 
a position to prevent the arrival of reinforcements and stores, the 
place must have fallen. The raising of the siege of Madras may be 
said to mark the beginning of the end of French dreams of empire 

in India. 

On the Leeward Islands' station, where Commodore John 
Moore (1) commanded in 1758, no fleet action or engagement of 
much moment happened during the year ; but there was great and 
commendable activity; and more than one of the transactions in 
those seas will be found noticed in the next chapter. 

On the Jamaica station, likewise, there were very few events of 
importance, though the enemy's trade suffered severely, thanks to 
the excellent dispositions of Vice- Admiral Thomas Cotes and to the 
vigilance of his cruisers. 

It has been seen that in North America preparations had been 
made for a new attack on Louisbourg. Eear-Admiral Sir Charles 
Hardy (2) placed himself off that port as soon as the season permitted ; 
but, owing to fog and gales, he was unable to prevent the entry into 
the harbour of M, du Chaffault, who took out a strong squadron 
from Brest. Du Chaffault, however, fearing to be blockaded, left 
there six ships of the line and some frigates under M. de Beaussier 
to assist in the defence, and himself went to Quebec. Hardy only 
succeeded in intercepting the Fouclroyant, 22, and a few other 
French craft bound up the St. Lawrence. The Foudroijant pluckily 
stood a short action with the Captain, 64, ere she surrendered. She 
had on board a large amount of very valuable stores. 

Admiral the Hon. Edward Boscawen, who had been appointed 
to the command of the expedition against Louisbourg, sailed from 
Portsmouth in February. At the very commencement of his voyage 
he lost the Invincible, 74, Captain John Bentley, which, missing 
stays, ran on a shoal east of St. Helen's and became a total loss. 
But the D/iJ)Iin, 74, was as quickly as possible substituted for 
her by the Admiralty ; and she carried out Major-General Jeffrey 
Amherst, who was to command the military forces. The Dublin 
met Boscawen on May 28th, as he was coming out of Halifax with 
his fleet ; but, being very sickly, she went on into port, while 
Boscawen with his whole force, numbering in all one hundred and 
sixty-seven sail of various kinds, made for Gabarus Bay. The fleet 
was dispersed by bad weather, and the main part of it did not reach 
the rendezvous until June '2n(l. Among the celebrated men who 



1758.] CAPTURE OF LOUISBOUBG. 183 

shared in this expedition were George Brydges Eodney, Edward 
Hughes, later the opponent of Suffren, and James Wolfe, the hero 
of Quebec. 

The French were found to be well prepared, Louisbourg being 
very thoroughly fortified, especially on the sea face. Between the 
day of his arrival and January 8th, General Amherst several times 
caused the troops to be put into the boats, ready for landing ; but 
on each occasion he was compelled by the state of the surf to desist 
and to re-embark them. In the interval the enemy was busy on 
his defences, and never omitted to fire on the ships when they 
ventured within range. On the 8th the army was again put into 
the boats ; and it was decided to make three separate attacks. 
Those on the centre and right were intended as feints or diversions, 
and were to be made in Freshwater Cove and on White Point 
respectively. That on the left was to be the real attack. It was 
made under Brigadier-General Wolfe, under cover of the Kenning- 
ton, 28, Captain Dudley Digges, and Halifax, 12. The Diana, 36, 
Captain Alexander Schoiaberg, Gramont, 18, Commander John 
Stott, and Shannon, 36, Captain Charles Meadows,^ covered the feint 
in the centre ; and the Sutherland, 50, Captain John Rous, and 
Squirrel, 20, Commander John Cleland (1), the feint on the right. 

These ships, as soon as they had taken up their stations, began 
a hot cannonade ; and, a quarter of an hour later, Wolfe's division 
landed in the steadiest manner through the surf under a heavy fire. 
Many men were unavoidably drowned through the oversetting of 
boats, and much ammunition was wetted ; but the troops, fixing their 
bayonets, drove the defenders from their position near the beach ; 
and, before night, all the other troops had been landed. Almost 
immediately afterwards the wind arose, and communication with the 
fleet was cut off for several days. Siege operations were begun on 
June 13th, the troops being at first much annoyed by the fire of 
the French ships in the harbour. The Admiral landed his Marines 
to assist. On the 28th the enemy sank the Apollon, 50, Fidele, 36, 
Biche, 16, and Chevre, 16, in the mouth of the harbour to blockade 
the entrance ; and on July 9th he made a vigorous but ineffectual 
night sortie. On July 21st the Entreprenant, 74, one of the largest 
French ships in the harbour, took fire, blew up and set in flames two 

1 Properly Medows, but the Navy List spelling is Meadows. This gentleman, 
afterwards known as Charles Pierrepont, became Viscount Newark and Earl Mauvers. 
He resigned while yet a captain, and died in 1816. 



184 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1758. 



more ships of the hne, the Celebre, 64, and the Capricieux, 64. 
All three eventually become total losses. The fire from the two 
remaining ships of the line being still troublesome, Boscawen, on 
the night of the 25th, sent into the harbour in boats 600 seamen, 
under Captains John Laforey and George Balfour ; and these, in 
spite of a very fierce fire from the vessels and batteries, executed 
their mission. Laforey took the Prudent, 74, which, being aground, 
he burnt. Balfour carried the Bienfaisant, 64, and tow^ed her into 
the north-east harbour. This decided the issue. Boscawen was 
making preparations to send in six ships of the line, when the 




governor proposed terms ; and, after a brief correspondence, the 
place was surrendered on the 26th. About 3600 combatants 
became prisoners of war ; and 216 guns, besides mortars, were 
taken. AVith Louisbourg was surrendered, not only the island of 
Cape Breton, but also that of St. John.^ Boscawen sent home 
Captain the Hon. George Edgcumbe with the naval dispatches. 
The colours which were captured were placed in St. Paul's 
Cathedral. 

Immediately after the fall of the place, Boscawen sent Kear- 
Admiral Sir Charles Hardy (2), with seven ships of the \\i\e, to destroy 
the French settlements at Miramichi, Gaspee, etc., General Wolfe 



' Tlie islaml of St. John was renanic<l Prince Edward's Island in 1799, in honour 
of Priiiif F-rlward, Duke of Kent, and fatlier of H.INI. Queen Victoria. 



1758.] 



BOSCAWEN AXI) DU CHAFFAULT. 



185 



accompanying him. Some ships were also sent to the island of 
St. John, with a garrison for it. General Amherst, who heard at 
about that time of the repulse of Abercrombie at Ticonderoga, 
embarked six battalions under convoy of the Captain, 64, for 
Boston, and then marched for Lake George. Boscawen left Mr. 
Durell, who in the meantime had been promoted to be a Kear- 
Admiral, with a part of the squadron, to winter in America, and 
himself sailed for England. On his passage, his squadron became 
separated, so that when, on October 27th, as he was entering 
the Soundings, he sighted the French squadron returning from 
Quebec under M. du Chaffault, he had with him in company only the 
Naniur, 90, (flag). Captain Matthew Buckle (1), Royal William, 84, 




COMMEMORATIVE MEDAL OF THE CAPTURE OF LOUISBOURG, 1758. 
{^From an original kindly lent by R.S.H. Captain Prince Louis of Battenberg, li.N^.) 

Captain Thomas Evans, Somerset, 64, Captain Edward Hughes, 
Bienfaisant, 64, Captain George Balfour, Boreas, 28, Captain the 
Hon. Eobert Boyle Walsingham, Trent, 28, Captain John Lindsay, 
Eclio, 28, Captain John Laforey, with two fireships ; and the 
Bienfaisant was useless, having but a few rounds of powder on 
board. The French squadron consisted of the Tonnant, 80, 
Intrepicle, 74, Heros, 74, Protee, 64, and BeUiqueux, 64, besides a 
frigate, and the Carjiarvon, a captured British East Indiaman. The 
enemy, being on the contrary tack, passed the British squadron, very 
near, to leeward ; and, in passing, discharged his broadsides. 
Some of the British ships returned the fire ; but, the wind blowing 
hard, most of the vessels could not open their lower ports; and 
thus, in this partial action, very httle damage was done. Boscawen, 
in spite of the superiority of the French, changed his course and 



186 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1758. 

stood after them. The night was very stormy ; but, on the follow- 
ing morning, the enemy was again discovered, though his force 
then consisted of only four ships of the line and a frigate, one 
ship of the line having evidently lost company in the darkness. 
Boscawen also had lost sight of all his frigates. He nevertheless 
renewed the chase ; yet, although there was at first no great 
distance between the squadrons, the British did not gain ground. 
The only prize made was the Carnarvon . The rest of the French 
ships got away. One of them, the BeUiqueux, was afterwards taken 
off Ilfracombe by the Antelope, 50. Boscawen arrived at Spithead 
on November 1st. 

For their services in North America both Boscawen and Amherst 
received the thanks of the House of Commons. The conquest 
which had been effected, besides being very important in itself, had 
involved a loss to the enemy of six ships of the line and five frigates,^ 
and had deprived France of one of her best fisheries, and of a 
valuable station for the privateers which long had preyed on the 
coast commerce of the American colonies. It paved the way for 
future British successes on the North American continent, and 
sounded the death knell of the French dominion there. In fact, 
just as the raising of the siege of Madras was the turning point of 
the struggle in India, so the capture of Louisbourg was the turning 
point of the struggle in North America ; and both results were 
brought about by the force of sea power. 

It has been said that in 1758 a small squadron under Captain 
Henry Marsh was despatched against the French settlements in 
West Africa. It is curious to note that this belligerent expedition 
was first suggested by a Quaker, Mr. Thomas Cumming, who had 
been on the coast, and who knew some of the native princes. One 
of these had promised his co-operation against Goree and Senegal, 
and had undertaken, in case of the success of the adventure, to 
grant exclusive trading privileges to British subjects. Cunnning 
represented that a force of a certain strength would be required for 
the service ; but the administration unwisely cut down his estimates, 
and repeatedly deferred action, until Mr. Samuel Touchet, an 
influential London merchant, warmly seconded the project. The 
force finally assigned for the service consisted of the Harwich, 50, 

' In addition to the three frigates sunk in the mouth of the harbour by the enemy, 
the Diane (renamed Diana), .30, had been taken by Sir Charles Hardy (2), and the 
Echo, 28, had been captured by the Juno and Scarhorough. 



1758.] CAPTURE OF SENEGAL. ^ 187 

ComixLodore Henry Marsh, the Nassau, 64, Captain James Saver, 
the Bye, 20, Commander Daniel Dering, the Swan, 16, Commander 
Jacob Lobb, and the two eight-gmi busses, London and Portsmouth, 
Commanders Archibald Millar and James Orrok, together with five 
small hired vessels carrying from four to eight guns apiece. The 
troops included 200 Marines under Major Mason, and a detachment 
of artillery with ten guns and eight mortars. Mr. Cumming 
accompanied the expedition, which sailed from Plymouth on 
March 9, 1758. 

From Tenerife, where the squadron called for wine and water, 
Mr. Cumming", in the Swan, went on in advance to arrange for 
assistance from the natives ; but, before he could conclude matters, 
the squadron itself arrived on the coast. Marsh decided not to 
wait for negotiations, but at once to proceed ; and on April 23rd, 
he reached the mouth of the river Senegal, and sighted the 
French flag flying on Fort Louis in midstream, twelve miles 
above the bar. 

The enemy had armed a brig and six sloops, and had placed them 
above the bar to defend the channel through it. These much 
annoyed the British boats, which went in to sound. In the mean- 
time troops were put into the small craft. On the 29th the Swan, 
with the busses and armed vessels, weighed and made up the river 
with a fair wind. The London, and some of the small craft, were 
wrecked on the bar ; but no lives were lost ; and most of the rest of 
the vessels got in safely, and made for the enemy's ships, which 
promptly retired under the guns of the fort. On May 1st the work 
surrendered ; but the actual handing over of the place was delayed, 
owing to the action of the natives, who, not thinking that their 
interests had been sufficiently secured, blockaded the French. The 
difficulty being got over, the fort was occupied. In it ninety-two 
guns were found ; and, with it, sixteen craft of various sizes were 
given up. The entire estimated value of the capture was about 
^£200,000. Podor, and other stations further up the river, were 
included in the capitulation. For his services Mr. Cumming was 
granted a pension during his hfetime. These possessions had long 
supphed negro slaves to the French settlements in the West Indies ; 
and for that reason their loss was soon severely felt. 

Commodore Marsh, leaving a few small vessels on the spot, 
sailed next to attack Goree, about ninety miles to the southward. 
He arrived off the island on May 24th, and at once began a hot 



188 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1758. 

cannonade, having anchored his ships with springs on their cables. 
But he had miscalculated the strength of the defence ; and in about 
two hours and a half he had to signal his httle squadron to cut, as 
the rigging and spars, as well as the hulls, were badly mauled, and 
about twenty men were killed, and forty wounded. This check was 
owing purely to the inadequacy of the force employed ; and towards 
the end of the year, the Government sent out a stronger squadron 
to complete Commodore Marsh's work. In the meantime the 
Nassau, Swan and Portsmouth returned to England, with such 
trade as was bound thither ; and, later, the Bye sailed with a convoy 
for the Leeward Islands. Marsh himself escorted the trade which 
was bound for Jamaica. 

The new expedition was entrusted to Commodore the Hon. 
Augustus Keppel, who hoisted his broad pennant in the Torbay, 74, 
Captain Thomas Owen, and who had under him the Nassau, 64, 
Captain James Sayer, the Fougueux, Captain Joseph Knight, the 
Dunkirk, 60, Captain the Hon. Kobert Digby, the Lichfield, 50, 
Captain Matthew Barton, the Prince Edward, 44, Captain William 
Fortescue, the Experiment, 20, Captain John Carter Allen, the 
Boman Emperor, 20, Commander William Newsom, the Saltash, 14, 
Commander Walter Stirling, and the two bombs, Firedrake, 
Commander James Orrok, and Furnace, Commander Jonathan 
Faulknor (1). At Cork he picked up troops, under Lieut. -Colonel 
Worge, who had been appointed governor of Senegal ; and, after 
some delay, he finally sailed thence on November 11th, 1758. 

In the early morning of November 29th, owing to an error in 
reckoning caused by bad weather, the Lichfield ran ashore on the 
coast of Marocco, and became a total loss.^ On the same occasion 
a transport also went to pieces. On December 28th, after having 
made a short stay at Santa Cruz, in the Canaries, the squadron 
sighted Goree, and at 3 p.m. anchored in the road in eighteen 
fathoms of water, the island bearing S.W. by S. distant about four 
miles. The Saltash and the transports containing the troops were 
sent into the bay between Point Goree and Point Barrabas ; and, 
early on the 29th, the troops from them were disembarked in boats 
in readiness to land on the island upon signal being made by the 
Commodore. Most of the ships gradually took up their assigned 

* There was unfortunatelj'' some loss of life. The survivors were detained by the 
Sultan of Marocco until ransomed, witli other British subjects, for 170,000 dollars. 
Captain Barton was tried for the loss of his ship, and honourably acquitted. 



1758.] CAPTURE OF GOREE. 189 

positions on the west or leeward side of Goree, and moored head 
and stern under a heavy fire. At 9 a.m. the attack was begun by 
the Prince Edward ; but the cannonade was not general until about 
noon, some of the vessels experiencing difficulty in taking up their 
stations. The bombardment was then rapidly effective ; for, after 
a brief parley, followed by an almost equally short renewal of the 
action, the enemy surrendered; whereupon Keppel landed his Marines 
to take possession. About three hundred French, and many negroes, 
became prisoners of war. The British loss was inconsiderable. 
After escorting Colonel Worge to Senegal, and cruising for a short 
time off the coast, the Commodore returned to England. 

In the Mediterranean Admiral Henry shorn and Eear- Admiral 
Charles Saunders commanded. The French had on several occasions 
discovered the wisdom and advantage of despatching in winter 
their reinforcements of ships and troops for abroad, since they 
found that the British blockading squadrons and squadrons of 
observation were frequently prevented at that season by fogs or 
bad weather from obtaining touch of the outward-bound detach- 
ments. But one of their divisions which, under M. de La Clue, 
left Toulon in December, 1757, for North America and the "West 
Indies, was forced by the vigilance of Admiral Osborn into Cartagena, 
and was there blockaded. The French Government, in response 
to M. de La Clue's representations, sent five ships of the line and 
a frigate, under M. Duquesne, to endeavour to join him there, and 
then to assist him in breaking the blockade. Two of the line-of- 
battleships succeeded in getting in, but the rest of the force was 
not so fortunate. On February 28th, off Cape de Gata, Osborn 
at daybreak sighted four strange sail near his fleet, and ordered 
them to be chased. The French ships separated, but each was 
pursued. At 7 p.m. the Bevenge, 64, Captain John Storr, brought 
the OrpMe, 64, to action ; and, on the Berwick, 64, coming up, 
the enemy struck. In the Bevenge, thirty-three were killed and fifty- 
four wounded, among the latter being Captain Storr. The Orphee 
was but six miles from Cartagena when she ha^ed down. Meanwhile 
the Monmouth, 64, Captain Arthur Gardiner, the Siviftsure, 70, 
Captain Thomas Stanhope, and the Hampton Court, 64, Captain the 
Hon. Augustus John Hervey, chased the largest of the enemy, the 
Foudroyant, 84, flag ship of Duquesne. The Monmouth, being 
far ahead of her consorts, got up with and engaged the enemy 
at 8 P.M. and fought her gallantly. AVhen Gardiner fell his place 



]90 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-17G2. [1758. 

was taken by Lieutenant Eobert Carkett/ till 12.30 a.m., when 
the Frenchman's guns were reduced to silence. Not until then 
was the Swiftsure able to get up. Captain Stanhope hailed the 
foe to know whether she had surrendered, but was answered with 
a few guns and a volley of small arms, whereupon he poured in 
a broadside and part of a second, and the enemy promptly sur- 
rendered. She had 100 killed and 90 wounded, while the Monmouth 
lost only 28 killed and 79 wounded. It was a magnificently con- 
ducted action, and Lieutenant Carkett was deservedly rewarded 
with the command of the prize. Wlien measured, at Gibraltar, 
she was found to be 185 feet 3 inches in length from stem to 
taffrail, and to have a length of keel of 155 feet. She was thus 
about 12 feet longer than the large British first-rates of her day. 
Moreover she carried 21 and 42-pounders, whereas the Monmouth 
was armed only with 12 and 24-pounders. 

As for the other French vessels, one, the Oriflamme, 50, was 
driven ashore by the Monarch, 74, Captain John Montagu, and 
the Montagu, 64, Captain Joshua Kowley. The last, the Pleiade, 26, 
escaped by superior sailing. 

Eear-Admiral Saunders was reheved in the spring by Eear- 
Admiral Thomas Broderick (W.), who went out in the Prince 
George, 80, Captain Joseph Peyton (1), which was unhappily burnt 
by accident on April 13th with a loss of 485 lives. Osborn con- 
tinued to blockade the French in Cartagena until he was obhged 
to go to Gibraltar to refit, leaving only some frigates to look out 
off the port. M. de La Clue then escaped and retm^ned to Toulon. 
A httle later Osborn, being in bad health, had to resign his 
command. He was succeeded by Kear- Admiral Broderick. 

The part borne by H.M.S. Seahorse and Stombolo, under 
Commodore Charles Holmes, in obliging the French and Austrians 
to evacuate Emden in March, 1758, scarcely merits detailed descrip- 
tion here. Suffice it to say that the service was creditably performed. 
Other events in waters near home must, however, be described at 
some length. 

Learning in the spring of the year that the French were fitting 
out a considerable squadron to escort a convoy to America from 
Isle d'Aix, the Admiralty ordered Admiral Sir Edward Hawke to 

^ Lieutenant, 1745. Captain, for this service, March 12th, 1758. Commanded 
Stirlinf/ Castle, 64, in Byron's action, 1779, and in Rodney's action in the AVest Indies, 
1780, and was lost in her in the hurricane of October 10th, 1780. 



1758.] EAWKE OFF ISLE D'AIX. 191 

endeavour to intercept it. He sailed from Spithead on March 11th 
with seven ships of the Hne and three frigates, and on the night 
of April 3rd arrived off the island. At 3 o'clock next morning he 
steered for Basque Eoad, and at daylight sighted a number of 
vessels, escorted by three frigates, some miles to windward. He 
gave chase but they got into St. Martin, Bhe, except one brig, 
which was driven ashore and burnt by the Hussar, 28, Captain 
John Elliot. At about 4 p.m. Hawke discovered, lying off Aix, 
the French men-of-war Florissant, 74, Sphinx, 64, Hardi, 64, 
Dragon, 64, and Warivick, 60, besides six or seven frigates, and 
about forty merchantman, which had on board 3000 troops. At 
4.30 the Admiral signalled for a general chase, and at five the 
enemy began to slip or cut in great confusion, and to run. At six 
the British headmost ships were little more than a gunshot from the 
rearmost of the French ; but, by that time, when many of the 
merchantmen were already aground on the mud, the pursuers 
were in very shoal water ; and, further pursuit being dangerous, 
and night coming on, Hawke anchored abreast of the island. On 
the morning of the 5th nearly all the French flotilla were seen 
aground four or five miles away, several being on their broadsides. 
When the flood made the Admiral sent in the Intrepid, 64, Captain 
Edward Pratten, and the Medwaij, 60, Captain Charles Proby, 
with his best pilots, as far as the water would serve ; and ordered 
them to anchor there. They did so in about five fathoms, of which 
three fathoms were due to the rise of the tide. The enemy was 
very busy in lightening his ships, and in hauling and towing such of 
them as could be moved towards the mouth of the Eiver Charente ; 
and by evening some of the French men-of-war had been got thither. 
The British frigates did what they could, by destroying the buoys 
which they had laid down over their jettisoned guns and gear, 
to prevent the ultimate salving of the merchant vessels. That day 
150 Marines were put ashore on Isle d'Aix ; and, under Captain 
Ewer, they destroyed the works there and safely re-embarked. 
Hawke sailed on the 6th, having effectually prevented the despatch 
of supphes to America, and, it may be, so facihtated the conquest 
of Cape Breton and its dependencies. 

A greater continental expedition, consisting of two squadrons 
of men-of-war, and about 14,000 troops, under Lieut.-General the 
Duke of Marlborough, was prepared somewhat later in the year. 
One naval squadron, which was designed to directly co-operate 



192 MA JOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1758. 

with the army, was entrusted to Commodore the Hon. Richard 
Howe. The other squadron, composed of upwards of twenty sail 
of the line, was commanded by Admiral Lord Anson, having under 
him Admiral Sir Edward Hawke. This force w^as intended to 
cruise off Brest and to prevent any French squadron from inter- 
fering with the operations of Howe and Marlborough. As on some 
previous occasions, the main object of the projected demonstration 
on the coast of France was to divert French attention, and, by 
calling off troops from elsewhere, to assist the King of Prussia and 
other British alhes on shore; but the precise destination of the 
armament was kept very secret. 

Howe's squadron consisted of one ship of the line, four 50's, 
ten frigates, five sloops, two fireships, and two bombs, convoying 
one hundred transports, twenty tenders, ten storeships and ten 
cutters ; together with a number of flat-bottomed boats, which 
were carried on board the ships, and which were to be used for 
the landing of troops. On May 27th the whole armament was 
assembled at Spithead. On June 1st Anson weighed and sailed 
to the westward ; and Howe soon afterwards made sail and steered 
straight across the Channel. 

At 8 A.M. on June 2nd, after a stormy but not unfavourable 
night, Howe sighted Cape La Hougue. The French were quickly 
alarmed, and, from his course, probably formed a shrewd guess as 
to his destination. The tides, and the frequent calms which super- 
vened, compelled the British to anchor repeatedly, but on June 5th 
the entire force stood into Cancale Bay, six miles east of St. Malo. 
At 11 A.M. the Duke of Marlborough went in shore in a cutter to 
reconnoitre and was fired at. By 2 p.m. all the fleet was at anchor, 
and the signal was made for the flat-bottomed boats to be hoisted 
out. Howe shifted his broad pennant to the Success, 24, Captain 
Paul Henry Ourry, and stood in with the Rose, 24, Captain Benjamin 
Chve, Flamborough, 28, Captain Edward Jekyll, and Diligence, 16, 
Commander Joseph Eastwood, to silence the batteries, clear the 
beach, and cover the landing. This he did, and then signalled for 
part of the troops to disembark. The landing was effected in good 
order and without loss, i> spite of some musketry fire from the 
enemy posted on a hill Ijehind Cancale. These sharpshooters, how- 
ever, soon fled as the troops advanced. More soldiers were after- 
wards landed, and before dark a large force was ashore. It lay on its 
arms for the night. The rest of the arm}^ with the guns and stores, 



1758.] EXPEDITION TO CHERBOURG. 193 

was landed on the 6th ; and, at dawn on the 7th, the whole of 
it except one brigade, that of Major-General the Hon. George 
Boscawen, marched away in two columns. It is not intended 
here to follow the military movements on shore : it is only necessary 
to say that it was ultimately considered impracticable to attempt 
St. Malo, and that, after doing a great deal of damage, the army 
returned and re-embarked on the 11th and 12th. The loss up to 
that time had not been more than thirty killed and wounded. 

Owing to adverse winds, the fleet did not leave Cancale Bay till 
June '21st ; and, after crossing and recrossing the Channel, it was 
on the 2(3th close in with Le Havre. It was intended to effect a 
landing near that town ; but the enemy was found to be well 
prepared. On the 29th, therefore, the fleet bore away before 
the wind for Cherbourg and anchored two miles from it. The 
batteries on shore fired, doing, however, no harm. Preparations 
were made for a descent ; but, a gale springing up and blowing on 
shore, there was a very great surf, and, when the weather grew 
worse, the fleet was in considerable danger. The crowded condition 
of the ships had begun to breed sickness ; the horses on board were 
almost starving for want of fodder ; and, as nothing was to be gained 
by waiting, Howe weighed and re-anchored at Spithead on July 1st. 
The army was immediately landed in the Isle of Wight to refresh 
itself. In the course of this expedition the French frigate G^tirlande, 
22, was taken by the Benow7i, 32, Captain George Mackenzie, assisted 
at the last moment by the Rochester, 50, Captain Robert Duff. 

Some of the troops in the Isle of Wight were sent to reinforce 
the allied army in Germany ; and the remaining part of the military 
force was then entrusted to Lieut. -General Thomas Bligh, an officer 
who, though he had rendered good service, was then too old for 
the command. The squadron, having refitted and been strengthened 
by the arrival of the Montagu, 60, Captain Joshua Eowley, again 
sailed on August 1st, when it had re-embarked the troops ; and on 
August 6th it anchored in Cherbourg Eoad and was again fired at 
from the shore. The defences had been improved since the previous 
visit of the fleet, and many troops were in the town. Howe, who 
had with him Prince Edward,^ second son of the Prince of Wales, 

^ H.Pi.H. Edward Augustus. Born, 1739 ; went to sea, 1758 ; Captain, June 14th, 
1759; created Duke of York and Albany, 1760; Rear-Admiral of the Blue, 1761; 
second in command in the Channel, with Howe as his flag-captain; Vice- Admiral 
of the Blue, 1762; Commander-in-Chief in the Mediterranean, 1763; died at Monaco, 
September 14th, 1767; buried in Henry the Seventh's Chapel at Westminster. 

VOL. III. Q 



194 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1758. 

serving as a midshipman, accompanied General Bligh to reconnoitre ; 
and arrangements were made for a landing. The fleet moved to 
Marais Bay early on the 7th, leaving only a frigate and a bomb 
before the town. Howe, whose broad pennant was then in the 
Pallas, 36, Captain Archibald Cleveland, signalled to the frigates 
and small craft to coyer the disembarkation. These drove off the 
enemy, and the troops were put ashore with little opposition. All 
the infantry had been disembarked by the evening. On the 8th 
the cavalry and artillery followed, and a march was begun on 
Cherbourg, six miles to the eastward. The place was entered 
without any fighting, the enemy retiring from the forts as well 
as from the town at the approach of the British. By the 15th, the 
pier, works, magazines, etc., had been destroyed, and the various 
vessels in harbour had been sunk, burnt, or carried off. On the 
16th the army re-embarked, having lost but twenty killed and 
thirty wounded, although there had been frequent small skirmishes. 
Cherbourg w^as not then an important naval station, and the 
destruction of its harbour was a blow more mortifying than serious 
to the French. 

The fleet sailed on August 17th, and on the 19th anchored in 
Portland Boad. But the authorities were not satisfied with what 
had been done, and a continuation of the operations was ordered. 
The fleet, therefore, put to sea again on August 31st, and on 
September 3rd anchored in the Bay of St. Lunaire, about six miles 
v/est of St. Malo. On the following day the army landed and 
encamped. On the 5th, Bligh detached a small force to burn some 
shipping at St. Brieuc ; and, on the same day, the Commodore and 
General reconnoitred the bank of the River Eance to see if St. Malo 
could be attacked on that side. As the west bank was found to be 
well fortified and held, the design against the town was abandoned. 
On the day following, at a council of war, the Commodore stated 
that he did not consider it safe to re-embark the troops in the Bay 
of St. Lunaire, as the bottom was rocky and the weather threatened 
to be not good ; and he expressed his desire to remove the fleet to 
the Bay of St. Cas, and to embark the army there. 

The troops therefore marched off on the 7th ; but, unfortunately, 
they wasted their time and did not make the best of their way. 
They were much harassed by small parties of the enemy in woods 
and hedges, and had frequent encounters with organised bodies of 
soldiers, losing men continually. On the night of the 9th, the 



1758.J THE DISASTER AT ST. CAS. 195 

General, whose intelligence service seems to have been almost 
non-existent, learnt, to his surprise, of the presence, only three miles 
from him, of a large force under the Due d'Aiguillon. The Bay 
of St. Cas was then only four and a half miles off; and an officer 
was sent in haste to Howe to inform him that the army would 
proceed thither as quickly as possible. The Commodore, in the 
early morning, made as good a disposition of his ships as time 
permitted, in order to cover the re-embarkation. In the meanwhile, 
the retreat had begun, but it was 9 p.m. ere the heights above the 
Bay were gained. The strange error was committed of re-embarking 
all the guns and horses before the infantry. Nevertheless, by 
11 A.M., two-thirds of the army were on board. At about that time 
the enemy's cavalry and infantry appeared, and opened a battery of 
guns on those who remained on the beach, doing great execution 
there and in the boats. G-radually the French descended from the 
hills ; and at last, after a desperate struggle, they seized the village 
of St. Cas. There were then on shore only about seven hundred 
British under Major-General Bury, whose dispositions and move- 
ments were excessively rash. At length the French got close up to 
the retiring British, whose ammunition was then exhausted ; and a 
rout followed. Part plunged into the sea, part seized and held a rock 
on the right of the Bay, whence many were taken off by the boats ; 
but the majority had to surrender. The army lost, in killed, 
wounded, or taken prisoners, eight hundred and twenty-two officers 
and men. Of the naval officers who were superintending the 
embarkation, Captains Joshua Eowley, Jervis Maplesden, and 
William Paston, and Commander John Elphinstone (1), were taken. 
The further naval loss, however, was but eight killed and seventeen 
wounded. 

The fleet which, under Lord Anson, was intended to cover the 
operations under the Hon. Eichard Howe and General Bligh, con- 
sisted of twenty-two sail of the line and eight frigates. It blockaded 
Brest and annoyed the enemy's trade, but returned to Plymouth on 
July 19th, without having encountered the French. Sir Edward 
Hawke being ill, his place was taken by Eear-Admiral Charles 
Holmes. The fleet went back to its station on July 22nd, and 
in August it was joined by a contingent under Vice- Admiral Charles 
Saunders. The three admirals continued to cruise until the middle 
of September, by which time the operations against the French 
Channel ports had been concluded. Anson and Holmes returned 

o 2 



196 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1759. 

to England, leaving Saunders to blockade Brest and to endeavour 
to intercept the French squadron which was expected from Quebec ; 
but he did not fall in with it, and himself went back into port in 
the middle of December. 

In 1759 the French made extraordinary efforts to retrieve their 
position at sea, and once more resorted to the old expedient of 
threatening an invasion, chiefly wdth a view to crippling British 
activity in distant parts of the world. But the situation of Great 
Britain was then in every respect much stronger than in 1756, 
when similar tactics had been tried ; and the scheme did not produce 
the desired results. British troops were sent from England to the 
Continent, to North America, and to the West Indies ; and a most 
formidable expedition was organised against Canada ; while, on the 
other hand, the French paid so much attention to menacing the 
British in the home seas that they almost entirely overlooked 
the business of protecting their own dominions abroad. 

In the course of the year France assembled three expeditionary 
forces : one at Vannes, in Brittany, under the Due d'Aiguillon, 
which was to be convoyed to Ireland by a fleet under M. de Conflans 
and M. de La Clue ; one on the coast of Normandy, which was to be 
despatched from Le Havre against England ; and the smallest of 
the three, at Dunquerque, to be convoyed to Scotland or Ireland 
by M. Thurot and six frigates and corvettes. To meet these and 
other preparations the militia was embodied, and the following dis- 
positions of ships were made. Commodore William Boys watched 
Dunquerque; Admiral Thomas Smith (4)^ and Commodore Sir Piercy 
Brett (1) commanded a force in the Downs ; Eear-Admiral George 
Brydges Rodney cruised in the Channel, and kept an eye on the 
ports of Normandy ; and Sir Edward Hawke blockaded Brest. 
Elsewhere, Boscawen commanded in the Mediterranean ; Rear- 
Admiral Samuel Cornish went with reinforcements to the East 
Indies ; the squadron on the Leeward Islands' station was 
strengthened by a division under Captain Robert Hughes (2), and 
by trooj)s under Major-General Hopson ; and Vice-Admiral Charles 
Saunders and Major-General Wolfe were despatched against the 

^ Thomas Smitli was called by the seamen of his day " Tom o' Ten Thousand," 
because, while first lieutenant of the Gosport, in the absence of the captain, he compelled 
a French frigate in Plymouth Sound to lower her topsails by way of salute. For this 
act Lieutenant Smitli was court-martialled and dismissed the service, but, on the 
following day, both restored and posted. Captain, 17o0; Eear-Admiral, 1747; Vice- 
Admiral, 1748; president of the court-martial on Byng; Admiral, 1757; died, 17G2. 



1759.] FOCOCK AND U ACBE. 197 

French in Canada. The operations of this important and successful 
year in the various parts of the world may now be followed in 
greater detail. 

In the East Indies, Vice-Admiral Pocock, who had refitted his 
squadron at Bombay, sailed for the coast of Coromandel on 
April 7th, endeavouring to get thither in advance of the French 
fleet, which was expected back from Mauritius. He succeeded in 
this object, and then cruised to intercept the enemy. On June 30th 
he was joined by the Grafton, 68, and Sunderland, 60, with five 
East Indiamen full of stores, of which he was greatly in need. On 
August 3rd he sailed for Pondicherry, and, during the rest of the 
month, cruised off that port, but could learn nothing of the enemy, 
and was at length obliged by lack of provisions and water to 
proceed to Trincomale. He sailed again thence on September 1st, 
having a few days earlier sent the East India Company's frigate, 
Revenge, to cruise off Ceylon and to keep a look-out for the French. 

M. d'Ache had reached Mauritius in September, 1758, and had 
there found a reinforcement of three sail of the line and several 
French East India Company's ships. But provisions were so 
scarce that he had to send one of the men-of-war and eight of the 
Indiamen to South Africa to purchase supplies. These reached 
Cape Town in January, 1759, and returned to Mauritius in April 
and May. M. d'Ache was thus enabled to sail on July 17th for 
Bourbon and Madagascar, to pick up further stores, and thence 
for India. He reached Batticaloa in Ceylon on August 30th, and, 
having there learnt something of the movements of the British 
squadron, sighted it off Point Pedara ^ on September 2nd. His force 
consisted of eleven sail of the line, besides two frigates ; that of 
Vice-Admiral Pocock, of only nine sail of the line and one frigate. 

On that same day, at about 10 a.m., the Revenge signalled to the 
Vice-Admiral that she saw fifteen '^ sail in the south-east, standing 
to the north-east. These were the enemy. Pocock signalled for 
a general chase, and stood towards the French under all possible 
sail ; but, the wind failing, the British were unable to get up. In 
spite of his great superiority, d'Ache apparently did all that lay in 
his power to avoid an action, although Pocock was equally anxious 
to provoke one. After much fruitless manoeuvring the French were 
lost sight of, and Pocock then stood to the north for Pondicherry, 

1 Called also Point Palmyra. It is the N.E. point of Ceylon. 
- It does not appear that there were really more than thirteen. 



198 



MAJOR OrERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1759. 



where he expected to find his foe. He arrived off that place in the 
early morning of the 8th, but saw no ships in the roadstead. At 
1 P.M., nevertheless, he sighted the enemy's fleet to the south- 
east. He was then standing to the northward with a sea breeze. 
On the morning of the 9th, the French were again visible ; and 
at '2 P.M., the wind springing up, the Vice- Admiral once more 
signalled for a general chase. Two hours later the enemy appeared 
to have formed a line of battle abreast, and in that formation bore 
down. But no action resulted. 

At 6 A.M., however, on September 10th, the French bore S.E. 
by S., distant eight or nine miles, sailing in line of battle ahead on 
the starboard tack. Pocock,^ in line of battle abreast, bore down 
on them with the wind about N.W. by "W. At 10 a.m. the enemj^ 
wore, and formed a line of battle ahead on the larboard tack ; and 
an hour afterwards Pocock did the same, the Elizaheth leading. 
The action was begun on the British side by Kear-Admiral Stevens, 
who, in the Grafton, attacked the Zodiaque. The tactics of the 
day present no features of special interest ; and the action is 
chiefly remarkable for the fury w^ith which it was fought ; for the 
fact that, owing to various defects, two of the British ships were 
able to take only a very insignificant part in the engagement ; and 
because, in the evening, the whole of the superior French squadron 
bore away and stood to the S.S.E. under a crowd of sail. Most 
of the British ships were far too damaged to be able to pursue ; 

* Order of battle (on the starboard tack) of the British and French sqviadrons in the 
East Indies in the action of September 10th, 1759 : — 





British. 




Fkekch. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanders. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanders. 


FAizaheth . . . 
jXewcastle . . . 
Tiger 

Grafton .... 

Ynrmmith . . . 

Cumberland i . . 
Salisbury . . 


64 
50 
60 

68 
66 

r>H 

.50 
60 

i;o 


Capt. Richard Tiddeman. 

„ Colin Michie. 

„ 'Williani Hrercton. 
[Rcar-Admiral Charles 
1 Stevens {U). 
Capt. Richard Kempen- 

folt. 
1 Vice- Admiral Georpe 
i Roccek (R). 
(Capt. John Harrison. 
r ,, John Stukley 
t Somerset. 

,, IMghy 1 lent (3). 
/ ,, Hon.' .Tames Col- 
) Yille. 
f ,, Sir AVilliaxn Baird, 
1 Bart. 


Actif .... 
Minotaure . 
Due d' Orleans . 
St. Louis 
Yengeur . . . 

Zodiaque . . . 

Comic de Province. 
Due de Bourgoone. 
Illustre .... 
Fortune .... 
Vcntaure 


6t 

74 
60 
60 
64 

74 

74 
60 
•^4 
64 
70 


Capt. de Surville (2). 

„ de La Palliere. 
(Lieut. -General Comte 
^ d'Ache. 

Capt. de La Chaise. 
,, Bouvet(2). 

., de .Sinville (1). 


Sunderland. 
Weymouth . 


Sylphide. . . . 
IHligente . . . 


36 
24 


Q)irfn1iOioufih . 


-• 


,. Robert Kirk. 







» Had been a 66-guu ship, but was reduced to a 5S to ease licr. 



1759.] D'ACHE QUITS THE FIELD. 199 

and, having ordered the Revenge to observe the motions of the 
French, Pocock lay to on the larboard tack to enable his most 
shattered vessels to repair damages. At dawn on September 11th 
the French were seen in the S.S.E., about twelve miles away, 
lying to on the larboard tack, the wind being about west. On 
perceiving the British, they at once wore and brought to on the 
other tack, and so continued until evening, when they were so far 
off that they were almost out of sight. At that time, the wind 
veering to the east, Pocock signalled his ships to wear, and stood 
under easy sail to the south-west ; the Sunderland towing the Neiv- 
castle, the Weymouth the Tiger, and the Elizabeth the Cumberland. 

The loss sustained by the French in the engagement was, all 
things considered, enormous, amounting, as it did, to nearly 1500 
killed and wounded. Among the killed were the captains of the 
Zodiaque and Centaure, and among the wounded was d'Ache himself. 
The French made for Pondicherry. The loss on the British side 
was also very heavy, being 569 killed and wounded, including 184 
who were either killed outright or died of their wounds. Among 
the killed was Captain Colin Michie of the Newcastle, and among 
the wounded were Captain Somerset of the Cumberland and Captain 
Brereton of the Tiger. 

On September 15th the British anchored in the Eoad of 
Negapatam ; and, having hastily completed their refitting, Pocock 
sailed with his ships again on the 20th. On his way to Madras he 
had to pass Pondicherry, where the French were lying ; and, un- 
willing to pass it by night, or to do anything to prevent M. d'Ache 
from fighting another action, he so arranged matters as to appear off 
the town at daybreak on September 27th. There he lay with the 
wind about W.S.W., with his maintopsails to the mast, and with 
but just sufficient steerage way on his ships for the proper main- 
tenance of the line. Thus the British drifted slowly to leeward, yet 
not until Pocock had given d'Ache the fullest possible opportunity 
to come out and fight. But the latter had no such intention ; and, 
after weighing and making a few meaningless demonstrations, he 
returned to port and there announced his intention of sailing 
immediately for Mauritius. He carried out this determination on 
September 30th, in spite of the anxious remonstrances of the shore 
authorities, and especially of M. de Lally. His principal motive for 
thus acting seems to have been his knowledge that Pocock was 
about to be reinforced by four ships of the line from England. 



200 MAJOR OPERATIO:SS, 1714-1762. [1759. 

Pocock, being short of water and stores, and with ships in 
bad condition, returned to Madras, where he anchored on Sep- 
tember 28th. Thence he sailed on October 16th for Bombay, 
and on the 17th fell in with Eear-Admiral Samuel Cornish, with 
three ships of the line, one 50-gun ship,^ and three East Indiamen, 
which last, and the troops which had been brought out as reinforce- 
ments, were sent on to Madras escorted by the Queenborough. They 
reached that place on October 27th. Pocock proceeded to Bombay, 
and, after making various dispositions, sailed on April 7th, 1760, for 
England with a very valuable convoy, arriving in the Downs on 
September 22nd following. He left behind him Eear-x\dmirals 
Stevens and Cornish. 

Alluding to this last action, Mahan, after referring to the 
numerical superiority of the French, says : 

" The fruits of victory, liowever, were with the weaker fleet, for d'Ache returned to 
Pondicherry and thence sailed on the 1st of the next month for the islands, leaving 
India to its fate. From that time the result was certain. The English continued to 
receive reinforcements from home, while the French did not ; the men opposed to Lally 
were superior in ability; place after place fell, and in January, 1761, Pondicherry 
itself surrendered, surrounded by laud and cut off from the sea. This was the end of 
French power in India ; for though Pondicherry and other possessions were restored at 
the peace, the English tenure there was never again shaken, even under the attacks of 
the skilful and bold Suffren, who twenty years later met difificulties as great as d'Ache's 
with a vigour and conduct which the latter at a more hopeful moment failed to show." ^ 

Vice-Admiral Pocock was deservedly made a K.B. for his services 
and promoted to be Admiral of the Blue. 

Such naval successes as the French won in the East after the 
departure of Pocock were confined to the capture of the East India 
Company's factory at Gombroon in the Persian Gulf, and the 
reduction of certain British settlements in Sumatra. These successes 

' lieinforcement which reached Vice-Admiral Pocock in the East Indies in 
October, 1759 : — 



Mai-s. 


Gllll!:. 


(_'(iiiiiuaiitlers. 


Lenox ..... 


74 


(■Rear-Admiral Sanuiel Cornish (15.). 
tCajitain Ilobcrt Jocelyn. 


Due iV Aqtiitaine 


64 


„ Sir William Hewitt, Bart. 


York ..... 


60 


„ Vincent' Pearce (2). 


Fnlmorith .... 


50 


Richard Hughes (8). 



' Intl. of yea Power,' 310. 



1759.] 



FIASCO AT MARTINIQUE. 



201 



were merely raids, without influence on the course of the war or on 
the future of Franco-British commercial rivalry. The Dutch, seeking 
to profit by the temporary difliculties of the British, attempted, with 
seven East Indiamen and some troops from Batavia, to seize Chinsura 
on the Ganges, but were checkmated by the energy of Colonel Clive, 
Governor of Bengal, and by the gallantry of the masters of several 
British East Indiamen, who, under Wilson of the Calcutta, took or 
drove off the enemy on November 24th, 1759, after a sharp action. 
The captured Dutch vessels were afterwards returned to their owners, 
on security being given for the payment of £100,000 damages. 

The British force on the Leeward Islands' station, under Commo- 
dore John Moore, was strengthened by eight ships of the line under 
Captain Eobert Hughes (2), and by troops under Major-General 
Hopson, in order that the force might reduce some of the French 
Caribbee Islands, which were supposed to be weakly garrisoned.^ 
The troops left England in November, 1758, under convoy of Captain 
Hughes, and reached Carlisle Bay, Barbados, in January, 1759. 
There Commodore Moore was met with. On the 13th of that month 
the whole force sailed for Martinique, and on the afternoon of the 
15th entered Fort Eoyal Bay. On the morning of the 16th the 
Bristol, 50, Captain Leslie, and the liipon, 60, Captain Jekyll, 
silenced and occupied a fort on Negro Point. The Winchester, 50, 
Captain Le Cras, Woolwich, 44, Captain Peter Parker (1), and 
Roebuck, 44, Captain Thomas Lynn, cannonaded the batteries in the 
Bay of Cas des Navires, where it was intended to disembark troops. 

^ List of the British fleet on the Leeward Islands' station under Commodore John 
^loore in 1759 : — 



Ships. 



! Guns. I 



Commanders. 



C'amhridi/e 

St. George 
Norfolk . 
Buckingham 
Burford 
Berwick. 

Lion . . 

Jiipon . 

Panther 

Winchester 
Bristol . 



80 

90 
74 
70 

70 
64 

60 

CO 

60 

50 
50 



/Commodore John Moore. 
ICapt. Thomas Burnett. 

,, Clarke Ciaytou. 

,, Robert Hughes (2). 

„ Kichard Tyrrell. 1 

„ James Gambier (1). 

„ William Harmau. 

f „ William Tre- 

\ lawney. 

,. Edward Jekyll. 

f ,, Molyneux Shuld- 
l iiam. 

,, Edward Le Cras. 

, , Lachliu Leslie.'-' 



Ships. 






Guns. 


Commanders. 


Woohvich . . . 1 44 


Capt. Peter Parker Cl).3 


Roebuck . . 






44 


,, Thomas Lvnn. 


Ludloio Castle 






40 


„ Edward Clark (1).4 


Benoivn . 






32 


„ George Mackenzie. 


Amazon . 






26 


,, William Norton. 


Bye . . . 






20 


,, Daniel Dering. 


Bonetta . 






14 


,, P>ichard King (I). 


Weazel . . 






14 


Com. John Boles. 


Antigua . 






13 


,, AV'cston Vai'lo. 


Spy . . . 




10 


,, "William Bayne. 


Jiingfisher, bciml) 


8 


,, Sabine Iteacon. 


Falcon, boml) . 


8 


., Mark Robinson (1). 


Grenado, Ijomb 


8 


,, Samuel Uvedale. 


Infernal, bomb 






8 


,, James ^Mackenzie. 



1 Later, Capt. Lachliu Leslie. - Later, Capt. Peter Parker (1). 3 Later, Capt. Daniel Bering. 

4 Brought out the second battalion of the Royal Highlanders from Scotland. 



The above were eventually joined by the Lancaster, 66, Captain Eobert Mann (2), 
the Emerald, 28, and the Griffon, 28. 



202 MAJOB OFERATIOXS, 1714-1762. [1759. 

A landing was effected at about 4 p.m. under Captains Molyneux 
Shuldham, James Gambier (1), and Thomas Burnett; and, by the 
following morning, nearly the whole army was ashore. But against 
4400 British, available for the service, there were at least 10,000 
French, including their militia ; and, after some small operations 
had been attempted, General Hopson, despairing of success, with- 
drew his troops to the transports. 

The expedition then proceeded to St. Pierre, the capital of the 
island. But, on his arrival off that place on the 19th, the Commodore 
did nothing except send in the Bipon, 60, Ca^Dtain Jekyll, to attack 
some batteries, the reduction of which would not in the least have 
influenced the general fate of the island. Jekyll was quite un- 
supported ; and, having fought from 2 till 4.30 p.m. with great 
gallantry and silenced one battery, he was obliged to cut his cable 
and tow off. The position of the Bipoii was for some time not 
unlike that of the Formidable under Captain de St. Bon at the 
attack on Lissa in 1866. She narrowly escaped grounding, and 
could not entirel}^ get clear till 6 p.m. Jekyll behaved magnificently. 

It was then decided to abandon the attempt on Martinique, and 
to attack Guadeloupe ; and on the morning of the 20th the squadron 
sailed to the northward. By noon on the 22nd it was oft' Basse 
Terre. After the town had been reconnoitred and a council of war 
held, it was determined that on the morning of January 23rd the 
citadel and various batteries of Basse Terre should be cannonaded 
and, if possible, silenced, by the Lion, 60, Captain William 
Trelawney, St. George, 90, Captain Clarke Gayton, Norfolk, 74, Cap- 
tain Eobert Hughes (2), Cainhridge, 80, Captain Thomas Burnett, 
bearing the broad pennant of Commodore Moore, Panther, 60, 
Captain Molyneux Shuldham, Burford, 70, Captain James Gam- 
bier (1), Benvick, 64, Captain William Harman, and Bipon, 60, 
Captain Edward Jekyll. The last named got aground, and was 
again in the greatest danger, until relieved by the Bristol and 
Boehuck. At about 5 p.m. the enemy's fire was silenced. Neverthe- 
less, the town was rather wantonly destroyed on the following day 
by the fire of the four bomb ketches. Indeed, Commodore Moore 
exerted from the first much unnecessar}'' force. He might have 
landed his troops a little to the north of the town, and so captured 
the place, which was open on the land side ; but he preferred the 
useless and risky expedient of opposing his ships to forts. In the 
action, however, only about thirty men were killed and about sixty 



1759.] CAPTUBE OF GUADELOUPE. 203 

wounded, among the latter being Captain Trelawney, of the Lion. 
Commodore Moore, of course, gained his object ; and on the 24th 
the army was put ashore and Basse Terre and Fort Eoyal were 
occupied. The advantage was, unfortunately, not pressed ; and the 
French governor retired to the mountainous interior of the island, 
and was there able to make a most courageous stand for upwards of 
three months. 

During the interval, the Commodore detached the Eoebuck, 44, 
Captain Lynn, the Winchester, 50, Captain Le Cras, the Berivick, 64, 
Captain Harman, the Panther, 60, Captain Bhuldham, the Wool- 
wich, 44, Captain Dering, and the Benoicn, 32, Captain Mackenzie, 
under Captain Harman ; and this force, on February 13th, made 
itself master of Port Louis on the Grande Terre side of the island. 
But the guerilla warfare and comparative inactivity played havoc 
with the troops. There were great numbers of sick ; and many of 
them had to be sent to Antigua. On February 27th General Hopson 
died, and was succeeded in the chief military command by Major- 
General the Hon. John Barrington. This ofticer was beginning to 
take somewhat more energetic measures than had previously been 
displayed, when the army was partially deprived of the assistance 
of the fleet in consequence of the arrival in the West Indies of 
M. de Bompart, with five ships of the line and three large frigates, 
containing troops intended for the relief of the French islands. 
Commodore Moore felt it necessary to proceed to Prince Rupert's 
Bay in the Island of Dominica, so that he might be in a position to 
watch and promptly follow the motions of the enemy, who lay in 
Great Bay, Fort Eoyal, Martinique. The operations on shore were 
thereafter conducted chiefly by the army. The inevitable capitula- 
tion was signed on Ma)' 1st, M. de Bompart not having interfered. 
Nevertheless, after Guadeloupe had surrendered, he made a brief 
descent upon the island, and then, learning the truth, returned to 
Martinique. Moore heard of this movement of the French squadron, 
and put to sea in search of the enemy ; but he failed to find him, 
and once more anchored in Prince Eupert's Bay. After the capture 
of Guadeloupe, General Barrington sunnnoned, and received the 
surrender of, Marie Galante, the Saintes, La Desirade and Petite 
Terre. A little later Moore, reinforced by the Baisonnahle, 64, and 
the Nassau, 64, proceeded to Basse Terre Eoad, and, on June 25th, 
despatched part of the army to England under convoy of the 
Boebuck. 



204 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1759. 

Their inferiority of force prevented the French from attempting 
anything of importance against either the British fleet or the British 
garrisons in the West Indies; and, as no French fleet put to 
sea, Moore had subsequently to confine himself to repressing the 
enemy's privateers and to protecting British trade. On the Jamaica 
station, where Vice-Admiral Cotes still commanded, the situation 
was very similar ; and, though useful work was done by the cruisers, 
no event of importance happened. 

In North xA.merica the plans which had been formulated by the 
Earl of Loudoun during his commandership-in-chief continued to 
be carried out after his supersession ; and, in pursuance of these, 
four considerable expeditions were entered upon in 1759, the object 
of all being the ending of French rule in Canada. Three of these 
expeditions, one against Fort Niagara, under Brigadier-General 
Prideaux ; one against the French settlements on Lake Erie, under 
Brigadier-General Stanwix ; and one under Major-General Amherst 
against Crown Point and Ticonderoga, were mainly military. The 
fourth, under Yice-Admiral Charles Saunders and Major-General 
Wolfe, against Quebec, was fully as much naval as mihtary. All, 
however, were parts of a single scheme, which was designed to 
occupy the French in several quarters simultaneously, and so to 
prevent them from concentrating their full strength at any one 
point. The various expeditions were intended ultimately to assist 
one another; but that all the schemes did not accurately dovetail 
as originally intended is only natural. That mistakes should be 
committed and that there should be in some cases lack of fore- 
sight and of due preparation, were matters of course. Yet, in 
spite of local insuccesses, the great combined undertaking was 
in its results triumphant, thanks largely to Saunders and, above 
all, to Wolfe. 

Prideaux's force of about 5000 men started on May 20th from 
Schenactady up the Mohawk Kiver, and so, amid great difficulties, 
to Oswego on Lake Ontario ; whence, leaving there a detachment, 
it crossed the lake and reached Niagara on July 6th. In the 
operations General Prideaux was killed by accident, and the com- 
mand devolved upon the Colonial colonel. Sir William Johnson, 
Bart., who, after defeating a reheving force of the enemy, received 
the surrender of the fort on July 25th. Johnson, being short of 
ammunition and supplies, then returned to Oswego, where he 
rehnquished his command to Brigadier-General Gage, who Ijuilt a 



1759.] INVASION OF CANADA. 205 

fort there, while Captain Joshua Loring, B.N., superintended the 
construction of two large vessels for the navigation and command 
of Lake Ontario and the Eiver St. Lawrence. 

The expedition under General Stanwix was completely success- 
ful, but it was so purely a military one that there is no need to 
describe its operations here. 

The expedition under General Amherst against Crown Point and 
Ticonderoga was in many respects a large and powerful one ; yet it 
should have included a great number of ship's carpenters, and 
quantities of supplies for the creation of a naval force on Lake 
Champlain. This provision was, however, overlooked. About 
June 1st, the army was assembled at Fort Edward, and on 
June 11th it marched to the banks of Lake George. Such boats 
and radeaux as could be built were of an unsatisfactorj^ nature ; 
but at length a motley flotilla was collected, and the army embarked 
and proceeded down the Lake. On June 22nd the troops were landed 
near the Second Narrows and advanced against Ticonderoga, which 
on the 25th was evacuated and blown up, the enemy retiring on 
Crown Point. The boats and radeaux were then laboriously got 
into Lake Champlain. On August 1st, Amherst learnt that Crown 
Point had been abandoned ; and on the 4th he occupied it. He at 
once set to work to endeavour to put a suitable naval force on Lake 
Champlain, so that he might be able to press on and effect a 
junction with the force under Wolfe. But, owing to the lack of 
preparations, there were delays ; and, although the French force on 
the Lake was in part taken or destroyed, the approach of winter 
obliged Amherst at the end of October to cut short his advance and 
to return to Crown Point. Thus, both Prideaux and Amherst, who 
were to have held forth helping hands to Wolfe, failed, perhaps 
through no fault of their own. Only Stanwix, whose object was 
rather diversion than actual and immediate co-operation, completely 
gained his end. It is not the least of Wolfe's merits that, in spite 
of the lack of expected help, but with the cordial co-o^^eration of the 
Navy, he brought to a triumphant conclusion the most important 
and difficult expedition of the four. 

Wolfe had with him ten battahons of infantry, three companies 
of grenadiers and some companies of artillery and rangers, about 
9200 men in all. The fleet, w^hich was to convoy and support the 
force, was under Vice-Admiral Charles Saunders and Bear-Admirals 
Philip Durell (1) and Charles Holmes, and consisted of twenty sail of 



206 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1759. 



the line, two fiftj^-gim ships and numerous frigates and small craft. ^ 
Part of this fleet was already on the North American station under 
Durell, and had wintered at Halifax. As soon as the season per- 
mitted, Durell had entered the River St. Lawrence, and on May 23rd 
got up as far as Isle Bic. Holmes w^ent out from England to 
Halifax early in the year 1759 to forward preparations ; and on 
February 17th Saunders and Wolfe sailed from Spithead. The 
main body of the expedition was gradually assembled at Louisbourg 
in the island of Cape Breton ; and there it was joined by the troops 
in garrison. On June 1st it began to leave the harbour ; and on the 
23rd the fleet found Eear-Admiral Durell near Isle Coudres, and 
obtained from him some French pilots whom he had secured b}' a 
ruse. Durell, reinforced, was left off Isle Coudres to bar the river, 
and Saunders, hoisting his flag in the Stirling Castle, 64, Captain 
Michael Everitt, proceeded, and on June 26th anchored off Isle 
d' Orleans, a few miles below Quebec. 

The Marquis de Montcalm, who defended the city, had taken all 
possible precautions, and had removed the buoys and marks. His 
main army was about 14,000 strong, and lay at Beauport, to the 
immediate north-east of Quebec. Detachments of it were posted 
down the river at points whence it was expected that the advancing 

^ List of the British fleet employed on the expedition to Quebec, 1759 : — 



-lliJ)^. 



tjUIlS 



I oiumainlei^ 







1 
jVice-Adiniral Cbarles 


^^eptune . . . 


90 


< Sauudeis (B). 

ICapt. Bioiirick Hartwell. 

(Eear-Adiuival Philip 


Princess Amelia . 


80 


} DurenCl)(R). 
ICapt. Jolm Bray. 
|l!ear-Admival Charles 


Dublin .... 


1i 


•j Holmes (W). 

(Capt. A\illiam Goostrey. 


Royal William. . 


84 


„ IIuKh Pigot (1). 


Terrible .... 


74 


,, KithanH'iillins(l) 


Shrewsbury . . 


74 


,, Hugh Palliser. 


yorthumherlani . 


70 


r ,, Alex. Lord Col- 
[ ville. 


Vanguard . . . 


70 


,, Pfpbert Swanton. 


Devonshire . 


66 


,, 'William Gordon. 


Orford .... 


66 


,, Piichard Spry. 


.Somerset. . . . 


64 


„ Edward Huglies. 


Alcide .... 


64 


„ James Douglas (1). 


Deilford .... 


64 


,, Thoi-jie FowUe. 


Captain .... 


64 


,, John Amherst. 


Trident .... 


64 


„ Julian Legge. 


Stirling Castle. . 


64 


„ ^Michael Everitt. 


Prince Frederick . 


64 


,, Pobert Jiouth. 


Medivay .... 


60 


,, Charles Proby, 


Pembroke . . . 


60 


,, JoliU AVheelock. 


Prince of Orange . 


60 


,, Samuel Wallis. 


Centurion . . . 


50 


,, ■\Villiam Mautell. 


Sutherland . . 


00 


„ John Kous. 


Diana .... 


32 


„ Alexander Schom- 
l berg. 


Richmond . . . 


:;-j 


f „ Thomas Hanker- 
1 sou. 



Ships. 



Guns. 



Commanders. 



Trent . . 
Lizard . 
Echo . . . 
Lowestoft . 
Seahorse. 
Scarborough 

Mir us . . 

Nightingale. 

Hind. . 
Squirrel . 

Fowey 

Scorpion . 
Porcupine . 

Hunter . . 

Zejihyr . 

Baltimore, bomb 
Pelican, bomb 
Jiacehorse, bomb 
Vesuvius, I'.s. 
Cormorant, f.s 
Strombolo, f.s. 
Boscawen, a.s. 
Halifax, a.s. 

Rodney, cutter 

Crown, st.s. 



28 


Capt. John Lindsay. 


28 


,, James Doake. 


28 


„ John Laforev. 


28 


,, Joseph Deane. 


24 


,, James Smith. 


24 


., John Stott. 


20 


/ ,, John Elphinstone 
\ (1). 


20 


/ ,, James Campbell 
I (2). 


20 


,, Robert Bond. 


20 


„ George Hamilton. 


20 


( „ George Anthony 
I Tonvn. 




14 


Com. John Cleland (1). 


14 


,, John Jervis. 


10 


/ ,, AVilliam Adams 
t (2). 


10 


f ,, William Greeu- 
l wood. 


8 


., Eobert Carpenter. 


8 


,, Edward Mouutford. 


8 


,, Francis Pichards. 


16 


,, James Chads. 


16 


,, Patrick Mouat. 


16 


Lieut. Kichard Smith. 


16 


Com. Charles Douglas. 


12 


Lieut. 


4 


Lieut. Hon. Philip Tuftou 
Perceval. 


18 


Com. Joseph Jlead. 



besides transports, etc. 



1759.] ATTACK ON QUEBEC. 207 

British could be annoyed. He had also thrown up strong works on 
the north side of the river, between the Biver St. Charles and the 
Falls of Montmorency, and had armed two hulks in the Eiver 
St. Charles to defend the communications with the army and 
Quebec. The Governor of the Province, Captain de Vaudreuil, 
was, however, a naval officer, while the Marquis de Montcalm was 
a soldier ; and there was not a good understanding between them. 
Montcalm prudently desired to make his preparations with a view 
to the necessity of a retreat ; but de Vaudreuil maintained that 
such precautions were needless, and that if the whole French force 
were concentrated on the north side of the river, the worst the 
British could do would be to demolish some of the houses in 
the city. 

On June 27th, the British army landed on Isle d'Orleans and the 
French defences were reconnoitred. Towards night the ships were 
disposed to the best advantage, and measures were taken to prevent 
damage from the enemy's fireships, which were known to be in 
readiness higher up. A certain number of Marines had been taken 
from those ships which had been left at Isle Coudres under Durell, 
and these were distributed throughout the fleet. At midnight on 
June 28th, the French sent down seven fireships and two fire rafts ; 
but they were grappled and towed clear by the activity and good 
conduct of the seamen. Vice- Admiral Saunders then decided to 
move some of his vessels into the open space of water immediately 
below the town, known as the Basin of Quebec ; and, to afford them 
some protection, he induced General Wolfe to order the occupation 
of Point Levis by Brigadier-General Monckton, The enemy tried 
to dislodge this force on July 1st by means of floating batteries, but 
in vain. The batteries were driven back by the fire of the Trent, 28, 
Captain John Lindsay. Ultimately some large ships were stationed 
a little higher up the river. Above these were frigates ; and again 
above them armed boats rowed guard every night. The enemy 
thereupon ordered such ships as he had uj) to Batiscan, sixty miles 
above Quebec, but kept most of their crews in the city to assist in 
working the guns. Batteries were erected on Point Levis to 
bombard Quebec, and, the works on Isle d'Orleans having been com- 
pleted, Wolfe, on July 9th, embarked his troops, and under convoy 
of the Porcupine, 14, Commander John Jervis, and the Boscaive?i, 
armed ship, 16, Commander Charles Douglas, effected a landing on 
the north shore of the river below the falls of Montmorency. 



208 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 17U-1762. [1759. 

On July 18th the Sutherland, 50, Captain John Eons, the 
Squirrel, 20, Captain George Hamilton, two armed sloops, and two 
transports, passed the town without loss, and gained the upper river. 
On Juty 31st, supported b}^ the fire of the Centurion, 50, CaxDtain 
William Mantell, an attempt was made to land troops below the 
enemy's entrenchments ; but the force had to be drawn off to the 
beach. Some efforts were then made to destroy the French ships 
above the town and to open communication with General Amherst, 
who was supposed to be advancing from Crown Point. The Loives- 
toft, 28, Captain Joseph Deane, the Hunter, 10, Commander 
Wilham Adams (2), two armed sloops, and two storeships, passed 
up to co-operate ; but it was found that the force could not be got 
further than about thirty miles above Quebec. 

On August 29th, the Seahorse, 24, Captain James Smith, two 
more armed sloops, and two more storeships, were sent past the 
town in preparation for a projected attack on Quebec from the west. 
Eear-Admiral Holmes took command of the flotilla on the upper 
river. On the night of September 4th, all the flat-bottomed boats 
and many vessels passed the town ; and as many troops as could be 
spared were sent up with them. On the evening of the 12th, all the 
boats remaining below the town were filled with Marines ; and on 
the following morning at break of day they made a feint of landing 
on the northern shore below the city, under cover of the fire of the 
frigates and sloops. Troops had been already got into the boats on 
the upper river, where Wolfe himself then was ; and in the starlight 
they moved still further up, a French corps under M. de Bougain- 
ville ^ marching parallel with them along the north bank. An hour 
before daylight the boats turned and rowed down at great speed, 
current and ebbing tide being both in their favour, and were followed 
by the ships. The whole force quite outstripped the French, who 
attempted to keep up with it. Just as day was breaking the boats 
arrived eastward of Sillery, a short distance above Cape Diamond, 
those containing the Hght infantry falling a little low^er down. 
There the attacking force disembarked at the foot of a woody 
precipice, scaled the height, and dispersed the guard on the summit ; 

' Louis Aiitoine de Bou.uainville. Born, 1729; begau life as a lawyer; secretary 
to the French embassy in Loudon, 1755; had previously, in 1752, been elected a 
Fellow of the Eoyal Society for a treatise on the integral calculus ; aide-de-camp to 
Montcalm in Canada; founded a French colony in the Falkland Islands, 1763; circum- 
navigated the globe, 17GG-68; commanded at sea during the war of American Ecvolu- 
tion; vice-admiial, 1791: made a senator hy Kapoleon; died, 1811. 



1759.] CAPTURE OF QUEBEC. 209 

and presently the whole army was pouring up the steep slopes, and 
forming on the top, to await the approach of the main body of the 
French, who, under Montcalm, were seen to be in motion. 

The action began early. At 8 a.m. the sailors dragged up a gun, 
which was most useful. By 10 the battle had become very general, 
the enemy advancing with courage to within thirty yards, but then 
wavering under the British fire, and being followed up with the 
bayonet. It was at that time that Wolfe, at the head of the Louis- 
bourg Grenadiers, received a second wound, which proved mortal. 
The Marquis de Montcalm was also fatally wounded. After some 
further fighting, the French retreated to the city. General the 
Hon. George Townshend, who succeeded to the command, fortified 
the position which had been won. iVdditional ships were brought 
up ; and batteries were being erected to bombard Quebec, when, on 
the 17th, the enemy offered to surrender. The Vice-Admiral and 
General, and the French commandant, signed the capitulation on the 
morning of the 18th. Later in the day the upper town was taken 
possession of by troops under Lieut. -Colonel Murray, and the lower 
town by seamen, under Captain Hugh PaUiser, E.N. The Vice- 
Admiral's dispatches were sent to England by Captain James 
Douglas (1), of the Alcide, who was knighted by the King, and 
presented with ^500 wherewith to buy a sword. Throughout the 
British dominions a public thanksgiving was ordered. Wolfe's 
body was sent home in the Royal William, 84, and a monument to 
his memory was erected at the national expense in Westminster 
Abbey. 

Saunders sent back to England his larger ships under Holmes 
and Durell, and followed in October, leaving Captain Lord Colville 
in command, with his own ship (the Northu7nherland, 70), the 
Alcide, 64, the Trident, 64, the Pembroke, 60, the Prince of 
Orange, 60, and several frigates, in North America. The Bace- 
horse, bomb. Commander George Miller (1), and Porcupine, 14, Com- 
mander John Macartney, were left to winter at Quebec. 

After the British fleet had retired, the French- ships at Batiscan 
also fell down the river, waiting at Cape Eouge for a fair wind to 
carry them past the batteries of Quebec. On November 22nd, three 
of them, the merchantmen Soleil Boyal, 24, Senecterre, 24, and Due 
de Fronsac, 24, drove ashore in a gale and were lost. On the 24th, 
in the night and on the ebb, the rest came down vdth a favourable 
breeze ; and, although the garrison was ready for them, and every 

VOL. III. P 



210 Major opebations, 1714-1762, [1759. 

possible gun was fired at them, they all got past safely except one, 
another merchantman, the Elisabeth, which took the ground on the 
south side of the river. Her crew made preparations for blowing 
her up, and then wdth the assistance of the crews of the merchant- 
men Machault, 24, and Chezine, 22, boarded and carried a British 
schooner in which they escaped. On the following morning Com- 
mander Miller, of the Racehorse, went on board the Elisabeth, and 
ordering a light to be struck, inadvertently blew up the ship and 
destroyed most of his party. He and his lieutenant survived to 
be removed, but were so fearfully injured that they died within a 
few days. 

The campaign was a most successful one, chiefly because the 
French had made but faint efforts to divert British attention from 
the main objects which were kept in view by Mr. Pitt. On the 
other hand, the British would not allow their attention to be 
diverted in the slightest degree. Beatson rightly observes that : — 

" had M. de Bompart, \vlieu he found he could uot prevent the island of Guadeloupe 
from falling into our hands, steered for Xew York with his squadron, he might have 
made such an impression there as would have obliged General Amherst either to come 
himself, or at least to make such a detachment from his army as would perhaps have 
disabled him from acting on the offensive for the remainder of the campaign. From 
New York, M. de Bompart might have gone to Halifax, or St. John's, Newfoundland, 
or both. An attack on either of these places would have obliged Admiral Saunders to 
make such a detachment from his fleet as might have greatly diminished our efforts 
before Quebec, and, perhaps in the end, would have proved the ruin of the enterjnise ; 
while before such detachment could have been able to overtake M. de Bompart, he 
might have done his business, and sailed for Euroi:)e." 

It w^as of course inevitable, when France was straining all her 
resources in order to invade Great Britain and Ireland, and when 
there were no considerable British forces in the Mediterranean, that 
she should endeavour to collect as large a naval force as possible at 
Toulon, and then to send it round to join her main fleet at Brest. 
Vice-Admiral Broderick commanded in the Mediterranean. Early 
in the spring of 1759 his small squadron was reinforced by several 
ships from England, and he received, and was able to carry out, 
orders to watch Toulon. But Pitt was not content with merely 
reinforcing the Mediterranean fleet. On April 14th, Admiral the 
Hon. Edward Boscawen, with three more sail of the line and some 
frigates, left Spithead to take over for a time the chief command on 
the station, and on April 27th he arrived at Gibraltar. There he 
made arrangements as to the dispositions of cruisers and convoys ; 



1759.] BOSCAWEN AND DE LA CLUE. 211 

and, sailing on May 3rd, joined Vice-Admiral Broderick off Cape 
Sicie on May 16th, and assumed the command. 

The French squadron prepared at Toulon was in charge of 
M. de La Clue ; and, when the British arrived off the port, it was 
almost ready for sea. The French were carefully blockaded, or 
rather, watched with a view to preventing them from leaving 
without being detected and followed. On June 7th, before they 
attempted to come out, Boscawen chased two French frigates, and 
drove them into a fortified bay near Toulon, whither on the 8th, he 
ordered the CuUoden, Conqueror and Jersey, under the orders of 
Captain Smith Callis, to proceed, and, if possible, destroy them. 
The ships were gallantly taken in ; but, when under the batteries, 
they were becalmed ; and, after a sharp two hours' engagement, they 
had to be recalled without having accomplished their object. The 
CuUoden lost 16 killed and 26 wounded : the Conqueror, 2 killed and 
4 wounded : and the Jersey, 8 killed and 15 wounded ; and all the 
vessels were badly damaged aloft. 

The Admiral continued on his station until he was compelled, at 
the beginning of July, to go to Gibraltar for provisions and repairs. 
Preferring Salou^ for watering purposes, he put in there on the 8th, 
remaining until the 24th ; and thus he only reached Gibraltar on 
August 4th. Meanwhile he ordered the Lyme, 24, Captain James 
Baker, to cruise off Malaga, and the Gibraltar, 24, Captain 
William M'Cleverty, to cruise between Estepona and Ceuta to keep 
watch for the enemy. On August 17th the latter descried the 
French fleet, consisting of ten sail of the line, two fifty-gun ships 
and three frigates, close in under the Barbary shore. Captain 
M'Cleverty made at once for Gibraltar, and arrived off Europa Point 
at 7.30 P.M., when he signalled the force and situation of the enemy 
to the Admiral, who sent off an officer to the Gibraltar, ordering 
her to keep sight of the foe and from time to time to signal to him 
accordingly. The British squadron was not quite ready for sea, and 
Boscawen's flag-ship, the Namur, in particular, had not so much as 
a single sail bent. Still, a httle before 10 p.m., the whole fleet, of 
thirteen sail of the line and two fifty-gun ships besides frigates, was 
out of the bay. 

Owing to the haste in which they had gone out, and to the 
Admiral, after leaving harbour, carrying a press of sail to the 
westward, the ships were, on the following morning, in two well 
' A few miles south-west of Tarragona.  

P 2 



212 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1759. 



defined divisions. The Warspite, Culloden, Stviftsure, Intrepid, 
America, Portland, and Guernsey, which had lain at anchor near the 
Namiir and had put to sea along with her, were still with her. 
Vice-Admiral Broderick, in the Prince, with the rest of the 
squadron, was many miles astern. At 7 a.m. on the 18th, ^ the 
advanced division sighted the enemy to the westward. There were 
then visible only seven sail, and it afterwards proved that the rest 
had gone, without orders, into Cadiz during the night. De La Clue 
first thought that the ships coming up behind him were his own 
missing vessels ; but he was disabused when Boscawen signalled a 
general chase to the N.W. At 9 a.m. the British Admiral ordered 
his sternmost ships to make more sail. This soon had the effect of 
bringing up the Vice-Admiral's division, which enjoyed a fine easterly 



^ British and French fleets off Gibraltar in August, 1759 : indicating, the order in 
which the advanced British ships got into action on August 18th ; the loss suffered by 
each in the action ; and the fate of the French ships. 







BitlTISH. 






1 


r.EKCH 




Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanders. 


Killed. 


Wounded. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Fate. 






1 Admiral Hon. Edward) 
{ Boscaweu (B). ]■ 
(Capt.AlattliewBuckle(l)l 






Ocean ^. . . 


80 


Burnt. 


6. Namur . . 


90 


13 


44 


Redoutdble 


74 










Centaure . . 


74 


1 






n'ite-Adniiral Thomas 
I Broderick (B). 






Tevii-raire . . 


74 


VTaken. 


Prince . 


90 






Modeste . 


64 






jCapt. .Joseph Peyton (1). 




1 


Souverain . 


74 


) Escaped, Aug. 
) 18-19. 


Newark. . , 


80 


< ,, William Hol-i 
( bi>urne. J 


•• 


5 


Guerrier . 
Fantasque . . 


74 
64 


6. Warspite . 


74 


„ John Bentley. 


U 


40 


Lion . . 


64 




1. Culloden . 


74 


,, Smitli Callis. 


4 


15 i 


Triton . . . 


64 


Parted company, 
Aug. 17-18; 
and entered 


Conqueror . 


70 


„ William Lloyd (l).i 


2 


6 


Fier. . . . 


50 


7. Swijtsure . 


70 
64 


,, Th(juuis Stanhope. 
„ Francis AVillium 
Drake. 


5 


32 


Orijiamme. . 


50 
26 


Edgar . . 


Chimere 


Cadiz. 


St. Albans . 


64 


„ Edward Vernon (2) 


6 


2 


Minerve 


24 




8. Intrepid 


60 


„ Edward Pratten. 


6 


10 


Gracieuse . . 


24 




2. America 


60 


,, James Kirke. 


3 


16 








r rince ss) 
Louisa . 1 


60 


„ Robert Harland (2). • 












Jersey . . 


60 


,, John Barker (1). 












4. Guernsey . 


50 


(Lieut. ^Michael Kearny 1 
I (acting). J 


.. 


14 








3. Portland . 


50 
40 


Capt. Jervis Maplesden. 
„ Eichard Gwynn. 


6 


12 








Ambuscade. 




Rainbow . 


40 


„ Christopher Basset. 












Shannon . 


36 


,, Charles Meadows. 












Active . 


36 


,, Herbert Sawyer( I ). 












Thetis . . 


32 


,, John Jlontray. 












Lyme . . 


24 


,, James Baker. 












Gibraltar . 


24 


f „ ■William .M'Cle- 
l veity. 












Glasgow 


24 


„ Andrew Wilkinson. 












.sheerness . 


24 


„ John Clark (1). 












Tartar' s 
Prize. ., 


24 


„ Thomas Baillie(l). 












Favourite . 


16 


Com. Timothy Edward?. 






i 






Gramoiil . 


16 


„ Philiii Affleck. 






1 






yKlna, f.s. . 


8 


„ Kiclianl Hi kerton. 






1 






SalamanderA 
f.s. . .] 


8 


f ,, Hon. John Leve- 
i son (Jower. 























K.xchauged >hips. 

Flag of M. de La Clue. Suffren. who was iu her, thus became for the second time a prisoner to the British. 



1759.] THE ACTION OFF LAO OS. 213 

breeze, while the enemy had barely enough wind to give them 
steerage way. Thus the British gained on the chase till, at about 
1.25 P.M., Boscawen signalled to engage. 

At 1.30 P.M. the enemy began to fire at the headmost British 
ships as they came up ; and since Admiral Boscawen perceived that 
the French intended to make off as soon as the breeze should reach 
them, he naturally desired that the most advanced ships of his fleet 
should push on and attack the enemy's van, to stop their flight until 
his remaining ships could get up. He therefore ordered the America 
and Guernsey to make more sail. At about 2.30 p.m. the CuUoclen 
began to fire on the Centaure, the rear ship of the enemy ; and, very 
soon afterwards, the America, Portland, Guernsey and Warspite got 
into action. The wind had by that time dropped altogether, so far 
as the ships which were in action were concerned. The British rear 
division, however, still had a breeze, and was thus able to get up in 
time to have a share in the victory. 

Boscawen, himself, in the Namur, was in action with the stern- 
most ships of the enemy at about 4 o'clock. The Siviftsure and 
I7it7xpid were at that time to windward of him ; and, hailing the 
former, he ordered her to push on for the enemy's van ship. By 
about 4.30 p.m., the Namur was close alongside the Ocean; and, 
when the two had been engaged for about half-an-hour, the Namur, 
having lost her mizenmast and both topsail yards, was disabled, and 
fell astern. De La Clue made every effort to take full advantage of 
this misfortune to the British flagship. Each of his vessels, except 
the Centaure, set all possible sail to get away ; but the Centaure had 
been engaged by every ship as she came up, and had stood the brunt 
of the fight. At last, her fore and main topmasts had fallen ; and 
she was so greatly damaged in every respect that she had no alter- 
native but to strike. 

The misfortune to the British flagship did not affect the energy 
and activity of the British Admiral, who ordered out his barge and 
was rowed at once to the Newark, and there hoisted his flag. But, 
by that time, the battle proper had almost ceased, and the pursuit 
had begun. Boscawen continued it during the whole night. Though 
there was a fine breeze, there was also a sHght haze; and, under 
cover of this, two of the French ships, the Souverain and Guerrier, 
altered their course in the darkness and so escaped. Thus, at day- 
hght on the 19th only four sail of the enemy were to be seen. The 
British were about three miles astern of them, and about fifteen 



214 MAJOR OPEBATJONS, 1714-17(32. [1759. 

miles from Lagos. Once more the wind had ahnost died away. At 
about 9 o'clock the Ocean ran amocg the breakers, and the three 
other ships anchored under the Portuguese batteries. Boscawen 
thereupon sent the Intrepid and America to destroy the Ocean, 
which, in taking the ground, had carried away all her masts. 
Captain Pratten had anchored ; and he failed to carry out the order ; 
but Captain Kirke, taking in the America very close, discharged a 
few guns into the enemy at point-blank range, and obliged her to 
strike. M. de La Clue, who had one leg broken and the other 
injured, and who eventually died of his w^ounds at Lagos, had been 
landed about half-an-hour previously. Captain Kirke took possession 
of the French flagship ; and having removed such officers and men as 
were found in her, he set her on fire, deeming it impossible to bring 
her off. The Warspite was ordered in against the Temeraire, 74, 
and succeeded in bringing her out very little damaged. Vice-Admiral 
Broderick's division went against the remaining two ships, and, 
after about half-an-hour's action, captured the Modeste, 64. The 
Redoutable, 74, ha\'ing been abandoned, and being found to be 
bulged, was burnt. In this action the enemy's loss was very severe 
in killed and wounded. In the Centaure alone, about 200 w^ere 
killed. The loss of the British, on the other hand, w^as very small, 
amounting only to 56 killed and 196 wounded.^ 

" The British," says Beatson, " as well as the French Admiral, was not quite well 
pleased with the behaviour of his captains, some of whom, he thought, did not make 
sail enough to get up witli the van of the enemy's fleet, which the Admiral wished they 
should attack, in order to retard their flight until the rest of the squadron should be 
able to join in the action. Others, through mismanagement, he thought, had allowed 
their ships to fall to leeward, after they had engaged the enemy some time, and there- 
fore could not properly get into action again. But great allowance ought to be made 
for this, for just as the British ships came up with the enemy's rear, the wind died 
away. They attacked the enemy on the lee side, in order that they might be able to 
open their lower ports, some of the ships carrying them very low. Another reason why 
some of the British shijis fell so much to leeward was that the French Admiral, on 
})erceiving Admiral Boscawen in the Namur, and some ships along with him, pressing 
forward to attack his van and centre, made his fleet luft" up as nmcli as they possibly 
could, so as to form a sort of crescent ; by which position the whole of his ships in 
their van and centre were enabled by their fiie, not only to assist tlie rear, but each 
other, in tlieir endeavours to rejiel the attack, which they looked for every moment 
from the British Admiral. By this mana:'uvre of M. de La Clue's, such of our ships as 
first got up with the enemy's rear, and to leeward of their line, were thrown out ot' 
action ; while, for want of sufficient breeze of wind, they could not get into it again. 
The Portland, having lost her foretopmast, dropped astern. The Intrepid was to wind- 
ward of the Namur; she diil not bear down close enough, but kept aloof, and tired at 
the enemy across the other ships." ^ 



' Boscawen's Disp. See table p. 212, antea. ^ 'Nav. and Mil. Mems.,' ii. 318. 



1759.] BLOCKADE OF CADIZ. 215 

Bosc9;wen, who said of the battle, "It is well but it might have 
been a great deal better," presently rehoisted his flag in the Namur, 
and despatched Captain Matthew Buckle, in the Gibraltar, to 
England with dispatches. Buckle was graciously received by the 
King, and presented with £500 to buy a sword. The Admiral 
himself, as soon as his fleet had repaired damages, returned, in 
accordance with his instructions, to England, taking with him the 
Namur, Warspite, Swiftsure, Intrepid, America and Portland, the 
Salamander and Mtna fire-ships, and the prizes Temeraire and 
Modeste. These were afterwards followed by the Edgar, Princess 
Louisa, and the prize Centaure. Vice-Admiral Broderick, who 
remained in the Straits, blockaded Cadiz, in which still lay that part 
of the French squadron which had taken refuge there. 

Boscawen's rewards were a membership of the Privy Council 
and a generalship in the Marines. Captains Bentley, of the War- 
spite, and Stanhope, of the Swiftsure, were knighted for their share 
in the action ; and the three prizes were purchased, and added to 
the Navy under their French names. 

Broderick blockaded Cadiz very closely ; but, on November 9th, 
he was driven from his station by a storm, and was obliged to send 
his flagship to Gibraltar to refit, and to hoist his flag on board the 
Conqueror. The Neivark and Culloden had to cut away all their 
masts, and run for port. Eeturning off Cadiz, Broderick contmued 
the blockade as before ; but the enemy, though by that time superior 
in strength, declined to come out and offer him battle. The Vice- 
Admiral being a second time driven from his station by a storm, the 
French at length ventured forth, and were happy enough to get 
safely back to Toulon. 

Bear-Admiral George Brydges Bodney was sent in the summer 
with a light squadron,^ consisting of one ship of the line, four fifty- 
gun ships, five frigates, a sloop and six bomb ketches, to endeavour 
to destroy the flat-bottomed boats, and the supplies which had been 

^ Squadron under Eear-Admiral Rodney in the Channel, 1759 : AcJiiUes, 60, Eear- 
Adiniral George Brydges Rodney, Cai^tain the Hon. Samuel Barrington ; Chatham, 50, 
Captain John Lockhart; Deptford, 50, Captain John Holhvell ; Ids, 50, Captain 
Edward Wheeler; Norwich, 50, Cajotain George Darby; Brilliant, ZQ, Q&iA&m Hyde 
Parker (1) ; Juno, 36, Captain Henry John Philips ; Vestal, 32, Captain Samuel Hood (1) ; 
Boreas, 28, Captain Hon. Robert Boyle; Unicorn, 28, Captain Thomas Graves (2); 
Wolf, 16, Commander Hugh Bromedge ; Furnace, bomb, Commander Jonathan 
Faulknor (1) ; Firedrahe, bomb. Commander James Orrok ; Basilisk, bomb. Com- 
mander John Clarke (1) ; Mortar, bomb. Commander Joseph Hunt ; Carcass, bomb. 
Commander Charles Inglis (1) ; and Blast, bomb, Connnauder Thomas Willis. 



216 MA JOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1759. 

collected at Le Havre for the projected invasion of England. Sailing 
from St. Helen's on July 2nd, 1759, he anchored on the 3rd in the 
Koad of Le Havre, and stationed his bombs in the channel leading 
to Honflem-. These threw shells into the town, magazines, and 
boats for fifty consecutive hours, and did immense damage, without 
receiving any injury worth mentioning. Kodney, with some of his 
frigates, remained off the port for the rest of the year, and captured 
numerous prizes. 

Admiral Sir Edward Hawke sailed in June, with a fleet of 
twenty-five sail of the line and many frigates, to blockade or, more 
strictly, to observe the enemy in Brest. He cruised some leagues at 
sea, leaving an inshore squadron of his lighter ships, under Captain 
the Hon. Augustus John Hervey, of the Monmouth , 64, close off the 
port. He also detached Commodore John Eeynolds (1), m the 
Firm, 50, with a small squadron, to watch the French transports 
which had assembled in the river Morbihan in preparation for the 
invasion of Ireland. When at length the Firm became very foul and 
had to go home to refit, she was relieved by the Bochester, Commo- 
dore Robert Duff. In the course of the blockade the Achilles, 60, 
Captain the Hon. Samuel Barrington, also had to go home, having 
run on a rock when in pursuit of some French vessels. It may be 
mentioned that, during part of the summer. Prince Edward 
Augustus, afterwards Duke of York, again served as a midshipman, 
with Captain Lord Howe, in the Magnanime, 74. 

Numerous brushes with the enemy relieved the tedium of the 
blockade. On one occasion the French sent out four ships of the 
line to attack the inshore squadron ; but Hervey, instead of retiring, 
went to meet them ; and, the fleet making as if to support him, the 
French withdrew. The intention had been that, if Hervey had 
drawn off and left the coast clear, the four ships of the line should 
have gained the mouth of the Morbihan, crushed Duff, and then 
escorted the French invasion of Ireland. Hervey and the inshore 
squadron continued very active, and greatly annoyed the enemy, 
until in October the Monmouth, which had become very leaky, had 
to return to England. 

The approach of the season of bad weather seemed to afford the 
French better opportunities for putting into execution their scheme 
of invasion, it being impossible, in those days, for a blockading 
squadron, no matter how strong or how ably commanded, to always 
maintain its position during the autumn and winter. A violent gale 



1759.] EAWKE AND DE CONFLANS. 217 

of wind, in fact, forced Hawke from his station on November 9th, 
and obhged him to x^nt into Torbay. This storm proved the salva- 
tion of M. de Bompart, who, with his squadron, was returning from 
the West Indies, and who must otherwise have been snapped up by 
the British fleet. Most of the men of his ships were turned over to 
the fleet under M. de Conflans, who learnt by the arrival of M. de 
Bompart that the British had been driven from off the port. 

With the hope of being able to effect something against Commo- 
dore Duff, de Conflans put to sea on November 14th. Hawke on the 
same day got under way from Torbay, and on the 15th was in- 
formed by Captain William M'Cleverty, of the Gibraltar (the same 
who three months earlier had warned Boscawen of the approach of 
M. de La Clue), that the Brest fleet had sailed, and that it had been 
seen twenty-four leagues N.W. of Belle Isle, steering S.E. Hawke, 
with strategical intuition, made for Quiberon Bay with all possible 
sail, rightly judging that the French would take advantage of their 
brief liberty in order to make for that neighbourhood, so as to free 
the transports which were blockaded by Duff in the Morbihan. But 
he was unable to proceed with the speed he desired. Wind from 
the S. by E. and S. drove him considerably to the westward and 
delayed him. On the 19th, however, the wind became fair ; and, on 
that day, Hawke ordered the frigates Maidstone and Coventry ahead 
of the fleet, one on the starboard and the other on the larboard bow. 
Early in the morning of the 20th he also ordered the Magitanime 
ahead to make the land. 

The contrary wind which had baffled Hawke also retarded 
de Conflans, and was instrumental in saving Duff, who received his 
first news that the Brest fleet had put to sea by Captain Gamaliel 
Nightingale, of the Vengeance, on the morning of the 20th. Night- 
ingale on entering the bay had fired guns to alarm the Commodore. 
Duff realised at once the danger that was upon him, and immediately 
made the signal for his ships to cut their cables. In a few minutes 
they were all under way. He attempted to take them out to sea 
round the north end of Belle Isle, but, the wind shifting, the 
Belliqueux, 64, Captain Thomas Saumarez, was the only one which 
escaped by that passage. She was not able to rejoin until three 
days after the battle. Duff then tried to escape by the south end of 
the island ; and, in doing so, he was observed by de Conflans, who 
made the signal to chase. The Chatham, 50, which sailed very badly, 
was almost within gunshot of a French seventy-four, when a man 



218 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1759. 



on the main-top-gallaut yard of the Bochester hailed that he saw a 
sail, and, presently, that he saw a fleet. The Commodore quickly 
made out what the fleet was, and at once ordered his little squadron 
to tack and chase the enemy. At first the French were puzzled by 
this change of policy ; but, as soon as de Conflans discovered the 
cause, he recalled his chasers ; and Duff's squadron was thus enabled 
in the course of the day to join Sir Edward Hawke. 

At about 8.30 a.m. the Maidstone signalled that she had sighted 
a fleet ; and at 9.45 the Magnanime announced that the strangers 
were enemies. The French were at that time relinquishing the chase 
of the Commodore's squadron, and Belle Isle bore E. by 1^. i N.^ 

Hawke instantly made the signal for a line of battle abreast, in 
order to draw up his ships ; and he followed it soon afterwards with 
the signal for the seven ships which were nearest the enemy to 

^ List of the British and French fleets in the action in Quiberon Bay, November 
20th, 1759 :— 



Bkitioh. 


French. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanders. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Fate. 






lAdmhal Sir Edward Hawke, 


Soleil Royal . . 




(■Beached and burnt 
l by the French. 


Koyal George . . 


100 


<^ K.B. 


80 2 






(Capt. John Campbell (1). 


' Tonnant. 


80 3 


To the Chareute. 






iVice-Aiimiral Sir Charles 


Fiirmulable . 


80 i 


Taken. 


Union .... 


90 


\ Hardy (J). 
(Gapt. John Evans. 


Orient .... 
Jntiepide 


»0 
74 


JTo the Charaute. 


Duke 


90 


,, Thiinia.s Graves (2). 


Glorieux 


74 


,, Vilaine. 


A'amur .... 


90 


,, Matthew Huclde(l). 


Thciiie .... 


74 


Foundered. 


Mars 


74 


Commoil. .,auies Young (1). 


Heros .... 


74 


rTakeu, wrecked, 
1 and burnt. 


Warspite . . . 


74 


Capt. Sir .lohii Beutley, Kt. 


Hercules. . 


74 


,. William Foriescue. 


Robuste .... 


74 


To the Vilaine. 


Torhay .... 


74 


f ,, Hon. Augustus Kep- 
l pel. 


Magni/ique . . . 
Juste .... 


74 
70 


,, Charente. 
Wrecked. 


Magnanime 


74 


,, Viscount Howe. 


Superbe .... 


70 


Foundered. 


hesolution ' . 
nero 


74 

74 


,, Heury Speke. 
/ ,, Hon. George Edg- 


Dauphin Royal . 
Dragon .... 


70 
64 


[To the Charente. 




(. cumlje. 


Xorthumberland . 


64 


1 


Swift sure . . . 


70 


/ „ Sir Tliouias Stanhope, 
I Kt. 


Sphinx .... 
Solitaire 


64 

64 


V „ Vilaine. 


Dorsetshire . . . 


70 


„ I'eter Denis. 


Brillant. . . . 


64 


„ Charente. 


liurford 


70 


,, James ( laraliier (1). 


Fveille .... 


64 


„ ViLine. 


Chichester . . . 


70 


„ A\ illiam Saltreu Willett. 


Bizarre .... 


64 


„ Chareute. 


Temple .... 


70 


f „ Hon. W'asbiugtou Shir- 
l ley. 


Jnjiexible . . . 


64 


„ VJaiue. 


Revenge .... 


64 


,, ,Tohn Storr. 


Vesfale .... 


.^4 




Essex^ .... 
Kingston . . . 


64 
6U 


,, Luiius O'Brien. 
,, Thcmias Shirley. 


Aigrette .... 
Calypso .... 


36 
16 


,. Vilaine. 


Intrepid. . . . 


60 


,, Jervis .MapiesJen. 


Prince Noir 






Montagu 


60 


,, .fosliua Rowley. 








Dunkirk 


60 


,, JIi'U. Koliert Digby. 








Dijiance . . . 


60 
50 


„ I'atrick Baird. 
„ Robert Duff. 








Rochester . . . 




Portland . . . 


50 


„ ^larriot Arl)uthnof. 








Falkland . . . 


50 


,, Francis .'^aniuel Drake. 








Chatham 


50 


,, John Lockhart. 








Minerva 


32 


,, Alxaud r .Vithur Hood. 








Venus . . . 


36 


,, Thomas Harrisnu (-.;). 








Vtnyeance . . . 


28 


,, (Jam.iliel Nightingale. 








Coventry . . . 


28 


,, Francis liurslem. 








Maidstone . 


28 


,, 1 mdley Digges. 








t^'appli ' rp 


32 


,, .Iclni Strarhaii. 









1 Wrecked. 

2 Flag of M. de Conflans, Vice- Admiral. 



3 Flag of the Prince de liaulTreinnnt-Listen(iis,Cljef d'Escadre. 
■* Flag of M. St. Andre du Verger, Chef d'Escadre. 



1759.] THE BATTLE OF QUIBERON BAY. 219 

chase, draw into line of battle ahead of him, and endeavour to arrest 
the French until the remainder of the fleet could get up and bring 
about a general engagement. 

Upon realising that they were in the presence of the British, the 
enemy fell into some confusion, but, in the course of a short time, 
seemed to arrive at a determination to fight, and endeavoured to 
form a line. While they were executing this manoeuvre, the British 
approached very rapidly, the wind being then nearly west. De Con- 
flans then suddenly altered his mind, and, instead of waiting to 
engage, made off. He was near his own coasts, with the difiiculties 
and dangers of which he was fully acquainted and presumably knew 
well how to' avoid, while the British were on a lee shore, with which 
they were unfamiliar. The weather was tempestuous and was 
rapidly growing worse ; and the November day would soon end. 
De Conflans therefore endeavoured to keep his fleet together, and 
steered right before the wind for the land, which was not more than 
about twelve miles distant.^ 

The wind, as the short afternoon drew to its close, was variable 
between N.W. and "W.N.W., and blew in heavy squalls. Yet both 
fleets crowded sail, the French to escape, and the British to overtake 
them. At 2 p.m. the enemy began to fire at the leading ships of 
the British fleet ; and, half-an-hour later, when the Warspite and 
Dorsetshire were close up with the enemy's rear, Hawke made the 
signal to engage. The British fleet was then to the south of 
Belle Isle. A little later the Eevenge, Magnanime, Torhay, Montagu, 
Besolution, Siviftsure and Defiance got into action, and hotly 
engaged the French rear. Yet this fact did not prevent the 
French admiral, who was in the van, from leading round the 
Cardinals. The Formidable, carrying the flag of Eear-Admiral 
du Verger, was attacked by the  Besolution, and, in addition, 
received a broadside or two from every other British ship that 
passed her ; and, having been severely treated, she struck about 
4 o'clock. The loss on board of her was terrible, M. du Verger 
and upwards of two hundred others being kifled. The Formidable 
was taken possession of by the Besolution. In the meantime, the 
ships of the British rear were straining to get into action. The 
Thesee, Captain de Kersaint " was hotly engaged by the Magnanime, 

1 For Quiberon Bay and its neighbourhood, see chart facing p. 488, in Vol. II. 

2 Guy Simon de Caetuampreu, Comte de Kersaint ; born, 1709 ; entered the navy 
as a seaman, 1722; lieutenant, 1712; captain, 1745. In Renommee captured Prince 



220 MA JOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1759. 

but was relieved by the disablement of the British ship, which, 
being fouled by one of her consorts, fell astern. Very soon after- 
wards the Thesee was tackled by the Torhay ; and, in the contest 
which resulted, she capsized and foundered, chiefly owing to the 
fact that her captain, from motives of self-pride, persisted in fighting 
his lower deck guns, regardless of the stormy state of the weather. 
All her crew of about eight hundred men, except twenty, were lost. 
The Torhay, owing to similar causes, was at one time in danger of a 
like fate ; but Captain Keppel closed his ports in time, and saved 
her. Another French ship, the Superhe, foundered at about the 
same time. 

Owing to the gale, the lee shore, and the gathering darkness, 
there was at that time great confusion ; and it is almost impossible 
to tell exactly what happened. But it would appear that after 
having engaged the Thesee, and having been fouled first by the 
Warspite and then by the Montagu, Lord Howe, in the Magnanime, 
observed the French Hews somewhat disabled to leeward, and, 
bearing down and ranging alongside, quickly obliged her to strike. 
The Hews anchored, but, owing to the weather, no boat could be 
sent to take possession of her ; and, later, her captain ran her ashore 
and landed his crew. As night fell, the enemy's fleet divided ; part, 
under M. de Beauffremont, the vice-admiral, making to the south- 
ward within the Four Bank, and probably designing to attract the 
British into danger. 

But Hawke would not be tempted to pursue them. Night was 
come ; islands, rocks, and shoals were all around ; no pilots were on 
board ; the charts were indifferent, and the weather was terrible. 
Hawke, therefore, made the signal to anchor, and came to in fifteen 
fathoms of water, the Isle de Dumet bearing E. by N. two or three 
miles distant, the Cardinals W. ^ S., and the steeples of Le Croisic 
S.E., as was discovered in the morning. Unfortunately, the signal 
was not taken in, and, consequently, was not obeyed, by many ships 
of the British fleet. According to the code then in use, the signal to 
anchor by night was made by firing two guns from the flagship, 



of Orange. Commanded the AJcide in the East Indies. Some Frencli accounts state 
that the Thesee was sunk at Quiberon owing to being run down by Hawlie's flagship 
while de Kersaint -was going to the assistance of the Soleil JRoyal ; but these are 
clearly incorrect. The Count's son, who saw his father sink at Quiberon, was later a 
distinguished naval officer, but, meddling with politics, was guillotined in 1793. He 
was then a vice-admiral. 



1759.] THE BATTLE OF QUIBERON BAY. 221 

without using lights or any other indications to distinguish the 
particular purpose for which the guns were fired. At a moment 
when there was still a certain amount of firing going on on all sides, 
the discharge of two guns from the flagship could of course not be 
recognised as a signal except by the few vessels which chanced to be 
so near the Admiral as to be aware that he had anchored. The 
others either stood out to sea or anchored, as prudence suggested. 
Had the French only known the dangerous position in which the 
unsatisfactory nature of the signal book had left their enemy during 
that stormy night, they might, in the morning of the 21st, have 
attacked the small body remaining at anchor near Hawke, and 
perhaps have won a decided and complete victory by the mere 
strength of superior forces. 

The night was dark, and even more boisterous than the evening 
had been ; but, though guns of distress were heard from all sides, it 
was not possible to send assistance to anyone. On the morning of 
the 21st the Besolution was seen to be ashore, and the French Hews 
was on the Four Bank. De Conflans's flagship, the Soleil Boyal, in 
the obscurity overnight, had come to anchor in the very midst of the 
British ; and, when at daylight she perceived her situation, she 
slipped her cable and tried to get away, but presently went ashore 
near the town of Le Croisic. No sooner was she observed to be in 
motion than Hawke signalled the Essex to slip and pursue her ; but 
in the ardour of the chase the Essex unfortunately got on the Four 
Bank and was also wrecked. It was seen that, while the French 
vice-admiral had gone to the southward with part of the fleet, the 
remainder had stood to the N. and was engaged in the mouth of the 
river Vilaine in getting out guns, stores, etc., and endeavouring to 
find a haven up the river. On the 21st and 22nd, by taking ad- 
vantage of the flood tide and of what wind there was under the land, 
all of them got into the river, whence several of them could never be 
brought out again. On the 22nd Hawke ordered the Soleil Boyal 
and Heros to be set on fire. The French, however, anticipated him 
by themselves burning the former. 

On the British side the number of men killed in the action did 
not exceed fifty, and only about two hundred and fifty were 
wounded.^ 

As soon as it became known in England that the French had 
sailed from Brest, the excitement was great, and every effort was 

1 Hawke's Disp. of November 24tli. 



222 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1759. 



made to meet the situation, Eear- Admiral Geary was detached 
with a reinforcement of ships ^ for Hawke ; and other vessels capable 
of putting to sea were ordered to be in readiness at a moment's 
notice. Vice-Admiral Charles Saunders, returning from the con- 
quest of Quebec, learnt in the chops of the Channel that the French 
were out and that Hawke had gone in chase of them. Though he 
had with him but three ships of the line,^ he realised so fully that no 
addition of forces was to be despised, and he had so strong a sense 
of his duty, that, on his own responsibility, he steered for Quiberon 
Bay with all the sail he could set. But neither Geary nor Saunders 
joined Hawke ere the battle. Geary arrived several days too late. 




COMMEMORATIVE MEDAL OF HAWKE's VICTORY IN QUIBERON BAY, 1759. 
(From an original kindly lent by H.S.H. Captain Prince Louis of Batteriberg, E.X.) 



and Saunders, hearing of the issue of the action,^ altered his course 
and steered again for England. 

Hawke sent home his dispatches by Captain John Campbell (1), 
who, as Captain Matthew Buckle had been, was graciously received 
by the King, and presented with £500 to purchase a sword. Hawke 
himself received the thanks of the House of Commons and a pension 
of ^62000 a year. Nor were other officers who had distinguished 
themselves during the campaign forgotten. Boscawen, as has 
already been mentioned, was made General of Marines ; Vice- 

^ Sandwich, J)0, Uear- Admiral Francis Geary, Captain IJichard Xorbury; Foud- 
royant, 84, Captain Richard Tyrrell; Bienfaimnt, 64, Captain George Balfour; 
America, 60, Captain James Kirke; Anson, 60, Captain Matthew AVhitwcU; Firm, 60, 
Captain John Reynolds (1) ; and Juno, 82, Captain Henry John Philips. 

^ Somerset, 64, Yice-Admiral Charles Saunders, Captain Edward Hughes; Van- 
guard, 70, Captain Robert Swanton ; and Devonshire, 66, Captain William Gordon. 

^ Mahan calls this action "the Trafalgar" of the Seven Years' War. Guc'rin 
exclaims : " C'etait La Hougue, moins la gloire et I'honneur franoais sauvt's." 



1759.] PRECAUTIONS AGAINST THIRST. 223 

Admiral Saunders was made Lieut. -General of Marines, and Cap- 
tains Sir Piercy Brett (1), Kt., the Hon. Augustus Keppel, and Lord 
Howe, were made Colonels of Marines. 

On the 26th Hawke sent Commodore James Young (1), with a 
squadron, to anchor in Quiberon Bay, and on the 27th detached 
Captain the Hon. Augustus Keppel, with a squadron, to Basque 
Eoad, to attack such of the enemy as might be found there. But 
before the latter reached his destination, M. de Beauffremont had 
lightened his ships and retired up the river Charente, whither the 
British vessels were unable to follow him. Neither in the Charente 
nor in the Vilaine could the fugitive ships be reached. Time, how- 
ever, effected what force could not ; for few of the vessels were ever 
again fit for active service. Hawke was relieved by Boscawen, and 
returned to England after an absence of ten months. 

During the blockade it was notorious that no fleet employed 
on similar service had ever before been so amply supplied with 
beer, provisions, and vegetables ; but, after the defeat of de Conflans, 
in consequence chiefly of the adverse state of the weather, supplies 
failed, and the men were obliged to be put upon short allowance. 
This gave rise to the well-known satirical lines : — 

" Ere Hawke did bang 

Monsieur Conflans, 
You sent us beef and beer. 

Now Monsieur's beat, 

We've naught to eat, 
Since you have nought to fear." 

The small French expedition which had been assembled at 
Dunquerque for a descent upon Scotland or Ireland, and which 
was to be convoyed by Thurot, was blockaded throughout the 
summer and early autumn of 1759 by a squadron ^ under Commodore 
William Boys, who, however, was driven from his station by a gale 
in October. Thurot then sHpped out and made to the northward, 
Boys following as soon as possible, but not being able to overtake 
the enemy, and ultimately having to content himself with cruising 

^ Squadron under Commodore William Boys, engaged in the blockade of Dun- 
querque, etc., 1759 : Preston, 50, Commodore William Boys, Captain John Evans ; 
Antelope, 50, Captain James AVebb; Phoenix, 44, Captain Christopher Codringtou 
Bethell ; Danae, 40, Captain Heniy Martin (2) ; Liverpool, 32, Captain liichard Knight ; 
Stay, 32, Captain Henry Angell ; Argo, 28, Captain John Bladon Tinker ; Tweed, 28, 
Captain William Paston ; Hussar, 28, Captain Eobert Carkett ; Surprise, 24, Captain 
Charles Antrobus ; Badger, 14, Commander Basil Keith; Alderney, 12, Commander 
John Peighin, 



224 MAJOR OPEBATIONS, 17U-1762. [1760. 

off the coast of Scotland wdh the object of preventing any sudden 
raid there. As Thurot's destination was unknown, and as there 
were rumours that he contemplated a blow on some port on the 
east coast of England, the squadron in the Downs, ^ under Com- 
modore Sir Pierc}^ Brett (1), was ordered to Yarmouth. But 
Thurot's operations in the British seas did not begin till the following 
year, and an account of them may for the present be deferred. 

During the year 1760 the British squadrons on active service 
were disposed as follows. Commodore Sir Piercy Brett commanded 
in the Downs and North Sea ; Eear-Admiral George Brydges 
Eodney cruised in the Channel and blockaded Le Havre ; Admirals 
Sir Edward Hawke and the Hon. Edward Boscawen relieved one 
another in Quiberon Bay, and watched the French vessels in the 
Yilaine and Charente, at Brest, Lorient, and Kochfort ; Commodore 
Eobert Swanton was despatched with reinforcements to Commodore 
Lord Colville in Xorth America ; Captain the Hon. John Byron 
was sent wdth a squadron to destroy the fortifications at Louis- 
bourg ; Commodore Sir James Douglas (1) relieved Commodore John 
Moore (1) on the Leeward Islands' station ; Eear-Admiral Charles 
Holmes relieved Vice-Admiral Thomas Cotes at Jamaica ; and 
five additional ships were sent to the East Indies to reinforce Eear- 
Admirals Charles Stevens and Samuel Cornish. In the Mediter- 
ranean Vice-Admiral Charles Saunders succeeded to the command. 

In the East Indies, Arcot and Carical, with many other places, 
were taken from the French, the Marines serving in several 
instances on shore, and the ships co-operating with the land forces 
whenever possible. Pondicherry was besieged and blockaded, and 
in October the boats of the fleet, under Commander "William 
Newsom, acting captain of the Southsea Castle, 40, and Lieu- 
tenant Isaac Florimond Ourry, brilliantly cut out from under the 
forts the Hermione, 36, and Baleine, 32, which were afterwards 
purchased into the Eoyal Navy. The rainy season approaching, 
Eear-Admiral Stevens left five ships of the line, under Captain 
Eobert Haldane, of the America, 60, to continue the blockade, 
and himself sailed on October 23rd for Trincomale. In the mean- 

^ Squadron under Commodore Sir Piercy Brett (1), Kt., in tlie Downs and North 
Sea, 1759 : Isis, 50, Connnodore Sir Piercy Brett, Kt., Captain Edward Wheeler ; 
Woolivich, 40, Captain Daniel Dering; Aicrora, 3G, Ca])tain Samuel Scott; Alarm, 32, 
Captain Jolm Paishworth; Aqiiilon, 28, Cajjtaiu Chaloner Ogle (2); Tartar, 28, Captain 
John Knight (1); Sohhay, 24, Captain John Dalrymplc; and Deal Castle, 24, Captain 
George Tindall. 



1760-61.] REDUCTION OF PONDICHERRY. 225 

time the siege was actively carried on by Lieut. -Colonel Eyre 
Coote. 

On December 25th, Stevens retm'ned with four of his ships of 
the line, and resmned command off the port. On January 1st, 1761, 
a violent hurricane burst upon the shipping. Stevens, whose flag 
was in the NorfolJx, 74, Captain Eichard Kempenfelt, cut his cable, 
and by gun-signals ordered his captains to do the same ; but, owing 
to the violence of the gale and the amount of spray in the air, the 
signals were neither heard nor seen. The Panther, 60, Captain 
Philip Affleck, the America, 60, Captain Robert Haldane, the 
Medivay, 60, Captain John Bladon Tinker, and the Falmouth, 50, 
Captain William Brereton, were dismasted, yet managed to ride 
out the storm. A worse fate overtook the Newcastle, 50, Captain 
Digby Dent (3), the Queenhorough, 20, and the Protector, fireship, all 
of which drove ashore and were wrecked about two miles from 
Pondicherry, though they lost only seven of their crews. Other 
vessels were even more unfortunate. The Due d'Aquitaine, 64, 
Captain Sir William Hewitt, Bart., the Sunderland, 60, Captain 
the Hon. James Colville, and the Drake, storeship, foundered with 
all hands, except seven Europeans and seven lascars. The total 
sacrifice of life was about eleven hundred souls. Stevens, however, 
resumed his position, and renewed the blockade on January 3rd, 
and was next day joined by Rear- Admiral Cornish with additional 
ships from Trincomale. Pondicherry was gradually reduced by 
famine, until on January 15th it surrendered, and was occupied on 
the 16th by the Navy and army. Thus ended the Erench power 
on the coast of Coromandel. 

On the Leeward Islands' and Jamaica stations the enemy was 
in force too feeble to attempt anything of moment. Indeed, only 
one action that was fought in the West Indies in 1760 calls for 
mention here. In the autumn Eear- Admiral Holmes learnt that 
a French convoy, escorted by five frigates, was about to sail from 
Cape Eran9ois for Europe and he despatched the Hampshire, 50, 
Captain Coningsby Norbury (2), the Boreas, 28, Captain Samuel 
Uvedale, and the Lively, 20, Captain the Hon. Frederick Lewis 
Maitland (1), to intercept them. On October 16th the French 
put to sea, the escort consisting of the vessels mentioned in the 
note.^ Next morning at dawn the British ships sighted and 

1 Sirhie, 32 ; Due de Choiseul, 32 ; Prince Edivard, 32 ; Fhur de Lys, 32 ; and 
Valeur, 20. 

VOL. Ill, Q 



226 MAJOR OFERATIOXS, 1714-1762. [1760. 

chased them, but closed very slowly until evening, when the breeze 
freshened. At midnight the Boreas engaged the Sirene, but, being 
disabled aloft, fell astern, and could not come up with her again till 
2 P.M. on October 18th, off the east end of Cuba, A hot action 
then began, and at 4.40 p.m. the Sirene struck, having lost 80 killed 
and wounded. The Boreas had lost but one killed and one wounded. 
In the meanwhile the ■Hampshire and Lively had been in chase of 
the other frigates. Soon after daybreak on the 18th, the Lively, 
by using her sweeps, got alongside of the Valeur, and, after an hour 
and a half, forced her to surrender, she having lost 38 killed and 
25 wounded, and the Lively but two wounded. Both the Sirene 
and Valeur were added to the Navy under their own names. The 
Hampshire at 3.30 p.m. got between the Due de Choiseul and the 
Prince Edward, but the former, having the advantage of the wind, 
got into Port au Paix. The latter ran ashore and struck, but was, 
nevertheless, subsequently burnt by her crew. On the 19th the 
Hampshire and Lively were about to attack the Fleur de Lys, 
which lay in the bay to leeward of Port au Paix, when the enemy 
saved them the trouble by abandoning and burning the ship. 

The conquest of Canada had not been completed when Quebec 
fell, and the French still cherished hopes of ousting the British 
and of regaining command of the country. On the other hand, 
the British were determined to make good their possession. In 
the winter of 1759-60, a naval force consisting of the Onondaga, 18, 
Mohawk, 16, and several row-galleys and gunboats, was established 
on Lake Ontario, with a view to transporting an army down the 
St. Lawrence to Montreal. This army, of about 11,000 men 
under General Amherst, consisted half of regulars and half of 
provincial levies, besides Indians, commanded by Sir William 
Johnson, Bart. It was to be aided by another, of 5000 men, 
under Colonel Haviland, advancing from Lake Champlain, and by 
a third, under Brigadier-General Murray, advancing from Quebec 
up the St. Lawrence. 

To help these various expeditions. Commodore Lord Colville ^ 

' Northumberland, 70, CoiiiUKulore Lord Colville, Caiitain William Adams (2); 
Alcide, 64, Captain Thomas Hankerson ; Trident, 64, Captain Julian Legge ; Pem- 
broke, 60, Captain John Wheelock ; Prince of Oramjc, 60, Captain Samuel Wallis ; 
Richmond, 32, Caiitain John Elphinstone (1); Eurus, 20, Captain Nathaniel Batenian ; 
Porcupine, 16, Commander John Macartney; and Racehorse, bomb, ^vlncll was already 
at Quebec. The above wintered in America, and were joined at various times by the 
Devonshire, 66, Captain George Darby; Norwich, 50, Captain "William M'Cleverty; 
Greyhound, 24, Cajitain Thomas Francis; and Lizard, 28, Captain James Doake. 



1760.] FBENCH ATTEMPTS AGAINST QUEBEC. 'I'll 

was directed to enter the St. Lawrence as soon as the season should 
allow ; and a reinforcement ^ under Commodore S wanton, consisting 
of two sail of the line, three fifty-gun ships, and four frigates, sailed 
from England early in the spring. 

Knowing of some, at least, of these preparations, the French 
made gallant attempts to seize Quebec before the river should be clear 
of ice. They sent down the St. Lawrence an army of about 14,000 
inen under M. de Levis. General Murray, underrating the force 
of the enemy, marched out and attacked him, but was defeated at 
Sillery on April 28th. If the French had at once followed up 
their advantage, they could probably have taken the place, but 
they let slip their chance. Murray was very active in the defence, 
and sent the Raceliorse down the river to look for the fleet and 
hasten its arrival. On May 9th the Lowestoft, 28, Captain Joseph 
Deane, anchored in the Basin, and brought news of the near 
approach of Commodore S wanton, who, on the evening of the 
15th, arrived in the Vanguard, 70, with the Diana, 36, Captain 
Alexander Schomberg. On the 16th, in response to the expressed 
wishes of General Murray, the Vanguard, Diana and Lowestoft 
worked up towards the enemy's flotilla in the upper river, and soon 
obliged it to retire with the loss of the Pomone, 36, which grounded 
and was burnt near Cape Diamond, the A talante, 32, which grounded 
and was burnt thirty miles higher up, and all the other craft except 
a sloop. The active part of this work was done exclusively by the 
Diana and Lowestoft, while the Vanguard, dropping down abreast 
of Sillery, enfiladed the enemy's trenches there, and compelled their 
abandonment. Indeed, this attack induced M. de Levis to raise 
the siege on the night of the 16th, leaving behind him 44 guns, 
10 mortars, and various stores. Unfortunately, the Lowestoft, 
in returning, struck on a sunken rock and foundered, but without 
loss of life. Lord Colville, with his squadron, reached Quebec on 
the 18th. 

All was then in readiness for the projected advance against 
Montreal. General Murray's army was escorted up the river by 
the Penzance, 40, Captain William Gough, the Diana, 32, Captain 
Joseph Deane, the Porcupine, 16, Commander John Macartney, 

^ Vanguard, 70, Commodore Robert Swanton; Kingston, 60, Captain William 
Parry (2 ) ; Rochester, 50, Captain Thomas Burnett ; Falkland, 50, Captain Francis 
Samuel Drake; Sutherland, 50, Captain Benjamin Clive; Penzance, 44, Captain William 
Gough ; Diana, 36, Captain Alexander Schomberg ; Vengeance, 28, Captain Gamaliel 
Nightingale ; and Loivesto/t, 28, Captain Joseph Deane. 

Q 2 



228 MAJOB OPERATIOliS, 1714-1762. [1760. 

the Gaspee, schooner, 8, and a flotilla of thirty-five small craft, it 
having embarked in forty transports on June 13th. Progress was on 
several occasions challenged by French batteries ; but the various 
difficulties were slowly overcome. Behind the main force followed 
some troops from Louisbourg under Lord Kollo. In the interval, 
General xVmherst was advancing down the St. Lawrence mider the 
conduct of Captain Joshua Loring, E.N.^ In the course of the 
advance the Onondaga was taken by the enemy, and, though 
retaken, had to be abandoned. Many boats and some small craft 
were also lost by the waj^ o\\ang to the great difficulties of naviga- 
tion. On September 6th, however, the Commander-in-Chief's army 
landed on the upper end of the Island of Montreal, nine miles above 
the city. The enemy fled, and Montreal was quickly invested. 

As for Colonel Haviland's force, it embarked at Crown Point 
on August 11th, and, gradually driving the enemy before it, maae 
its way, partly by water and partly by land, to Isle Ste. Therese 
near Montreal, appearing there within a few hours of the arrival 
of Amherst and Murray in the same neighbourhood. The co-opera- 
tion could not have been more exactly timed. 

On September 7th a cessation of hostilities was agreed to ; and 
on September 8th M. de Vaudreuil capitulated and Canada became 
British. The final conquest had been prefaced by the capture or 
destruction by Lord Colville of a large number of French privateers 
on the St. Lawrence, and by the destruction by Coiximodore the 
Hon. John Byron in Chaleur Bay, on July 8th, of the Machault, 32, 
Bienfaisant, 22, Marquis de Marloze, 16, and several French small 
craft which had taken refuge there in expectation of chance offering 
them some opportunity for slipping up the river. 

Captain Joseph Deane, K.N., and Major Barre carried home 
the dispatches announcing the great success. Each was presented 
with £500 wherewith to buy a sword. Byron, who had proceeded 
on his own responsibility to Chaleur Bay on the service above noted, 
and who had interrupted for the purpose the business of razing to 
the ground the fortifications of Louisbourg, subsequently returned 
and completed that work. 

In the Mediterranean, whither Vice-Admiral Charles Saunders 

' Joshua Loring came of a family which had been for some time settled in North 
America. Lieutenant, 1745; Commander, 1756; Captain, 1757; chief director of the 
Naval Department in the Interior, and Commander-in-Chief of the Lake Flotilla, 1759- 
1762; died, 1781. 



17G0.] CBUISE OF AI. THUROT. 229 

went as Commander-in-Chief in April, 17G0, little of importance 
happened, owing to the overwhelming superiority of the British 
naval forces. A French division slipped out of Toulon in June ; 
but the greater part of it was driven by a squadron, under Captain 
Hugh Palliser, of the Shrewshurij, 74, into a port in the island of- 
Candia, and was blockaded there until the British vessels had to 
withdraw for supplies and repairs, whereupon the enemy got back 
to Toulon. 

The fortunes of M. Thurot must now be followed. Evading 
Commodore Boys, he left Dunquerque on October 15th, 1759. In 
his little squadron of six frigates and corvettes, he had thirteen 
hundred troops under Brigadier-General de Flobert.^ He first 
went to Gothenburg in Sweden, partly to procure stores, and partly, 
no doubt, to baftie pursuit or observation. There he remained for 
nineteen days, going next to Bergen in Norway. On his way 
thither, one of his ships, the Begon, was so damaged in a gale as 
to be obliged to return to France. The Faucoii also parted company 
early in the voyage. Thurot quitted Bergen on December 5th, and 
proceeded, by way of Stromo, in the Faroe Islands, reaching the 
neighbourhood of the Irish coast on January 25th, 3760. The 
weather confounded an intended descent near Londonderry, and 
scattered his squadron, so much so that the Amaranthe'^ never 
rejoined, and returned in some distress to St. Malo. As the 
ships were by that time all in a sorry plight, and more than one of 
them was almost mutinous, the captains implored Thurot to abandon 
the descent. But he refused, and put into Claigeann Bay, in the 
island of Islay, on February 15th, to refresh. 

Thurot left the island on February 19th, and next day anchored 
in Belfast Lough, opposite Kilroot Point. The town of Carrick- 
fergus was garrisoned by four newly-raised and weakly companies 
of the 62nd Eegiment under Lieut. -Colonel Jennings. Thurot 
landed about six hundred men on February 21st, and M. de Flobert, 
after comparatively little fighting, obliged Colonel Jennings to 
surrender the castle. The French requisitioned provisions from 

1 De Flobert, from the first, threw difficulties in Thurot's way, regarding him with 
contempt and jealousy. Thurot, as a seaman, probably had no high opinion of the 
soldier ; for, as Laughton points out (' Studs, in Xav. Hist.,' 346), even until quite 
recent times there was a saying on board ship, " a messmate before a shipmate ; a ship- 
mate before a stranger ; a stranger before a dog ; but — a dog before a soldier." 

^ It is tolerably certain, nevertheless, that the Amaranthe could have rejoined, liad 
her captain desired to do so. 



230 



MAJOR OPEEATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1760. 



the town, and made several small prizes in the Lough, rifling 
and afterwards burning them ; but de Flobert resisted Thurot's 
entreaties to advance and seize Belfast. The whole adventure 
cost the French about thirty killed and sixty wounded. The mayor 
• and some gentlemen were carried on board as hostages, and at 
midnight on February 27th, the enemy, having re-embarked, set 
sail to return to France. 

The Duke of Bedford, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, upon getting 
news of the descent, sent expresses to all the principal ports to 
inform the captains of any of H. M. ships that might be there of 
what had happened. At Kingsale one of these expresses found 
the frigates j^olus, Pallas, and Brilliant,^ which had been driven 
from their station with Hawke's fleet on the coast of France. 
These at once put to sea and went north. At Dublin, on the 26th, 
the senior officer, Captain John Elliot, learnt that the enemy was 
still at Carrickfergus. That same evening, he found himself off the 
mouth of Belfast Lough, but, the wind being contrary, he could 
not get in. On the 28th, at 4 a.m., he caught sight of the French 
as they rounded Copeland Island, and gave chase. " About nine," 
continues Captain Elliot, in his dispatch of February 29th to the 
Duke of Bedford, " I got alongside their commodore ; and, in a 
few minutes, the action became general, and continued very briskly 
for an hour and a half, when they all three struck their colours." 
The Marechal de Belleisle alone fought well ; the Blonde and 
Terpsicliore struck almost as soon as they were engaged. ElHot, 
with the prizes, subsequently put into Bamsay, Isle of Man, to 
refit. All the vessels were greatly disabled aloft, and the Marechal 
de Belleisle, which had suffered most of all, was with difficulty 
prevented from sinking. 



^ Squadron which, under M. Thurot, escaped from Dunquerque in 1759 ; and 
squadron which, under Captain John Elliot, met and captured part of it on 
February 28th, 1760:— 



French. 








Beitish. 




Ships. 


Gtins. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanders. 


Losses. 


Marechal de Belleisle . . 

Blonde 

Terpsichore 

Began l 

Amaranthe'^ 

Fintrttv ' 


44 
36 
24 
36 
18 
IS 


Mollis .... 
Pallas .... 
Brilliant . . . 


32 
36 

36 


Capt. Jolin Elliot. 
,, IMicliael Clements. 
,, James Loggie. 


Killed. \S'onnded. 
4 15 

1 5 
11 

1 



1 Had parted company before the action. 



1760] BOSGAWEN'S LAST SERVICE. 231 

The gallant Thurot/ who fell on this occasion, was an opponent 
who, in his method of carrying on the war, had never shut his eyes 
to the principles of honour, generosity, and humanity, and who 
was scarcely less lamented by his British foes than by his own 
countrymen. The three victorious captains were unanimously 
voted the thanks of the Irish House of Commons, and the Blonde 
and Terpsichore were purchased into the Boyal Navy. 

Admiral Boscawen, after the return of Sir Edward Hawke, 
sailed to command the fleet in Quiberon Bay, with his flag in the 
Boijal William, and with Eear-Admiral Francis Geary, in the 
Sandivich, as second in command. While he was going to his 
station, the Bamillies, 90, Captain Wittewronge Taylor, of his 
squadron, went ashore on Bolt Head in a gale and was lost, the 
crew all perishing except one midshipman and twenty-five men. 
Boscawen, who was obliged by the heavy weather to return, sub- 
sequently shifted his flag to the Namur, and proceeded. His 
cruisers took several prizes ; but the enemy's fleet did not — indeed, 
could not — come out. The blockade prevented the French from 
sending supplies across the Atlantic, and from interfering w4th 
British trade. In August, Sir Edward Hawke, in the Boyal 
George, relieved Boscawen, who returned to England on Sep- 
tember 1st. This was Boscawen's last service. He died at his 
house, Hatchlands, near Guildford, on January 10th, 1761.^ Hawke 
pursued his predecessor's policy, and was equally successful. Eear- 
Admiral Eodney, cruising off Le Havre, was not less energetic. 

An expedition, to be commanded by Commodore the Hon. 
Augustus Keppel, and to be directed either against Mauritius and 
Bourbon or against the coast of France, was in preparation when, 
on October 27th, George II. died. This important event led to so 
much delay, that on December 13th orders were given for the 
fleet to return from St. Helen's, where it lay ready for sea, to 
Spithead, and for the troops on board to be disembarked. For 
that season the enterprise was given up. 

^ Francois Thurot, born at Xiiits, 172G. Son of a small innkeeper; educated by 
the Jesuits at Dijon ; apprenticed to a druggist ; surgeon in a privateer, 1744 ; captured 
by the British ; escaped ; devoted himself to privateering ; lived for some time in 
Loudon ; given a commission in the French navy ; commanded the Friponne, and, 
from 1757, the Marechal de Bdleisle. His actions with the Southampton, the Seahorse, 
etc., will be found noticed in the next chapter. He was one of the boldest of the French 
corsairs. 

^ Boscawen w^as, however, buried in the church of St. Michael, Penkevel, Cornwall, 
where there is a monument by Eijsbraak to his naemory. 



232 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1761. 

By 1760 the enemy's navy had been so nearly annihilated that 
but two or three of His Majesty's ships were taken by the French ; 
and French trade had been so diminished that the British cruisers 
made but comparatively few captures — only one hundred and ten 
vessels in all. But the British mercantile losses by the ravages 
of small privateers were enormous. As many as three hundred 
and thirty trading vessels were taken. Few of them, however, 
were of any considerable size ; and, in spite of the loss, British 
trade flourished exceedingly. It was, no doubt, chiefly owing to its 
healthy condition that the commercial marine experienced so many 
losses. 

In 1761 Vice-Admiral Francis Holburne commanded at Ports- 
mouth ; Commodore Sir Piercy Brett (1) in the Downs ; Commodore 
Kobert S wanton in the Channel ; Sir Edward Hawke and Sir 
Charles Hardy (2) in Quiberon Bay till March, when Commodore 
Keppel took charge of the squadron in the Bay of Biscay ; Vice- 
Admiral Charles Saunders in the Mediterranean ; Commodore Lord 
Colville in North America ; Kear-Admiral Charles Holmes at 
Jamaica; Commodore Sir James Douglas (1), and, at the end of the 
year, Bear- Admiral Rodney, on the Leeward Islands' station ; and 
Eear-Admiral Stevens in the East Indies, until his death, when 
the command devolved on Kear-Admiral Cornish. 

After the capture of Pondicherry, Mahe was reduced by the 
troops under Major Hector Munro, supported by four sail of the 
line under Eear-Admiral Cornish. The place surrendered on 
February 10th. In May Eear-Admiral Charles Stevens fell a 
victim to the unhealthiness of the climate. The French on the 
station were by that time practically helpless, and Cornish soon 
afterwards went to Bombay to refit. He then proceeded southward 
to meet an expedition which he had reason to believe was on its 
way out, under Commodore Keppel, to attack Bourbon and 
Mauritius ; but all idea of this expedition had, in the meantime, 
been abandoned. The means taken, however, to apprise Cornish 
of the change of plans were not efficacious ; and the Eear-Admiral 
was actually obliged, by scarcity of supplies, to go back to 
Madras without hearing any news from home. Two of his ships, 
however, the York, 60, Captain Henry Cowbell, and the Chatham, 54, 
Captain Thomas Lynn, being unable to keep with the fleet, had 
to bear up for the Cape of Good Hope. There they learned from 
the Terpsichore, 26, Captain Sir Thomas Adams, Bart., that Keppel 



1761.] CAPTURE OF DOMINICA. 233 

was no longer to be expected ; and in due course they carried the 
intelhgence to the Eear-Admiral in India. 

On the Leeward Islands' station, Commodore Sir James 
Douglas (1), who was reinforced by four sail of the line and three 
frigates,^ with troops from North America under Lord Rollo, 
attacked, and, on June 8th, captured, the Island of Dominica. 
During the rest of the summer, operations were chiefly confined to 
the protection of trade, and the repression of privateering. Towards 
the end of the year, it having been determined to prosecute a more 
active and offensive policy, and to largely increase the force among 
the "West India Islands, Eear-Admiral Eodney was appointed to 
the command ; and on November 22nd he arrived at Carlisle Bay, 
Barbados, where he was presently joined by the Temeraire and 
ActcBon, with troops from Belle Isle, and by a military force from 
North America under Major-General Monckton. 

On the Jamaica station there w^ere several single-ship encounters, 
but no occurrences of first-rate importance. Eear-Admiral Charles 
Holmes, dying on November 21st, was succeeded in the command 
by the senior officer, Captain Arthur Forrest, of the Centaur, 
pending the arrival of Sir James Douglas. In North America, 
likewise, little of moment happened, the chief business of the fleet 
being to convoy troops to the West Indies. Nor were there any 
transactions on a large scale in the Mediterranean, although the 
force there was, towards the end of the year, greatly strengthened 
by the arrival of a detachment from home under Sir Piercy Brett (1) . 
The French scarcely ventured to put to sea ; and, when any of 
their ships did issue from port, they were almost invariably 
captured. 

Admiral Sir Edward Hawke and Vice-Admiral Sir Charles 
Hardy (2) remained in the Bay of Biscay, watching the French ships 
in the Vilaine and Charente ; and, to better effect their purpose, 
stationed an inshore squadron, under Captain James Gambler (1), 
quite close to the mouth of the Vilaine. Yet, in spite of this 
precaution, on January 2nd, the night being dark and the breeze 
fresh, several of the French vessels slipped out thence, and, though 
chased by Gambler, escaped into Brest. After this evasion, the 

^ Stirling Castle, 64, Captain Michael Everitt ; Norwich, 50, Captain William 
M'Cleverty; Falkland, 50, Captain Francis Samuel Drake; Sutherland, 50, Captain 
.Tulian Legge; Penzance, 44, Captain John Boyd (acting); Repulse, 32, Captain 
John Carter Allen; and Lizard, 28, Captain James Doake. 



234 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1761. 



blockading force was needlessly large for the work remaining to 
be done, and in March Hawke returned to England, leaving behind 
him enough ships to observe the enemy's motions. 

The expedition, which had been prex^ared during the previous 
year, and had been destined at one time for Bourbon and Mauritius, 
and later for the coast of France, was again brought forward in 
1761, Commodore Hon. Augustus Keppel being appointed to 
command the sea, and Major-General Studholm Hodgson^ the 
land forces. The squadron at first included ten sail of the line, 
eight frigates, three sloops, three bombs, and two fireships, but 
was eventually reinforced with five more sail of the line.- The 
army originally consisted of about seven thousand men,^ but about 
three thousand more were subsequently sent to the scene of 
operations. 

The expedition* sailed from St. Helen's on March 29th, and 
sighted Belle Isle,^ which it was designed to attack, on April 6th. 
That evening Keppel detached six frigates to cruise between the 
island and the mainland, in order to sever communications. A 
squadron under Captain Matthew Buckle (1), consisting of thirteen 

^ Later a field-marshal. 

^ British squadron employed under Commodore the Hon. Augustus Keppel in the 
expedition against Belle Isle, 1761 : — 



Ships. 



(jUIlS. 



Commauders. 



Valiant . 

Sandwich 

Dragon . 

Ttinera ire 
Torhay . 

Siviftsure 
ffampton Court 
Essex 

Prince of Orange 
Achilles . 
y/eroi . . . 
Jiiickingh ami . 
/iurfordi 



90 

14 

li 
74 

TO 

64 

64 

60 

60 

74 
70 
70 



[Commod. Hon. August is 

•; Kpppel. 

(Capt. Adam Duncau. 

„ Richai'd Norbury. 

f ,, Hon. Aug. John 
(. Hervey. 

I „ Jlattliew Barton. 

,, AVilliaiii Brett, 

f „ Sir Thomas Stan- 
\ hope, Kt. 

,, Carr Scrope. 

f ,, Alexander Schom- 
\ berg. 

,, Samuel Wallls. 

f ,, Hcin. Samuel Bar- 
I riTi'j;ton. 

,, \\illiam Knrt.e.scue. 

„ I'eter i'arkfr (1). 

„ .lames Gambier(l). 

/ „ William Saltren 
I Willett. 



Ships. 


Guns. 


Commauders. 


Monmouth i 


64 


Capt. .John Storr. 


Lynn .... 


44 


,, AValter Stirling. 


Launceston . 


44 


,. Edmund Affleck. 


.Southampton . . 


36 


,, Charles Antrobus. 


Melampe. . . . 


36 


/ ., William Hotham 

I (0- 

„ ^latthew Moore. 


Adventure . . . 


32 


Act (eon .... 


28 


„ Paul Henry Ounv. 


Flamborotigh . . 


24 


„ Samuel Thompson. 


Aldborough . . 


24 


„ Mitchell Graham. 


Escort .... 


14 


Com. Charles EUvs. 


Fly 


10 


„ George Gay ton. 


Druid .... 


8 


/ ., Hon. John Lut- 
l trell. 


Firedralce, b. 


8 


,, .Tames OiTok. 


Infernal, b. 


8 


,, .Tames Mackenzie. 


Furnace, h. . . . 


8 


,, James Chaplen. 


Vesuvius, f.s. . 


16 


,, James Chads. 


JEtna, f.s. . . . 


16 


1 ,, Jlichael Henrv 
1 Pascal. 



Followed the fleet as reinforcements. 



* Its nominal force was 9000, but the regiments were incomi>lete. Hodgson to 
Albemarle, March 28th, 1761. 

* For Kei)i)ers secret instructions, see 'Life,' by Hon. and Rev. T. Keppel, i. o02. 
That biography, however, appears to contain numerous errors. 

" For Belle Isle and neighbourhood, see chart facing p. 488 of Vol. II. 



1761.] THE EXPEDITION TO BELLE ISLE. 235 

sail of the line and three frigates,^ was presently sent to cruise 
off Brest to prevent the possibility of interference from that quarter. 
Early on April 7th the fleet passed the south end of the island close 
in, so as to enable the Commodore and General to reconnoitre, 
and at noon it anchored in the Koad of Palais. The Commodore 
and General then reconnoitred more closely in a cutter, having 
first ordered the boats to be hoisted out, and the troops to be 
made ready to land. They found no place more suitable for a 
disembarkation than a bay near Point de Locmaria, which they 
had remarked in the morning. To distract the enemy, a feint of 
landing was made near Sauzon by a detachment under Captain 
Sir Thomas Stanhope ; and, on the morning of the 8th, the wind 
being north-east, the real landing in force was made near Port 
Andro, after the Prince of Orange, Dragon, and Achilles, with two 
bombs, had silenced a four-gun battery at the entrance of the bay. 
Commodore Keppel gave the signal for the disembarkation from the 
Prince of Orange, to which he had shifted his broad pennant from 
the Valiant. The boats were led by Captain Matthew Barton, 
and, although the enemy offered a most vigorous resistance, the 
landing was effected at three different places. But the troops found 
it impossible to hold their ground or to mount the well-defended 
slopes in front of them, and, after a hot contest, had to retreat with 
very considerable loss. The retiring boats were covered by the fire 
from the ships. 

Bad weather for several days prevented any renewal of the 
attempt ; but on the 22nd, while two feints were made elsewhere, 
a new landing was prepared under Major-General John Craufurd 
at Fort d'Arsic, under cover of the Sandtvich, Dragon, Prince of 
Orayige, two bombs, and two armed transports ; Captain Barton, 
as before, leading in the boats. The feints were ordered to be 
made by Brigadier-General Hamilton Lambart, one near St. Foy 
and the other at Sauzon. Lambart was directed, if he saw any 
probability of success, to actually land, and to endeavour to hold 

^ Namur, 90, Captain Matthew Buckle (1) ; Union, 90, Captain Thomas Evans ; 
Boyal William, 84, Captain Hugh Pigot (1) ; Princess Amelia, 80, Captain John 
Montagu ; Hero, 74, Captain William Fortescue ; Fame, 74, Captain the Hon. John 
Byron ; Cornwall, 74, Captain Eobert Man (2) ; Mars, 74, Captain Kicliai'd Spry ; 
Bedford, 64, Captain Joseph Deane ; Prince Frederick, 64, Captain Jervis Maplesden ; 
Lion, 60, Captain Echvard Le Cras ; Bipon, 60, Cajjtain Edward Jekyll ; Unicorn, 28, 
Captain Charles Douglas ; Tweed, 28, Captain William Paston ; Aquilon, 28, Captain 
Chaloner Ogle (2). 



236 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1761. 

his own. This, in fact, he did under cover of the Swiftsure, 
Hampton Court, Essex, and Lynn, and with the assistance of 
Marines under Lieut. -Colonel Mackenzie and Captain Murray. As 
he effected his object before the intended landing at d'Arsic had 
begun, the division intended to attack that place rowed promptly 
to Lambart's support, and enabled him to maintain his position 
and to drive back the enemy. All the troops were disembarked 
by 5 P.M., and the French retired before them to Palais. Batteries 
were erected against the town on May 2nd, and in the preliminary 
operations before the place, some Marines, under Captain David 
Hepburn, greatly distinguished themselves. On May 13th several 
advanced redoubts w^ere carried, and the enemy w^as driven from 
the town to the citadel, which, from the 16th onwards, was subjected 
to a furious bombardment. On June 7th, a large breach had been 
formed ; and preparations were being made for storming it, when 
the Chevalier de St. Croix, the governor, offered to surrender. 
Possession was taken on the 8th. The British in these operations 
lost about three hundred and ten killed and five hundred wounded, 
besides many men who died of disease. During the whole pro- 
ceedings the most perfect harmony prevailed between the naval 
and the military chiefs.^ The naval dispatches were sent home 
by Captain the Hon. Samuel Barrington, who, upon his arrival, was, 
as was then usual in such cases, presented by the King with £500. 
The island was held during the remainder of the war. 

After the landing on Belle Isle, Keppel, who had been again 
reinforced, despatched Sir Thomas Stanhope with a squadron '^ to 
attack such French ships as might be lying in Basque Eoad, and 
to destroy the works on Isle d'Aix. No ships were discovered, but 
the destruction of the works was satisfactorily accomplished by 
Captain Peter Parker (1) of the Buckingham, in company with the 
Monmouth and Nassau, assisted later by the Actceon, Fhj and Blast, 

^ " I hear some scoundrels have si^read a report tliat the Commodore aud I have 
disagreed. I believe there never was more friendship and more harmony between two 
persons since the creation of the world than has subsisted between us. . . . The two 
services have acted as one corps ever since we left England." Hodgson to Albemarle, 
June 8th, 1761. 

- Swiftsure, 70, Captain Sir Thomas Stanhope ; Sandiuich, *J0, Captain Richard 
Xorbury ; Trident, 64, Captain Benjamin Clive ; Buckinyham, 64, Captain Peter 
Parker (1); Monmouth, 64, Captain John Storr; Nassau, Gi, Captain Maurice Suckling; 
Frince of Orancje, 60, Captain Samuel Wallis ; Adseon, 28, Captain Paul Henry Ourry ; 

Fly, 14, Commander George Gayton ; Blast, bomb, 8, Commander ; Furnace, 

bomb, 8, Commander James Chaplen. 



1761.] 



QUEEN CHARLOTTE'S ESCORT. 



237 



and by the boats of the squadron. The French prames from the 
mouth of the Charente endeavoured to interfere with the operations ; 
but the work was completed with very Httle loss on June 21st 
and 22nd. Sir Thomas Stanhope continued on the station during 
the rest of the year, his ships being occasionally relieved. In 
December, the enemy made an ineffectual attempt to destroy them 
by means of fireships. Soon afterwards Lord Howe succeeded 
Stanhope in the command. 

It may here be mentioned, although the matter has nothing to 




SIR PETER PARKER (1), BART., ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET. 

(From an engraving by Itidloj after a portrait once in the possession of Mr. Valentine Green.) 

do with the military operations of the Navy, that, in August, Lord 
Anson, as Admiral of the Fleet, hoisted his flag on board the Boijal 
Charlotte {ex-Boy al Caroline), yacht, in order to escort to England 
the Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, who had been 
promised in marriage to George III., and who landed at Harwich 
on September 6th. Anson's flag-captain on that occasion was 
Captain Peter Denis, and the royal yacht was convoyed by the 



238 MAJOR OPEEATIONS, 1714-1762. [1761. 

Nottingham, 60, Captain Samuel Marshall (1), the Winchester, 50, 
Captain John Hale, the Minerva, 32, Captain Alexander Arthur 
Hood, the Tartar, 28, Captain John Knight (1), the Hazard, 14, 
Commander the Hon. Henry St. John (1), the Lynx, 14, Commander 
the Hon. Keith Stewart (1), and a number of small yachts. 

During the year there was a disposition, on the part of both 
belligerents, to treat for peace ; but the negotiations broke down, 
and the prospects of an amicable arrangement were seriously 
diminished by the signature, on August 15th, 1761, of what is 
known as the Family Compact, between the rulers of France and 
Spain. As soon as news of this was received in England, Pitt 
desired at once to declare w^ar against Spain, which had for some 
time previously behaved in a manner not altogether becoming a 
neutral ; but, being overborne, he resigned. Had war been declared 
when Pitt wished, the very rich home-coming Spanish treasure- 
ships from America might have been seized. As soon as they were 
safely in port, Spain took no more pains to disguise her hostility, 
the consequence being that, by proclamation dated January 2nd, 
1762, w^ar w^as declared by Great Britain, and, by proclamation of 
January 16th, by Spain. The Spanish court at once endeavoured 
to coerce Portugal into joining Spain and France ; but Portugal was 
loyal to her ancient ally, and manfully stood out, although war 
was very quickly declared against her as a penalty for her non- 
compliance. Substantial British military support was promptly 
given her, numerous British officers joined her army, and Com- 
manders Joseph Norwood, Thomas Lee (1), and Michael Henry 
Pascal ^ took service in her Navy. 

It was early resolved to deal with Spain in the most vigorous 
and uncompromising manner. It has been stated that a large body 
of troops had been ordered from North America to the West Indies 
with a view to the reduction of the French Caribbee Islands. The 
Ministry determined that these troops should be reinforced from 
England, and that, after the newly conquered islands should have 
been properly garrisoned, an expedition should proceed to the 
attack of Havana. The command of the army assigned for this 
service was given to Lieut. -General the Earl of Albemarle. The 
command of the squadron was given to Admiral Sir George 
Pocock, K.B., with, as his second. Commodore the Hon. A. Keppel, 
the Earl of Albemarle's brother. 

^ All these officers, ujion their return to England after the peace, were posted. 



1761.J THE EXPEDITION AGAINST MANILLA. 239 

Another movement induced by the ruptm'e with Spain, was the 
despatch of Commodore Sir Piercy Brett (1) , with a strong reinforce- 
ment, to Sir Charles Saunders, K.B.,^ in the Mediterranean. Sir 
Edward Haw^ke, with Eear- Admiral the Duke of York, cruised off the 
coasts of Spain and Portugal ; and later, the same squadron, under 
command of Sir Charles Hardy (2) and the Duke of York, left port a 
second time on the same errand. While arrangements were thus 
made to attack Spain in the West Indies, and, at the same moment, 
to distract her attention at home, a small expedition, under command 
of Brigadier-General Draper, was despatched from India against the 
Philippine Islands. 

On the death of Rear- Admiral Holmes, Sir James Douglas (1) was 
appointed to the command at Jamaica ; Eear- Admiral Podney still 
commanded on the Leeward Islands' station ; and Commodore 
Lord Colville remained in North America. Commodore Spry 
cruised with a squadron of observation off Brest, until he was 
relieved by Commodore Eobert Man (2) ; and Commodore Lord 
Howe lay in Basque Eoad until he was relieved by Commodore 
Peter Denis. Admiral Holburne commanded at Portsmouth ; 
Commodore John Moore (1), in the Downs, and Commodore James 
Young (1), in the Channel. 

Eear-Admiral Cornish continued to command in the East Indies ; 
but, as the Erench had neither settlement nor trade there, he had 
little to do against them. When, therefore, war broke out with 
Spain, he was able to devote almost his undivided attention to the 
new enemy. Colonel Draper, afterwards Sir William Draper, K.B., 
an officer who had distinguished himself at the siege of Madras in 
1759, had devoted part of a period of sick leave to inquiring into the 
condition of the Spanish settlements in the Philippine Islands ; and 
he had discovered that the defences had been much neglected, and 
that the Spaniards there trusted rather to their remoteness than to 
their strength for their protection.^ Upon the commencement of 
hostilities, Colonel Draper laid his information before the Ministry, 
and measures were taken accordingly. He was at once sent to 
India in the Argo, 28, Captain Eichard King (1), with instructions for 
fitting out an expedition against Manilla, and with an appointment 
as commander-in-chief of the troops to be employed. The ex- 
pedition ultimately consisted of the 79th Eegiment, a company of 

^ Vice-Admiral Saunders was so installed, by proxy, on May 26th, 1761. 
^ As they appear to have done again in 1898. 



240 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1761. 



Eoyal Artillery and miscellaneous bodies, which, with 630 seamen 
and 270 Marines from the fleet, brought the total of the available 
field army up to about 2300 men, who were embarked in Eear- 
Admiral Cornish's squadron and in two East Indiamen. The 
preparations were begun and completed within three weeks. The 
Seahorse, 20, Captain Charles Cathcart Grant, was sent in advance 
to intercept any vessels that might be bound for Manilla. A 




ADMIRAL Sill lUCUAKD KING (1), BAUT. 

{From a litJioiiniph hi/ RkUeii, after ii )ni /nature.) 

division of the fleet, under Commodore Kichard Tiddeman, sailed 
on July 29th ; and the rest, with the exception of the Falmoutli, 60, 
which was left to convoy an Indiaman, followed under the Com- 
mander-in-Chief on August 1st. On August 19th the fleet ^ reached 

^ Listof H.M. shi])s engaged in the expedition against Manilla: — Norfolk, 74, Eear- 
Admiral Samuel Cornish (Vice-Adniiral, October 21st, 1762), Captain Richard Kempen- 
felt ; Elizabeth, 64, Commodore Eichard Tiddeman, Captain Isaac Floi'imond Omuy ; 
Lenox, 74, Captain Eobert Jocel^'n; Grafton, 68, Captain Ilyde Parker (1); Wey- 
mouth, 60, Captain Richard Collins (2) ; America, 60, Captain Samuel Pitchford ; 
Panther, 60, Commander George Ourry (acting for Captain "William Newsom) : 



1761.] CAPTURE OF MANILLA. 241 

Malacca, and there watered and took on board various supplies. 
On the 27th it sailed again ; and on September 23rd, to the great 
surprise of the Spaniards, who had not heard of the outbreak of 
war, it anchored off Manilla. On the 24th the town was summoned, 
but without result ; and, in the afternoon, under cover of the Argo, 
Seahorse, and Seaford, some troops were landed, in spite of a heavy 
surf which caused much loss of, and damage to, material. The 
boats on this occasion were under the direction of Captains Hyde 
Parker (1), Eichard Kempenfelt and William Brereton. There was 
but slight opposition. The rest of the troops and the Marines were 
disembarked on the 25th ; and on the 26th a brigade of seamen, 
under Captains Collins, Pitchford and Ourry, reinforced them. On 
the following days batteries were erected and opened ; and on the 
29th the Elizabeth and Falmouth were ordered to co-operate as best 
they could with the army, by enfilading the enemy's front. By 
October 5th a practicable breach had been made in the works. 
Early in the morning of that day this was stormed with success, 
and the governor and officers were driven to the citadel, which they 
presently surrendered at discretion. Not only Manilla, but with 
it also Luzon, and all the Spanish islands, were handed over by the 
terms of the capitulation. It was arranged that Manilla should be 
ransomed for four millions of dollars to save it from pillage. Owing, 
however, to the bad faith of the Spaniards, only half of this amount 
was ever paid. The conquest, together with most of the prize 
money, was handed over to the East India Company. 

During the operations, Cornish obtained news that a galleon 
from Acapulco was on her way to Manilla. Accordingly, on 
October 4th, he despatched the Panther and Argo to intercept her. 
These failed to do so ; but they succeeded in taking, on October 31st, 
the Santisima Trinidad, which had left Manilla for Acapulco on 
August 1st, having on board treasure worth about three million 
dollars. In the meantime, the galleon from Acapulco had arrived 
at Palapa, in Samar. It was agreed that, subject to certain 
conditions, she was to be surrendered to the British ; but the 
arrangement was never carried out, and it is probable that much of 
her rich cargo eventually passed into the hands of private persons, 
who had no right to it. 



Falmouth, 50, Cn\){ixm William Breretou; Argo, 28, Captain Eichard Kiug(l); Sea- 
horse, 20, Captain Charles Cathcart Grant ; Seaford, 20, Captain John Peighin ; and 
Southse:c Castle, store-ship. 

VOL. III. K 



242 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1762. 



The operations before Manilla were less costly than might have 
been expected. The army lost but 115 killed, drowned and 
wounded, and the Navy but 35. The only naval officer who was 
killed was Lieutenant Porter, of the Norfolk, but, unfortunately, 
Commodore Tiddeman was accidentally drowned on the day of the 
surrender. Captain Eichard Kempenfelt was sent home with the 
naval dispatches. As a reward for the service, Cornish was made 
a baronet, and Draper a K.B., and each received the thanks of both 
Houses. The colours taken at Manilla were hung in the chapel 
of King's College, Cambridge, of which Draper had been a member. 

The French empire in North America had ceased to exist ; and 
its disappearance had rendered unnecessary the presence on the spot 
of part of the large body of troops which had been concerned in the 
conquest of Canada. As has already been mentioned, it had been 
decided to employ some of them against the French islands in the 
West Indies. Eear-Admiral Kodney had left England in October, 
1761, and had arrived in Carlisle Bay, Barbados, on November 22nd. 
He there found part of the squadron under Commodore Sir James 
Douglas (1), which he speedily detached to blockade Martinique. 
Troops and transports were in the meantime assembled at Bar- 
bados ; and an improvised force of armed hired sloops was sent to 
cruise off St. Eustatia to prevent the Dutch from assisting the French 
with supplies and provisions. At length, on January 5th, 1762, the 
fleet, ^ having on board nearly 14,000 troops from England, Belle Isle, 

^ British fleet employed in the expedition against Martinique, etc., 1762 ; — 



-i,ip- 



Guns 



Conimauilers. 



Ships. 



! Guns. 



(VommauiliTS. 



Marlborough 

Dublin . . 

Foudroyant. 

Dragon ' . . 

Temeraire . 
Temple . 
Vanguard . 

Modeste . . 

Stirling Castle 
Devonshire . 

liaisonnable 

Alcide 
yultingham. 
liocliester 
Sullierland . 

Jforwich 1 . 

Falkland . 



-4 

84 

74 

74 
70 
70 

64 

64 
64 

64 

64 
60 
50 

50 

00 

50 



Eear-Admiral G. B. 

Roduey (B). 
('apt. Jdlm HoUwell. 
Coiumod. Sir James 

JJouf;las(l). 
Capt. lid ward Gascoigue. [ 

„ Hubert Duff. j 

,, Hon. Aug. John 
llervey. 

,, Matthew Baiton. 

,, Lucius 0'J?rien. 

,, Hubert Swantun. 

„ ll(iu. Rubt. lioyle 
W'alsiugham. 

,, jVIicliael Kveritt. 

,, (ieurge Darby. 
' ,, M(jlyueu.\ Shuld- 
i liam. 

,, TliuuiasIIaiikerson. 

„ Samuel Marsball(l). 

,, Thunias Buniett. 

„ .lu ian Legge. 
I „ ^Villiam M'Cle- 
[ verty. 

,, Francis Samuel 
I Hake. 



Woohvich 
Penzance i 
Dover l 
Fcho . 
Stay . 
Hepulse 
Actaon 

Crescent 

Lizard . 
Levant . 

Nightingalt 

Foiisey 
Greyhound 
Hose . . 

Antigua. 

Barbados 
Ferret 
Virgin . 
Zephyr . 
liasilisk, l)uiii1)i 
Thunder, Iximb 
Greiiado, buml) 
Infeinal, bumb 



44 
44 
40 
32 
32 
32 
28 

28 

28 
28 

28 

20 
20 
20 

10 

10 

16 

12 

12 

8 

8 

8 

8 



Capt. William Bayne. 

,, John Boyd. 

,, C'haloner Ogle (3). 

,, John Laforey. 

„ Henry Augell. 

,, John Garter Allen. 

„ Paul Henry OuiTy. 

f ,, Thomas Colling- 
t wood. 

,, James Doake. 

,, "William Tucker. 

(■ ,, James Campbell 

I (2). 

,, Joseph Mead. 
,, Thomas Francis. 
,, Francis Banks (1). 
( ,, John iS'cale I'ley- 
l dell Xott. 

Com. Stair Douglas (1). 
„ James Alms (1). 
Capt. 
Com. John Botterell. 

„ Robert Brlce. 
Lieut. Robert HasucU. 
,, James Hawker. 
Com. James Mackenzie. 



1 Detached, under Capt. the Hon. Augustus John Hervey, against St. Lucia. 



1762.] CAPTURE OF MARTINIQUE. 243 

North America and the West India Islands, under Major-General 
the Hon. Kobert Monckton, sailed, and, on the 7th, joined Douglas 
off Martinique. The coasts of the island had not been properly 
reconnoitred, nor had the ships adequate charts on board. The 
configuration of the island and the nature of its defences rendered 
it desirable to land the troops as close as possible to the places at 
which they were to be employed. But, at first, this fact was not 
realised ; and Kodney, while detaching only a small squadron to the 
G-reat Bay of Fort Eoyal, detached another to La Trinite to make 
a feint, and himself anchored with the bulk of his force in St. Anne's 
Bay. A division, under Sir James Douglas, silenced the batteries 
there, and landed the troops, losing, however, the Baisonnahle, 
owing to the ignorance of her pilot. But it was soon found that 
the march across to Fort Eoyal from St. Anne's Bay would be an 
undertaking too difficult to be entered upon. The works which 
had been erected at St. Anne's were therefore blown up, the 
troops were re-embarked, and the whole force proceeded to Fort 
Eoyal Bay. 

The order of the attack having been arranged, the ships went to 
their stations early on the morning of the 16th, opening fire upon 
the batteries and silencing them by noon, soon after which the 
troops were landed in three divisions in Cas des Navires Bay, under 
conduct of Captains Molyneux Shuldham, Eobert Swanton and 
the Hon. Augustus John Hervey. By sunset two-thirds of the 
army were on shore ; and the rest, with 900 Marines, followed next 
morning. The distance to Fort Eoyal was not great, only about 
five or six miles ; but the country was terribly difficult, and the 
defenders fought well from behind every rock and tree, as well as 
within artificial works of all kinds. The necessary guns were, 
however, dragged to the front, thanks mainly to the energy of the 
seamen of the fleet ; and on January '24th, a prehminary attack was 
made by a body of troops advancing along the coast parallel with a 
detachment of a 1000 seamen in boats ; and the enemy was driven 
back. On the 25th, the batteries began to bombard the citadel ; 
and on the 27th the key to the whole position was taken. Yet 
the citadel did not surrender until February 4th, and not until 
February 16th was the whole island in possession of the British. 
Captain Darby, of the Devonshire, and Major Gates, later a general 
in the army of the revolting American Colonists, carried home the 
dispatches announcing the capture of Fort Eoyal ; and each 

R 2 



244 MAJOR OPEBATIONS, 1714-1762. [1762. 

received from the King the usual comphment of £500. The 
British loss during the operations amounted to about 500 killed 
and wounded. 

Even before the conquest had been coiupleted, Kodney detached 
Captain Swanton to blockade Grenada ; and, when Martinique 
had surrendered, Swanton was reinforced b}^ vessels conveying 
troops. These reached Grenada on March 3rd ; and on the fol- 
lowing day the island was summoned ; but the governor refused to 
comply. The inhabitants, how^ever, ignored him, and capitulated 
on the 4th ; and the governor himself was obliged to surrender at 
discretion on the 5th. With Grenada fell the Grenadines. Swan- 
ton, leaving a garrison, returned to Martinique. 

On FebruS,ry 24th Captain the Hon. Augustus John Hervey had 
been similarly detached against St. Lucia. But he could not satisfy 
himself as to the enemy's strength ; and, to discover it, he disguised 
himself as a midshipman, and, in the capacity of an interpreter, 
accompanied the officer whom he sent to sunnnon the governor, 
M. de Longueville. That gentleman refused to surrender ; yet 
Hervey learnt so much during his visit that, on the following day, 
he made preparations for taking his ships into the harbour. No 
sooner did the governor notice signs of their intention to approach 
than he capitulated. 

Hervey was next about to proceed to St. Vincent to assure the 
Caribs that their neutrality would be maintained, and that the 
French would be no longer suffered to interfere with them, when he 
was recalled by Rodney, in consequence of news having been received 
that a French squadron of seven sail of the line and four frigates,^ 
under M. de Blenac, with seven battalions of troops, had escaped 
from Brest, owing to Commodore Spry having been driven from his 
station off that port ; and that it was on its way to relieve the 
French West India Islands. Spry had detached the Aquilon, 28, 
Captain Chaloner Ogle (2), with this intelligence to Eodney. But, 
before the arrival of Spry's dispatch, the French squadron had been 
sighted on March 8th, on the windward side of Martinique. It lay 
to off the coast until the 10th, when it stood for Dominica. 

Rodney summoned his detached division to a rendezvous off the 
Salines, and, with Sir James Douglas (1), went in search of the enemy ; 
but without result. When he had collected his whole force and had 

^ Due de Bourgogne, 80 ; Defenseur, 74 ; Hector, 74 ; Biademe, 74 ; ProUe, 64 ; 
Bragon, 64 ; Brillant, 64 ; Zephyr, 32 ; BiKgenfe, 32 ; Oixile, 26 ; Ca'ypso, 16. 



1762] THE EXPEDITION AGAINST HAVANA. 245 

been assured that the French had gone to Cape Frangois, he returned 
to Martinique to water. He there found the Aquilon, from which 
he learnt trustworthy details of M. de Blenac's strength. He 
already knew, thanks to early information sent him by Commander 
George Johnstone, commanding the Hornet on the Lisbon station, 
of the rupture with Spain ; and he was thus enabled to attack the 
Spanish trade in the West Indies before the Spaniards themselves 
knew that war had broken out. This important intelligence had 
been brought to him by a small French privateer prize, which 
Johnstone had entrusted to the Hornet's master; Mr., afterwards 
Captain, John M'Laurin. At Martinique Eodney also heard that 
a strong Spanish squadron had arrived at Havana and that Jamaica 
was believed to be threatened. He therefore sent a frigate to warn 
Captain Arthur Forrest, who, as senior officer, had succeeded Kear- 
Admiral Holmes on the Jamaica station, and to desire him to join 
the main fleet off Cape St. Nicolas, whither he himself intended to 
proceed. 

He was, however, not quite ready to sail when, on March 26th, 
the Richmond, Captain John Elphinstone (1), arrived from England 
with orders for him and General Monckton to postpone further 
operations pending the appearance of Admiral Sir George Pocock, 
who had been commissioned to conduct a secret expedition on an 
important scale. This did not prevent Rodney from sending Sir 
James Douglas (1),^ with ten sail of the line, to the Jamaica station 
with directions to bring Forrest's squadron thence as soon as 
possible, and to join Pocock. He also sent Captain Swanton, 
with a division, to cruise off the Spanish Main, and himself went 
to St. Pierre, Martinique, sending a frigate to meet Pocock at Bar- 
bados, where Sir George arrived on board the Namur on April 20th. 
Pocock sailed again on the 24th, joined Rodney at Cas des Navires 
on the 26th, and, with the greater part of the fleet, proceeded on 
May 6th for Havana, leaving Rodney in charge of the Leeward 
Islands. 

On the Jamaica station Captain Forrest was, of course, super- 

^ Dublin, 74, Commodore Sir James Douglas (1), Captain Edward Gascoigne; Cul- 
loden, 74, Captain John Barker (1); Z)r«r/rm , 74, Captain Hon. Aug. John Hervey ; 
Tiimeraire, 74, Captain Matthew Barton; Tem,ple, 70, Captain Julian Legge; Deuon- 
shire, 64, Captain Samuel Marshall (1) ; Alcide, 64, Captain Thomas Hankerson ; StirUng 
Castle, 64, Captain James Campbell (2); Nottingham, 60, Captain Thomas CoUing- 
wood ; Sutherland, 50, Captain Michael Everitt ; Dover, 40, Captain Chaloner Ogle (3) ; 
TJiunder, bomb, Commander Eobert Haswell ; and Grenado, bomb. 



246 



MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. 



[1762. 



seded by the arrival of Sir James Douglas (1) , who despatched a 
squadron under Captain Hon. Augustus John Hervey ^ to blockade 
M. de Blenac at Cape- Fran9ois, until the whole Jamaica squadron 
should be ready to join Pocock at Cape St. Nicolas. 

The Havana expedition, when complete, included about 15,500 
men, the whole commanded by George, Earl of Albemarle. The 
strength of the fleet will be found set forth in the note." After 
leaving Martinique the expedition was joined in the Mona passage 
on May 8th by Captain Hon. Augustus John Hervey, and, having 
arrived off Cape St. Nicolas on the 18th, was there reinforced on 
the 23rd by Sir James Douglas from Jamaica. 

It was open to Pocock either to sail by the south side of Cuba, 
along the track of the galleons, round the west end of the island and 



^ Dragon, 74, Captain Hon. A. J. Hervey ; Temeraire, 74. Captain INIatthew Barton ; 
Stirling Castle, 64, Captain James Campbell (2) ; Alcide, 64, Captain Thomas Hanker- 
son ; Defiance, 60, Captain George Mackenzie ; Nottingham, 60, Captain Thomas 
Collingwood ; Pembroke, 60, Captain John Wheelock ; Dover, 40, Captain Chaloner 
Ogle (o) ; Trent, 28, Captain John Lindsay; and Port Malion, 20, Captain Thomas 
Lemimere. 

^ Fleet imder Sir George Pocock at the reduction of Havana, and on the Jamaica 
station, 17')2: — 



Shiiis. 


Gnus. 


Commaiulers. 


Ships. 


(luiis. 


Commanders. 








Ltimiral Sir George 


Dover .... 


40 


Capt. Chaloner Ogle (3). 


Namur .... 


90 


Pocock, K.B. (B). 


Enterprise*. . . 


40 


,, .John Houlton. 




1 


apt 


Jolin Harrison. 


Richmond . 


32 


f ,, J()hn Elphinstone 
I (1). 








ommod. Hon. Augustus 


Valiant .... 


74 


Keppel. 
apt. Adam Duncan. 


Alarm .... 


32 


( ,, James Alms (1) 
\ (acting). 


Cambridge * . . 


80 




f * 


William Goostrey. 


Echo 


28 


,, John Ijendrick. 


CuUoden. . . . 


74 




»> 


•Iclin Barker. 


Lizard - . . . . 


28 


,, Francis Hanks (1). 


Temeraire . . . 


74 




)i 


Matthew Barton. 


Trent .... 


-.iS 


„ John I^indsay. 


Dragon .... 


74 




tt 


Hen. Augustus 


Cerberus i . . . 


28 


,, Charles Webber. 




Jolin Hervey. 


Boreas .... 


28 


,, Samuel Uvedale. 


Centaur i . . . 


74 




*i 


Tli<imas Lempriere. 


Mercury 


24 


( „ Samuel Granston 
\ Goodall. 


Duhlin 3 . . . . 


74 






Edward (iascoigne. 


Marlborough . . 


70 




yt 


Thomas Burnett. 


Rose 


20 


r ,, John Neale Pley- 
l dell Kott. 


Temple .... 
Or/ord .... 


70 






Julian Legge. 


66 




»> 


r^arriot Arbuthnot. 


Port Mahon . . 


20 


„ Eichard Bickerton. 


Devonshire . 


64 




»» 


Samuelllarshall(l). 


Fowey .... 


20 


,, Joseph Mead. 


BeUeisle .... 


64 




:* 


.Joseph Knight. 


Olasgoxu 


20 


„ Richard Carteret. 


Edgar .... 


64 


f 
I 


»» 


Francis ^\ illiani 
Drake. 


Bonetta .... 
; Cygnet .... 


16 


Com. Lancelot Holmes, 
f ,, Hon. Charles 
I Napier (1). 


Alcidei . . . . 


64 




»» 


Thomas Hankerson. 


16 


Hampton Court 


64 






Alexander lunes. 


Merlin .... 
j I'orcupinc- . . 


16 
16 


( ,, William Francis 
I Bourke. 

,, James Harmood. 


Stirling Castle . . 


64 


{ 


>y 


James Campbell 


Pembroke . . . 


60 




») 


John \Vheelock. 


1 Barbados . 


14 


„ , lames Hawker. 


Ripon .... 


60 




»» 


Edward Jekyll. 


Viper .... 


14 


„ ,Iohn Frry. 


Nottingham . . 


60 




>» 


Thomas Colling- 

W0(xl. 


Port Royal . 
Ferret .... 


14 
14 


„ Stair Douglas (1). 
Lieut. I'eter Clarke. 


Defiance. . . . 


60 




i» 


Geurcp Mackenzie. 


Lurcher, cutter 


14 


„ Walker. 


Intrepid^ . . 


60 






John Hale. 


Thunder, Ixmib 


8 


Com. Kobert Haswell. 


Centurion 3 i . . 


50 




J, 


James (ialbraith. 


lirenado, bomb 


8 




Deptford . . . 


SO 




»» 


J)uilley Digges. 


Basilisk, bomb. . 


s 


„ Lowfield. 


Sutherland^ . . 


1 50 




f > 


Michael Everitt. 








Hampshire . 


1 50 






Arthur Usher. 


besides storeships, 


hospita 


1 ships, and transpoiti?. 


I'eiiziiiii:i: i . 


4(1 




" 


I'hilip Boteler. 









1 Joined after the siege had begun. 2 Esconed troops from North America. 

3 Some time with tlie broad pennant of Commodore Sir James Douglas. 
* Escorted convoys from .Jamaica to England. 



1762.] 



TEE EXPEDITION AGAINST HAVANA. 



247 



so beat down to Havana, or to steer along the north side of Cuba 
through the Old Strait of Bahama. The former was the easier, 
though the longer, course ; the latter was the shorter, though it was 
somewhat difficult and even hazardous, the channel being narrow 
and intricate. But the Admiral chose it, since time was precious, 
and since it was important as early as possible to secure the only 
passage by which the French could send supplies to Havana. 
Pocock despatched Sir James Douglas in the Centurion to Jamaica 
to bring stores thence, and to hasten forward such ships as were 
still there ; and on the 27th, with his huge fleet of about two 
hundred sail, the Admiral bore away for the Old Strait of Bahama. 
The precautions which he took are described in a letter which, on 
June 14th, he addressed to the secretary of the Admiralty. He 
placed boats on the most dangerous shoals on each hand to act as 
marks ; and he records that he was greatly assisted in the navigation 
by Anson's chart, which he found very correct. During the passage, 
two Spanish vessels, the TJietis, 22, and Fenix, storeship, were 
captured by the Alarm, Captain James Alms (1). 

The Strait was passed on June 5th ; and on the morning of the 
6th the fleet was brought to about fifteen miles east of Havana, so 
that directions might be given to the captains as to the landing. 
The conduct of this operation was entrusted to Commodore the 
Hon. Augustus Keppel, who had under him six sail of the line and 
some frigates. At 2 p.m. the Admiral bore away with thirteen sail 
of the line, two frigates, the bombs, and thirty-six victuallers and 
storeships, and ran down towards the harbour, in which he saw 
twelve Spanish sail of the line ^ and several merchantmen. On the 

^ Spaniffh men-of-war taken or destroyed during the expedition against Havana, 
1762 :— 



^^llips. 


(jUUS. 


CommaiKiers. 


Fate. 




Tigre. . 








70 


fMarquesdel Real Trasporle. 
IDuii J. Y. Madariaga. 






Reiiia 








•70 


„ h. do Velasco. 


Surrendered with the city. 




Soberano 








70 


,, J. del Postigo. 




« 


Infante . 








70 


,, F. do IMedlna. 






yeptnno . 








70 


,, P. Rermudez. 


Sunk at mouth of harbour. 


c3 


Aquildn . 








70 


Marques Gonzales. 


Surrendered with the city. 


ft 


Asia . . 








64 


Don F. Garganta. 


Sunk at mouth of harbour. 


*^ 


America 








60 


„ J. Antonio. 


Surrendered with the city. Renamed Moro. 


<, 


Europa . 








60 


„ J. Vincente. 


Sunk at mcjuth of harbour. 




Conquistador 






60 


,, P. Castejon. 


1 




San Genaro 
San Antonio 






60 
60 


|Not in Commission. 


VSurrendered with the city. 




Venganza . 






26 


Don D. Argote. 


Taken by Iiefiance at Mariel, May 28. 




Thetis . . 






22 


„ J. Poilier. 


„ Alarm in the Str.\it, .June 3. 




Marie . . 






18 


,, D. Bonechea. 


„ Defiance at JMariel. May 28. 




Fenix, st.s. 












„ Alarm in the Strait, May 28. 



Two inifinished ships upon the stocks were destroyed. 



248 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1702. 

following morning, the 7th, he made a feint of landing the Marines 
about four miles to the west of Havana, while the Earl of Albemarle, 
with the w^hole army, landed without opposition between the rivers 
Boca Nao and Coximar, six miles east of Moro Castle, under the 
conduct of Captains Hervey, Barton, Drake, Arbuthnot, Jekyll, and 
Wheelock, B.N. After it had landed, the enemy made some show 
of fight, especially when the troops were about to cross the river 
Coximar; but the foe was dispersed by the fire of the Mercury, 
Bonetta, and Dragon. A detachment of seamen and 900 Marines 
were landed to co-operate. 

On July 1st, after some progress had been made with the siege, 
the Cambridge, Dragon, and Marlborough were ordered to cannonade 
Moro ; and at about 8 a.m. they began a heavy fire, which was well 
returned till 2 p.m. The vessels were all so much damaged that, 
one after another, they had to be called off. The Cambridge lost 
24 killed and 95 wounded ; the Dragon, 16 killed and 37 wounded ; 
and the Marlborough, 2 killed and 8 wounded. Among the killed in 
the Cambridge was Captain Goostrey, whose place was afterwards 
taken by Captain Lindsay of the Trent. As this mode of procedure 
was found to be too costly, the further bombardment of the defences 
was left mainly to the shore batteries, which, aided by mines, made 
a practicable breach in the Moro by July 30th. On that day the 
castle was carried by storm. In the struggle the commandant, the 
gallant Don Luis de Yelasco, was mortally wounded. In honour of 
his defence, there has ever since been a ship named the Velasco in 
the Spanish navy. The vessels in the harbour took part in the 
operations, but were of little avail. 

Upon the fall of Moro the siege was pressed, and, on August 11th, 
after a particularly heavy bombardment, flags of truce were hung 
out on shore and in the Spanish flagship. A little later another flag 
was sent to the British headquarters ; negotiations were entered 
upon ; and, after some delay, the capitulation was signed on the 
13th, and part of the works was taken possession of by the British 
on the 14th. 

The specie, stores, and valuables found in the place were worth 
about £3,000,000 sterling ; and with the city were also taken nine 
sail of the line. Two others lying on the stocks had been burnt, 
and three more, besides a large galleon, had been sunk in the mouth 
of the harbour.^ On the other hand, the British killed, wounded, 
^ For tlie names and force of these, see note p. 247. 



1762.] CAPTURE OF HAVANA. 249 

and missing numbered no fewer than 1790; and many other hves 
were lost owing to the nnwholesomeness of the chmate and the 
hardships of the siege. The naval dispatches were sent home by 
Captain the Hon. Augustus John Hervey, in the Dragon, which on 
her passage had the good fortune to capture a French ship valued 
at £30,000. 

During the siege several Spanish vessels were taken on the coast. 
On July 24th the Chesterfield, 40, and four transports with reinforce- 
ments of troops from North America, were lost at Cayo Confite, 
but the people were saved. Lieutenant Walker, commanding the 
Lurcher, cutter, going on June 13th up the Chorera Eiver out of 
mere curiosity, had the misfortune to be killed. The prize money 
divided amounted to about £736,000. Its division caused much 
heart-burning, the shares of the Admiral and general being each 
£122,697 lO.s. Q>d. ; wiiile the share of a captain E.N. was but 
£1600 lOs. lOf?., of a petty officer only £17 5.s. 'M., and of a seaman 
or Marine not more than £3 14.s. 'd\d. It was felt, and perhaps 
with reason, that the administration permitted the commanding 
officers to appropriate far too large a share of the spoils to them- 
selves. 

The fall of Havana, apart from its intrinsic significance, had 
almost the importance of a great naval victory, owing to the large 
number of Spanish sail of the line which shared the fate of the city. 
The military conduct of the siege by the Earl of Albemarle has been 
blamed, chiefly because, instead of attacking the city where it was 
weak, he attacked Moro and Punta Fort, which were strong, but 
which, nevertheless, must have quickly fallen had the city itself 
been taken. But although there may be justice in this criticism, it 
does not appear that anything can be urged against Pocock's conduct 
of his part of the business ; unless indeed, it be admitted that he was 
wrong to oppose his ships to the Moro on July 1st. For the rest, 
the co-operation between the Navy and army was thoroughly loyal 
and smooth ; and the behaviour of both was admirable. 

Sir George Pocock delivered up the command of the fleet to the 
Hon. Augustus Keppel, who by that time had been promoted to be a 
Eear-Admiral of the Blue ; and, with the Namur, Culloden, Temple, 
Devonshire, Marlborough, hifante, San Genaro, Asuncion,^ and 
several other Spanish prizes and about fifty transports, sailed for 
England on November 3rd. About six hundred miles west of Land's 

^ A prize nierchantnian. 



250 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714:-1762. [1762. 

End, the squadron was dispersed by a \evj violent gale from the 
eastward. Twelve of the transports foundered, though their crews 
were happily saved. The Temple came to a similar end. The 
Culloden and Devonshire would probably have fared likewise, had 
they not thrown overboard many of their guns. Part of the fleet 
made Kingsale. The other part, which kept the sea, suffered 
terrible privations from famine, thirst and sickness. So anxious did 
the Admiralty become, that it sent out several frigates to search for 
Sir George ; who, however, safely reached Spithead on January 13th, 
1763. The San Genaro, one of the ships which had put into 
Kingsale, came to grief when at length she anchored in the Downs. 
She was overtaken by another storm, and was cast away. The 
Marlborough lost company with the Admiral early on the voyage ; 
but she, too, met with very heavy weather, and, owing to leaks, was 
obliged to put before the wind, throw her guns overboard, and keep 
her crew at the pumps until November 29th, when her people were 
taken off by the Antelope, 50, Captain Thomas Graves (2), w^hich was 
on her voyage home from Newfoundland. The Marlhorougli, after 
having been abandoned, was destroyed. Eear-Admiral Keppel sent 
home the rest of the Spanish prizes under Captain Arbuthnot of the 
Orford, together with the Centaur, Dublin, Alcide, Hampton Court, 
Edgar and some frigates; and, after having acted with energy upon 
the station until the peace, he remained to deliver up Havana on 
July 7th, 17(33, in accordance with the provisions of the treaty. 
Some of his vessels then proceeded to Florida to take over that 
province : and Keppel himself went to Jamaica, where he was 
presently relieved b}^ Eear-Admiral Sir William Burnaby. 

In the meantime, the French, taking advantage of the large 
withdrawal of troops to the West Indies, of the defenceless condition 
of Newfoundland, and of a fog in the Channel, despatched from 
Brest, under M. de Ternay, a squadron, which, with 1500 troops 
under Comte d'Haussonville, evaded Sir Edward Hawke, crossed 
the Atlantic, entered the harbour of St. John's on June 24th and 
quickly took the town. On its way, this fleet fell in with three 
combined convoys of great value, which it might easily have taken 
had it not preferred the ulterior object of the expedition, and had it 
not been deterred by the bold front offered to it by Captain Joshua 
Rowley, of the Superb, 74, who had with him the Gosport, 44, 
Captain John Jervis, and the Danae, 38, Captain Henrj^ Martin (2). 
The capture of this convoy would have done Great Britain far 



1762.] EE-GAPTURE OF NEWFOUNDLAND. 251 

more damage at that moment than the capture of Newfoundland. 
Captain Thomas Graves (2), governor of the island, who lay at 
Placentia in the Antelojje, 50, at once sent news of the French 
descent to Commodore Lord Colville, at Halifax. Colville sailed to 
the relief of the island, and joined Graves ; and on August 25th, 
M. de Ternay found himself blockaded in St. John's. On 
September 11th, troops arrived from Louisbourg, and were landed ; 
and the enemy was driven back ; but on the 16th, the blockading 
ships being driven from their station by a westerly gale, M. de 
Ternay slipped his cables and got away. A relieving squadron had 
been sent from England in the meantime under Captain Hugh 
Palliser, but de Ternay managed to avoid this force also. After his 
departure, the condition of the French was, of course, hopeless ; 
and on September 18th Comte d'Haussonville capitulated. 

A little expedition of 1762 deserves some mention here in spite 
of the fact that the Royal Navy had very little part in it, and that 
it had no important results. It was an adventure which, in a 
degree, recalls some of the exploits of the Elizabethan era, in that 
it was a warlike undertaking by private persons, countenanced, 
however, by the administration, and that it was aimed against the 
Spanish power in America. A company of British noblemen and 
merchants came to the conclusion that an attack upon the province 
of Buenos Ayres might be both useful to the nation and lucrative 
to the adventurers. They purchased from the Admiralty H.M. ships 
Kingston, 50 (which they renamed Lord Clive), and Ambuscade, 28 ; 
and they placed these under the orders of Mr. Macnamara, an 
officer of the East India Company's marine. They further obtained 
the co-operation of two Portuguese vessels, in which were embarked 
five hundred soldiers. The little squadron, which also included 
five store ships, sailed for Bio de Janeiro, where the final pre- 
parations were made, and, proceeding, entered the Biver Plate on 
November 2nd. Macnamara found that the Spaniards were better 
situated for defence than he had expected. An attempt was made 
on Nova Colonia, which had been captured by the Spaniards from 
the Portuguese : but it was not successful. In a second attack, on 
January 6th, 1763, the Lord Clive took fire and burnt to the water's 
edge, her people, however, fighting her to the very last. Of her crew 
of three hundred and fifty, two hundred and seventy-two, including 
Macnamara, perished. The Ambuscade, though terribly mauled, 
managed to get back to Bio. It should be added that the gallant 



252 MA JOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1762. 

Spaniards treated with the greatest generosity those survivors of 
the Lord Clive who fell into their hands, and, instead of regarding 
them as enemies, treated them as guests whom misfortune had cast 
upon their shores. 

The year witnessed no events of great importance in the 
Mediterranean ; where Sir Charles Saunders was strongly rein- 
forced by a squadron under Sir Piercy Brett (1). Some exceedingly 
valuable prizes were made on the station ; but the fleets of the 
belligerents did not meet. Sir Charles Saunders, and most of the 
ships returned to England at the peace, leaving Eear-Admiral Sir 
Piercy Brett to take possession of Minorca. Brett was subsequently 
relieved by Commodore Thomas Harrison (2). 

It has been already mentioned that M. de Blenac got out of 
Brest, and sailed for Martinique during a temporary absence from 
his station of Commodore Spry, owing to heavy weather. Spry 
chased ; but, his provisions threatening to give out, he had to return 
to England, having first sent the Aquilon to warn Kodney of what 
had happened. During the year the other occurrences in waters 
near home were mainly confined to the monotonous blockading of 
the enemy's ports, and to the capture of their cruisers. Commodore 
Lord Howe lay in Basque Eoad, watching Eochefort and the mouth 
of the Charente, until he was relieved by Commodore Peter Denis. 
"When M. de Ternay escaped from Brest, the fleet under Sir 
Edward Hawke and the Duke of York went in pursuit, but missed 
him. This fleet, then under Sir Charles Hardy (2), cruised again in 
September and October, and once more in November, but accom- 
plished nothing. The cruisers of Commodore Eobert Man (2), who 
succeeded Spry off Brest ; of Commodore James Young (1), who 
commanded in the Channel; and of Commodore John Moore (1), 
who commanded in the Downs, made various prizes ; but the details 
of these, and of other minor captures, will be fittingly given in the 
next chapter. One episode, in which the force under Commodore 
Moore was concerned, may, however, be noticed here. 

The Dutch had for some time been supplying the enemies of 
Great Britain with provisions and stores ; and the British cruisers, 
in consequence, vigilantly searched their merchantmen. The States 
General, resenting this, commissioned some men-of-war to protect 
the illicit trade ; and, in September, a Dutch flotilla of four merchant- 
men, convoyed by a 36-gun frigate, was fallen in with by the 
Hunter, sloop; which, being refused permission to search, and l)eing 



1762.] THE WAR AND TRADE. 253 

too weak to enforce her demands, returned to Moore. He sent the 
Diana, 32, Captain Wilham Adams (2), the Chester, 50, Captain 
AVilham Hay, the Hunter, 14, Commander James Ferguson, and 
the Trial, 14, Commander James Cunningham, with orders to do 
what was necessary. Adams found the Dutchmen, and demanded 
to know what the convoy had on board. The Dutch captain again 
refused to allow a search, and declared that he would fight rather 
than permit it ; whereupon Adams sent boats to board each 
merchantman. The Dutch fired a gun at the leading boat, and 
wounded a man in her, Adams retaliated by firing a gun at the 
frigate, which rephed with a broadside. This brought about an 
action, which, in fifteen minutes, resulted in all the Dutch ships 
submitting. They were taken into the Downs. The merchantmen, 
being found to have on board stores for the French navy, were 
detained ; but the frigate, which had lost four killed and five 
wounded, was dismissed. 

During this last year of the contest the enemy took but two 
British men-of-war, a sloop and a bomb ketch. The list of the 
men-of-war taken by the British will be found in the appendix. 
The French merchantmen and privateers taken numbered 120 ; and, 
as in previous years, their value was greatly in excess of that of the 
British privateers and merchantmen captured, though the number 
of the latter was considerably greater. Towards the close of the 
campaign the French had very few vessels at sea ; and their trade 
was ruined. The Spanish power afloat was never great enough to 
be a serious menace. 

The first overtures for peace came from France to Great Britain 
through the Sardinian envoy in London. In consequence of them, 
the Duke of Bedford was sent to Paris, and the Due de Nivernois 
came to England, with full powers ; and on November 3rd, 1762, 
the preliminaries of peace, between Great Britain on the one side 
and France and Spain on the other, were signed at Fontainebleau. 
The terms were scarcely proportionate to the measure of the suc- 
cesses which had been gained by Great Britain during the war. She 
acquired Canada, St. John's, Cape Breton, and that part of what was 
then called Louisiana, east of the Mississippi, except New Orleans, 
together with the right of free navigation of the Mississippi. France 
received permission, subject to certain conditions, to fish on the 
banks of Newfoundland, and was given the islands of St. Pierre and 
Miquelon as fish-curing stations. Spain refinquished her claim to 



254 MAJOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1762. 

fish on the banks of Newfoundland ; and undertook to restore to 
Portugal an}^ places which she might have conquered from that 
power, and to cede Florida to Great Britain. But Great Britain 
was to restore Havana and its dependencies. Martinique, Guade- 
loupe, and Marie Galante also, were to be given back to France, 
which, in addition, obtained St. Lucia, previously a neutral island. 
Great Britain retained Grenada and the Grenadines, and received 
the formerly neutral islands of Dominica, St. Vincent and Tobago. 
She also had Minorca restored to her and kept Senegal ; but she 
restored Belle Isle and Goree to France. The fortifications of 
Dunquerque, should, it was agreed, be demohshed. In Asia, Great 
Britain had to restore the conquests made from France ; but France 
was to erect no fortifications in her possessions within the province 
of Bengal. Louisiana west of the Mississippi was ceded by France 
to Spain. 

The terms of the treaty, though honourable, could not be con- 
sidered as particularly advantageous to Great Britain, seeing that 
her maritime superiority in 1762 was such that she might have 
seized, and kept, almost what she would. The definitive treaty was 
signed at Paris on February 10th, 1763 ; and so ended the Seven 
Years' War. 

Commenting upon the settlement, Mahan writes : — 

" The nation at large and Pitt, the favourite of the nation, were bitterly opposed to 
the terms of the treaty. ' France,' said Pitt, ' is chiefly formidable to us as a maritime 
and commercial power. What we gain in this respect is valuable to us above all 
through the injury to her which results from it. You leave to France the possibility 
of reviving her navy.' In truth, from the point of view of sea-power and of the 
national jealousies which the spirit of that age sanctioned, these words, though 
illiberal, were strictly justifiable. The restoration to France of her colonies in the 
West Indies and her stations in India, together with the valuable right of fishery in 
her former American possessions, put before her the possibility and inducement to 
restore her shipping, her commerce, and her navy, and thus tended to recall her from 
the path of continental ambition which had been so fatal to her interests, and in the 
same proiDortion favourable to the unprecedented growth of England's power upon the 
ocean. The opposition, and indeed some of the ministry, also thought that so com- 
manding and important a position as Havana was poorly paid for by the cession of the 
then desolate and unproductive region called Florida. Puerto Hico vras suggested, 
Florida accepted. There were other minor points of difference, into which it is 
unnecessary to enter. It can scarcely' be denied that with the commanding military 
control of the sea held by England, grasping as she now did so many important 
positions, with her navy overwhelmingly superior in munbers, and her commercial 
and internal condition very thriving, more rigorous terms might easily have been 
exacted and would have been prudent. The ministry defended their eagerness and 
spirit of concession on the ground of the enormous growth of the del)t, which then 
amounted to £122,000,000, a sum from every point of view much greater then tlian 
now; but while this draft upon the future was fully justified by the success of the 



1762.] 



THE END OF THE WAR. 



255 



war, it also imperatively demanded that the utmost advantages which the military- 
situation made obtainable, should be exacted. This the ministry failed to do. . . 
Nevertheless, the gains of England were very great, not only in territorial increase, 
nor yet in maritime preponderance, but in the prestige and position achieved in the 
eyes of the nations, now fully opened to her great resources and mighty power. To 
these results, won by the sea, the issue of the continental war offered a singular and 
suggestive contrast. France had already withdrawn, along with England, from all 
share in that strife, and peace between the other parties to it was sigaed five days after 
the Peace of Paris. The terms of the peace were simply the status quo ante bellum. 
By the estimate of the King of Prussia, one hundred and eighty thousand of his 
soldiers had fallen or died in this war, out of a kingdom of live million souls; while 
the losses of Prussia, Austria, and France aggregated four hundred and sixty thousand 
men. The result was simply that things remained as they were." 




'( 256 ) 



CHAPTEE XXYIII. 

MILITAEY HISTOEY OF THE EOYAL NAVY, 1714-1762. 



MiNOE Opeeatioxs. 

L. CAER LAUGHTOX. 

Eichard Lestock — "The Fifteen" — Moorish Pirates — Exploits of the Hind and the 
JBridgewaier — Piracy in the West — Edward Thatch, alias " Blackbeard " — • 
Bartholomew Eoberts — Chaloner Ogle off Cape Lopez— Mighells at Yigo — 
Smugglers and guarda-costas — The right of search — Salt gathering at the Tortugas 
— Stuart and illicit trading — Fandino — Pieprisals — The Shorehani's prizes — The 
Frincesa taken — Pearce and Oglethorpe at St. Augustine — Barnet and de Caylus 
— The West Indies — Loss of the Tiger — Loss of the Tilbury — Callis at St. Tropez 
— Martin at Ajaccio — Naval disasters — The Northumberland taken — The hurricane 
at Jamaica — Mostj'n's fiasco — Capture of the Elephant — The Anglesey taken — 
Lieut. Baker Phillips — The privateers — Successes of " The Eoyal Family " — The 
Jersey and the St. Esprit — M. de Lage — The Nottingham and the Mars — The 
Alexander and the Solebay — The Portland and the Auguste — Fox and de La 
M<.)tte — Captures and losses — Commodore Pocock's successes — George Walker — 
Ca]iture of the Magnanime — The Chesterfield — Piracy — The Blandford — Capture 
of the Esperance — The Warwick taken — The Chausey Islands — Fortunatus 
AY right — A repulse at Algeciras — Captain John Lockhart — " Error of Judgment " 
— Loss of the Greenwich and the Merlin — Destruction of the Aquilon and the 
Alcion — Captures — Privateers — Thurot — Ca^rture of the Emeraude — Disasters — 
Burning of the Prince George — Capture of the Baisonnahlc — Ca^jfain Brodrick 
Hartwell — The Winchelsea taken — The Buckingham and the Florissant — The 
Vestal and the Bellone — Capture of the Danae — The Achilles and the Comte de 
St. Florentine — The Arethuse taken — Indecisive actions — Convoj^s — Adventures 
of the Diademe — Sinking of the Cumberland — The Unicorn and the Vestale — The 
Bichmond and the Felicite — The Minerva and the Warwick- — The Bipon and the 
Achille — Captures — Capture of the Achille and Boiiffonne — The Bellona and the 
Courageux — Last captures of the war. 



TT^Oll several years after 1715, the 
^»^ij^a^ . ■- ^ _L sending of a fleet to the Baltic 

became, as has been already shown, a 
species of annual exercise. All these 
expeditions were barren of serious 
fighting, and there is little to be said of them here. In 1717, 




1716.] THE NAVY AND THE PBETENDER. 257 

however, when the fleet was under Sir George Byng, it was found 
that, although the Swedish men-of-war still kept in port, consider- 
able annoyance was occasioned to British trade b}^ the numerous 
privateers. Against these Sir George detached various cruisers, of 
which none was so successful as the Panther, 50, Captain Eichard 
Lestock (2). Many privateers were sent home; but none of them 
was of any great force, the average scarcely running to ten small 
guns and sixty men per ship. The matter, indeed, is chiefly worth 
noticing because it was in this way that Lestock, a man whose sub- 
sequent behaviour rendered him notorious, began to come to the 
front. His activity on these cruises attracted Byng's attention, 
and gained him the name of a zealous officer. Sir George, in con- 
sequence, chose him to command his flagship in the Mediterranean 
campaign of the following year. The subsequent Baltic campaigns 
were less active even than the campaign of 1717. 

Nearer home, and on the Barbary coasts, meanwhile, the Navy 
was finding work to do ; in the one case in connection with the 
pro- Stuart rising, in the other, with the recrudescence of pirac3^ 
The Pretender landed in December, 1715, and in the middle of 
January, 1716, Sir John Jennings, Admiral of the White, was 
appointed to the command of a squadron of ten ships wherewith 
to cruise on the east coast and in the Firth of Forth. Other ships 
cruised on the west coast, also for the suppression of the rebels, 
while others again were kept in the Channel to restrain sympathetic 
Frenchmen. A body of French officers, trying to escape from 
Peterhead, was driven back ; but in spite of all precautions, the 
Pretender himself contrived to get away safely. Some imputation 
of negligence not unnaturally fell upon the Navy ; but the Govern- 
ment was satisfied that reasonable diligence had been shown, and 
published in the Gazette the following : — 

"The Royal Anne, galley. Pearl, Port Mahon, Deal Castle and Phoenix are 
returned from cruising, it appears by the journal of Captain Stuart,^ that he had early 
intelligence of the Pretender having put to sea, in a clean-tallowed French snow, which 
rowed out of the harbour and close in along shore a good way with her sails furled. 
The Port Mahon lay all that night within two leagues of the harbour's mouth, but 
'twas so dark there was no seeing a ship a quarter of a mile distant." ^ 

Every precaution, indeed, seems to have been taken by the 
refugees ; and it may be added that they appear to have been 

1 The Hon. Charles Stuart; born, 1G81 ; Captaio, 1704; Rear- Admiral, 1729; 
Yice-Admiral, 1733 ; died, 1740. 

2 Quoted in Lediard, 867. 

VOL. III. S 



258 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1711-1762. [1716. 

aware of the disposition of the various cruisers. Leaving Montrose, 
the snow stretched across to the coast of Norway, whence she 
coasted southward and made Gravehnes in safety. The ChevaHer 
de St. George testified his gratitude and appreciation by knighting. 
Mark Forrester, her master. In spite of their faihire to intercept 
this snow, the EngHsh ships did good, if unostentatious, work in 
helping to stamp out the embers of the revolt, chiefly, of course, 
by co-operating with the troops when they chanced to touch 
the shore. 

Piracy in the Mediterranean continued to demand considerable 
attention, but was at length dealt with by the Admiralty on some- 
thing like a rational system. In other words, there were ships 
constantly cruising against the Barbary pirates ; and there was 
thus avoided the great and often bootless expense incurred by the 
fitting out of occasional expeditions on a large scale. The reign is 
marked by no such fight as that of Captain Kempthorne of the 
Mary Rose in 1669 ; but cruisers detached, first by John Baker 
and after him by Charles Cornwall, the officers in command on 
the station, did efficient service. Of these the Hind, 20, Captain 
Arthur Delgarno, in May, 1716, took one Sallee rover, and, in 
October following, another, of 24 guns. This latter ship resisted 
for two and a half hours before she struck, and then promptly sank, 
taking down with her all but thirty-eight of her men. The Bridge- 
water, also, in the same year, drove two Sallee ships, each of 
16 guns, ashore near their own port. The Barbary pirates, how- 
ever, though a real nuisance, were not the only one of the kind, 
nor, indeed, were they so serious an obstacle to commerce as they 
had been in the seventeenth century. This was, as has been 
mentioned, partly due to the constant watch kept upon their move- 
ments. A more formidable species of piracy, the piracy of romance, 
flourished on the Spanish Main, and spread thence over the high 
seas. The doings of the notorious Kidd have been recorded ; 
the history of William Dampier shows with what ease British 
seamen drifted into this evil course of life; and it will be easily 
understood that the Sir Francis Verneys and the Wards of the 
era preferred to join the successors of Sawkins, primarily to plunder 
the Spaniard, rather than to turn renegade and prey on their own 
countrymen in the Mediterranean. But though piracy in the 
West was a growing source of anxiety, the bulk of its exponents 
confined their attentions with some strictness to foreign flags, and 



1718.] " BLAOKBEABD," THE PIRATE. 259 

some of them, notably Sir Henry Morgan, compared not unfavour- 
ably with the gentleman adventurers of the Elizabethan age. Kidd, 
it has been shown, was a decided exception; Avery was another; 
and so also was Edward Thatch, commonly called Teach, or, more 
commonly still, from his appearance, " Blackbeard." ^ Born in 
Bristol about 1675, he had, through the War of the Spanish 
Succession, served in privateers, and he did not turn his hand 
to piracy till the end of 1716. It is notorious that the pirates 
of fact enjoj'ed, to an even greater degree than their brethren of 
fiction, the short life and merry one supposed to belong to men 
of their calling ; and for his enjoyment of existence, as well as 
for his egregious brutality. Thatch stands forth from among many 
short-lived contemporaries. About the end of 1717, he took a 
large Guineaman, which he named the Queen Anne's Bevenge, and 
in w^hich he went cruising, after having mounted her with forty 
guns. One of the first incidents of his cruise was the falling in 
with H.M.S. Scarhorough, 20, which he beat off after a fight 
lasting for some hours. The governor of Carolina entered into 
a league with him, and he chose the coasts of that colony and 
of Virginia as his scene of operations, and continued haunting their 
creeks and preying on the merchants, whether at sea or ashore, 
till they petitioned the governor of Virginia to rid them of the 
pest. The governor took counsel with the captains of the Lyme, 20, 
and Pearl, 40, and concerted a scheme by which Lieut. Eobert 
Maynard,^ of the Pearl, was to command two small sloops against 
Blackbeard, who had got rid of his great ships, and was lurking 
in a sloop in Ocracoke Inlet, one of the entrances to Pamlico 
Sound. The sloops under Maynard's command mounted no heavy 
guns, while the pirates were known to be well armed in that 
respect ; but, on the other hand, the sloops had sweeps, which 
their enemy had not. Maynard rowed into the passage on 
November 21st, 1718, and with great difficulty, after lightening 
his vessel, got close to Thatch, who had run aground. Meanwhile, 
the pirate sloop floated, and by a broadside of langridge, did great 
damage among Maynard's men, who were much exposed by the 
lowness in the waist of their ship. Maynard thereupon kept his 
men below as much as possible ; upon which Blackbeard, thinking 

^ In .Johnson's ' Lives of the most Notorious Pirates,' he appears as Teach. In 
official papers he is Thatch. 

2 Died, a captain of 1740, in 1750. 

s 2 



2t)0 MINOB OPERATIONS, 1711-1762. [1718- 



.09 



that there were few left to deal with, boarded at the head of fifteen 
men. The rival commanders engaged hand to hand, and the fight 
went stubbornly on, as usual in such cases, till the pirate's death. 
Besides those killed, fifteen pirates were taken, and of them thirteen 
were hanged.^ That Thatch had so few men with him was owing 
to his having marooned or otherwise got rid of the bulk of his 
company shortly before in consequence of a dispute as to the 
distribution of prize-money. 

There was no lack of men to carry on the abominable work ; 
but even of the best known of these desperadoes, such as Stede 
Bonnet, Edward England, John Kackam, and Howel Davis, none 
arrests the attention in such a degree as Bartholomew Koberts.^ 
Roberts was, in 1718, mate of a ship which was plundered by 
pirates on the Guinea coast, and, joining his captors, was elected 
to the command on the death of Howel Davis, their captain. He 
cruised with considerable success from Brazil to Newfoundland, 
and, in 1721, crossed over to the African coast, where, amongst 
other prizes, he took a large ship belonging to the Eoyal Africa 
Company. To this ship he turned over, named her the Boijal 
Fortune, mounted forty guns in her, and with a 32-gun ship, under 
a man named Skyrm, and a 24, continued his cruise. His luck 
continued good till on February 21st, 1722, when he and Skyrm 
lay anchored under Cape Lopez, there came down on him 
H.M.S. SwaUoir, 00, Captain Chaloner Ogle (1), which, since the 
preceding year, had been on that coast. Ogle knew with whom 
he had to deal ; and when Skyrm, taking him for a merchantman, 
slipped in chase, he bore away out of earshot of the Royal Fortune. 
He then turned upon Sk5^rm, and, after a sharp encounter, took 
him. Returning to Cape Lopez and hoisting the French flag, he 
lured Roberts into attacking him. Roberts, overmatched and taken 
by surprise, made a desperate fight, which did not cease till he 
himself had been killed. Of 262 prisoners taken it is well to 

' Of the two who escaped the gallows one was Israel Hands, the master, who at the 
time of the action was ashoi-e recovering from a wound received fi-om Thatch, who had 
a trick of blowing out his cabin lights and firing cross-handed under the table. 
Another practice of Blackbeard's was to light sulphur in the ship's hold, and to try 
who could longest withstand the fumes. This was by way of enlivening a dull cruise. 

^ Pioberts is said to have been the original of Scott's Cleveland in ' The Pirate,' but 
the career of the real does not agree with that of the ideal. The doings of Koberts, as 
chronicled in Charles Johnson's ' General History of the Most Xotoi-ious Pirates,' are, 
so far as can be ascertained, substantially correct. 



1719.] MIGHELLS AT VIGO. 261 

notice that 52 were hanged, and that only 77 were acquitted on trial. 
The captured ships were taken to England, where they were 
bestowed on Ogle,^ who also for this good piece of work received 
the honour of knighthood. 

In the latter end of July, 1719, preparations were making in 
England for a secret expedition against Spain. About fifty trans- 
ports were got together to convey a force of four thousand men 
under Viscount Cobham ; and, meanwhile, a small squadron was 
sent ahead under Commodore Sir Eobert Johnson, in the Weymouth, 
to co-operate with the French who were then engaged in the siege 
of San Sebastian. In the beginning of August, some French troops 
and two hundred seamen were landed by the squadron at Fort San 
Antonio. Owing to the strength of the batteries at the entrance 
to the harbour, the force was landed some distance to the westward, 
advancing from which direction, it destroyed the fortifications and 
spiked the guns in the harbour. On September 15th, Johnson, 
in the Weymouth, having the Winchester and Dursley Galley in 
company, heard that there were two Spanish men-of-war and a 
large merchantman lying in Rivadeo. Accordingly the Weymouth 
and Winchester appeared off the port on the following day ; boats 
were sent in to take soundings ; and the two ships anchored alongside 
the enemy and abreast of a battery of eight guns. The battery 
was taken, the men-of-war were destroyed, and the merchantman 
was brought off. In the meantime, the main expedition had sailed 
and was looking for Johnson off the Spanish coast, in hopes of 
gaining information from him. This force was commanded by 
Vice-Admiral James Mighells, who, detached by Berkeley in the 
spring, had learnt of the dispersal of the Spanish fleet intended for 
the invasion of Scotland. The object now before Mighells, and 
the soldiers under Cobham whom he convoyed, was to proceed to 
Vigo and retaliate for this intended insult. Saihng from St. Helen's 
on September '21st, 1719, the expedition made Vigo on the 29th 
without being joined by Johnson. The fleet at once entered the 
harbour and landed the troops about three miles from the town. 
On October 1st, the army occupied a strong position under the 
walls ; whereupon the enemy spiked the guns in their batteries 
and withdrew to the citadel. A bomb ketch was brought up on 
the 3rd ; but as she could do little, owing to the greatness of the 
range, some forty odd mortars were put ashore ; and on the 4th, 

' Captains' Letters, 2. 



262 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1720. 

Fort San Sebastian, which had been occnpied, was armed with 
heavy guns from the fleet. The citadel, upon that, surrendered, 
its garrison of four hundred and sixty-nine officers and men 
marching out on the 10th. The town, it was decided, could not 
be held ; but a large quantity of guns, small arms, and ammunition, 
which had been collected for the invasion of England, was taken 
and brought home. Seven ships, also, were seized in the harbour, 
of which three were fitting out for privateers. On the 14th, the 
ships reduced Ponte Vedra, at the upper end of the harbour. 
There, too, many guns were found ; so that the total number 
brought home was one hundred and ninet)' iron and thirty brass 
heavy guns, with ten thousand stand of small arms, two thousand 
barrels of powder, and other warlike stores. On November 11th, 
Vice-Admiral Mighells put into Falmouth with the Enterprize, 
Kingsale, and Biddeford, and with most of the transports. The 
expedition had been prompt and successful : it had fully attained its 
object ; and by sickness, desertion, and the sword it had lost no 
more than three hundred men. 

The difficulties experienced by British merchants in the Spanish 
settlements of the west were a heritage of the days of Elizabeth, and 
were by no means smoothed away by the many treaties which had 
been entered into between the two nations.^ It is not possible here 
to enter into an examination of these treaties ; let it suffice to saj^ 
that, by forbidding, save under the harshest restrictions, all traffic, 
except, of course, that in negroes, which had been granted by the 
Assiento, they put a premium on smuggling. "We know the tra- 
ditional attitude of English and Spaniards to one another in the 
New World, and we have noticed the growth of piracy, testifying to 
the existence of a considerable proportion of unsettled spirits among 
the British inhabitants of the American colonies. When we con- 
sider both the evergreen national hatred, and the bitterness with 
which the guarda costas must have regarded the enterprising and 
unscrupulous smugglers, we cannot wonder at the tales of brutality 
on the part of the Spaniards ; but we must also be prepared to 
believe that the Spaniards spoke the truth when they insisted that 
the British traders of the islands were not always the lambs 
they professed to be, and were, in many cases, but little removed 
from pirates. There always has been ill-feeling about the right of 

' The texts of these treaties will be found at length in Rousset de Missy, ' Iiecueil 
Historique ' ; and in Jean Dumont, 'Corps Universel Diplomatique,' vdI. viii. 



1728-33.] DIFFICULTIES WITH SPAIN. 263 

search — probably there always will be — nor are we to believe that a 
guarda costa, boarding a Jamaica smuggler in 1720, acted with such 
civility as we expect from the Customs' House nowadays. On the 
contrary, as he often had considerable difticulty in catching his 
suspect, he was prone to try to catch him where he could, and to 
scruple little whether he caught him in Spanish waters or on the 
high seas. Such was the state of affairs, and it is clear that it was 
bound, sooner or later, to lead to war. Before passing on to the 
war itself, it will be interesting to examine in some detail one or two 
of the incidents that thus led up to it. 

In the latter part of 1728, a Spanish guarda costa sighted and 
bore down on the Dursley Galley, 20, mistaking her for a merchant- 
man, and with the intention of searching her. Naturally, the 
Dursley Galley did not bring to, and the Spaniard opened fire, which 
the British ship warmly returned. After a short fight, in which the 
guarda costa lost five men killed and twenty wounded, the Spaniard 
surrendered. That she was shortly afterwards released was due 
simply to the fact that there was no reason for keeping her, and 
Lediard ^ is undoubtedly wrong when he points to this as illustrative 
of the difference between Spanish and English methods. As will 
presently be shown, British ships that were detained were, at any 
rate in most cases, legally detained as being smugglers. The next 
incident to be mentioned was connected with the vexed question of 
the gathering of salt at the Tortugas. It must be remembered that 
the right to gather salt,^ like the right to cut logwood at Campeche, 
was denied to the English by the Spaniards, although, in point of 
fact, it had actually been acknowledged by the Convention of 
Madrid. Early in 1733, a fleet of British ships under escort of the 
Scarborough, 20, Captain Thomas Durell (1),^ was loading salt at 
the Tortugas, when there came down on it two Spanish men-of- 
war, one of sixty, and the other of seventy guns."* Four of the 
merchantmen, viz., the Catheri?ie, Two Sisters, Hopeivell, and Three 
Brothers, were taken at the outset before the Scarborough could 
cover her convoy ; but after that she managed to engage the atten- 
tion of the Spaniards so well that the rest of the salt ships made 
good their escape. 

A point that is apt to be passed over in such an account as this is 
that two Spanish ships of the line were quite equal to making mince- 

^ Lediard, 913. '■^ Captains' Letters, D 4, 

2 Rousset de Missy, i. 441. * Beatson, i. 22. 



264 2IIN0E OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1731. 

meat of the Scarborough first and of her convoy afterwards, had they 
been so inchned. It would appear, then, that the Spaniards, whose 
force seems to be exaggerated, and who were probably heav}^ coast- 
guard cruisers, believed themselves to be engaging merely in the 
reprisals customary in those parts, and that, when they found that 
they had before them a King's ship, they refused to fight her for fear 
of involving themselves in serious diplomatic entanglements. 

Whether the guarda costas are to be regarded as privateers or 
not, there is interest in a letter written from Jamaica by Commodore 
Edward St. Loe, to Burchett, at the Admiralty, in May, 1728.^ 
Complaining that Spanish privateers infested the Jamaican coasts, 
he said : — 

" It's my opinion I could go in and destroy most of them held I but His Majesty's 
permission. They, according to my notion, are no better than pirates, having no 
commission for what they do, save from the governor of the place." 

This is the opinion of a man qualified to judge. It may be 
tempered by that of another naval officer who commanded on that 
station, and who certainly held no brief for the Spaniards. This 
was Eear-Admiral the Hon. Charles Stuart, who was sent out to 
Jamaica in the Lion on December 9th, 1729, to take over the 
command of the station in succession to St. Loe. Stuart seems to 
have begun his commission with the prevailing belief that the fault 
lay with the Spaniards, but his attitude changed somewhat as time 
went on, and as his knowledge of the British merchants increased. 
Writing on October 12th, 1731, to the Duke of Newcastle, he 
admitted that the British carried on the trade at their own risk, and 
that the ships were good prize if taken. This, he said, led them to 
retaliate by robbing such Spaniards as they could overpower, and he 
added : — 

" I can assure you that the sloops that sail from this island manned and armed on 
that illicit trade, have more than once bragged to me of having murdered seven or eight 
Spaniards on their own shore. I can't help observing that I believe I am the first 
military person who has stood up in the defence of peace and quietness, and for 
delivering up vessels, against a parcel of men who call themselves merchants, but they 
are no better than pedlars, and one of them formerly in jail for piracy." 

His plea for peace and quietness may have been merely the outcome 
of his knowledge that, as the British had by far the greater number 
of ships in those seas, reprisals would be a losing game. That truth 
was abundantly evidenced when war broke out ; for from September, 

^ Home Ollice Records, Admiralty, Xo. 06, quoted in 'Eng. Hist. Itev.,' iv. 741. 



1731.] BRITISH AND SPANISH CRUELTIES. 265 

1739, to November, 1741, the Spaniards took 331 British ships as 
against only 231 of their own which they lost/ 

On September l'2th, 1731, Stuart wrote to the governor of 
Havana a strong letter of complaint. It had been hoped that a 
better condition of affairs was about to begin, as the King of Spain, 
in response to pressure from England, had sent instructions to his 
colonial governors to mitigate their harshness to British traders. 
But this proclamation was bound to be without effect, for it ex- 
empted from its protection all such ships as were engaged in the 
illicit trade, while leaving it to the governors concerned to draw the 
necessary distinction between legal and illegal trafdc.'"^ So it was 
that Stuart never lacked cause of complaint, and, in the instance 
cited, ^ made mention "particularly of one Fandino, and others who 
have committed the most cruel piratical outrages . . . particularly 
about the 20th April last, sailed out of your harbour in one of those 
guarda costas, and met a ship of this island,* bound for England . . ." 
and so forth, giving the well-known traditional details of the no- 
torious Jenkins case. He ended this letter with, " The king, my 
master, having reason to believe that these repeated insults on his 
subjects could never be continued but by the connivance of the 
several Spanish governors in these parts, is determmed to endeavour 
to put a stop to these piratical proceedings." But at the same time 
he was much attacked by the merchants, who objected strongly to 
his saying that they exaggerated their case, and who resented his 
interference with their illicit trade, and his endeavours to repress 
their cruelties. 

Juan de Leon Fandino, probably more from the accident of his 
having handled Jenkins than for any other reason, stands out from 
among the guarda costa officers. On September 9th, 1731, he de- 
tained and plundered the Prince William, William Joy, master, but 
this ship was released a month later. Not so the Dolphin, Benjamin 
Carkett, master, which was taken by Fandino in July, and sent into 
Havana. She was adjudged legal prize, as the governor wrote to 
Stuart ; but he added that he intended to chastise Spanish privateers, 

1 Lists in Gent. Mag. 1741, pp. 689-698. 

^ Beatson, i. 15. 

^ This letter, taken from Home Office Eecords, Admiralty, No. 69, is printed in 
' Eng. Hist. Eev.,' vol. iv. 

■* Jenkins's ship, the Rebecca, is not here mentioned by name, but is identified with 
this vessel by a list of ships taken or plundered by the Spaniards down to December, 
1737. The Rebecca was taken on April 9th, which in the new style would be the 20th. 



266 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1731-42. 

who were now no longer necessary, and whose commissions he had 
revoked. Stuart, however, must stop ships coming from Jamaica to 
Cuba, where British and Dutch ships were then to be found all 
through the year. 

What ultimately became of Fandino falls into its place here, 
though chronologically the story should be postponed. On June 4th, 
1742, among the Bahamas, Captain Thomas Frankland, of the Bose, 
fell in with, and chased, four ships, which showed British colours. 
He chased under the same, and, overhauling them, fired a gun.^ 
The chase then hoisted the Spanish flag, and fought him furiously, 
using all sorts of missiles, from broadsides of shot to poisoned arrows. 
Frankland, however, held his fire for the fourth ship, a snow, which 
seemed the strongest, giving the others only a few guns as they 
chanced to bear. The first three sheered off badly hulled. 

"I then endeavoured," says Frankland, "to lay the snow aboard, which she 
shunned with the utmost caution, maintaining a warm fire till I had torn her almost to 
rags, the commander having determined rather to sink than strike, for reasons you'll 
liereafter be sensible of: but in about four hours the people, in opposition to the captain, 
hauled doAvn the colours." 

The prize mounted ten carriage guns, as many swivels, and had a 
crew of over eighty men. 

" The captain is Juan de Leon Fandino. ... He is the man that commanded the 
guard of coast out of the Havana that took Jenkins when his ears were cut off. . . . 
Not but such a desperado with his crew of Indians, Mulattoes and Negroes could have 
acted as he did, for we were at least two hours within pistol shot of him keeping a 
constant fire." 

So much for a story which has long been accounted a myth, both 
from its intrinsic improbability, and from the circumstance that 
Jenkins, like other merchant skippers who gave evidence before the 
House of Commons in 1738, was not on oath.^ 

In 1739, as has been seen, reprisals were ordered, and instructions 
to that effect were sent out to Commodore Charles Brown at Jamaica, 
whose broad pennant was then flying in the HcDnpton Coiirt.^ The 
bearer of this dispatch was the Hon. Edward Boscawen, of the 
Shoreham, who joined Brown at Port Koyal on August 6th, and, 

^ Captains' Letters, F. 

^ Mr. Lecky's opinion of the trutli of the story is given on page 51 of this volume ; 
and neither Stuart's nor Frankland's letter really goes far towards contradicting that 
opinion. — W. L. C. 

^ The Hampton Court's log is of little value ; details of the cruise will be found in 
tlie Commodore's log, bound up with his dispatches in Admirals' Dispatches 17o8- 
1742, Jamaica, in the Public Record Office. 



1739.] WAR WITH SPAIN. 267 

after whose accession, the squadron consisted, besides the two ships 
named, of the Falmouth, Diamond, Torrington, Windsor and Drake. 
Brown at once proceeded to carry out his orders, and on the following 
day the Drake and the Hampton Coiirfs barge brought in a schooner. 
On the 14th the whole squadron left Port Eoyal, and proceeded 
round Cuba on a cruise, during which, owing to the scarcity of 
Spanish ships, they did no great amount of damage, but managed to 
collect reliable information as to the strength and distribution of 
Spanish men-of-war in those seas. On September 3rd, Captain 
Charles Knowles, of the Diamond, was detached in pursuit of a 
strange sail, and did not rejoin. The Shoreham was the most 
successful ship of the squadron. In her, Boscawen reconnoitred 
Havana, and, near that port, destroyed two sloops and took another, 
while a little later, about September 15th, he landed at Porto Maria, 
and burnt a large quantity of timber and other stores. He was there 
attacked by two half galleys and a sloop, but they kept in such shoal 
water that the Shoreham, though hulled more than once, could not 
get close enough to harm them. Meanwhile, a small fort between 
Matanzas and Havana was destroyed. Brown, having stayed for 
twelve days off Havana in hopes of falling in with a Spanish 
squadron, learnt that none was expected, and, leaving the Windsor 
and Falmouth to cruise there till the end of the month, proceeded 
round the western end of the island, and, on October 28th, anchored 
in Port Eoyal. There he found the Diamond, which had made two 
captures — a ship and a brigantine, said to be worth £30,000. These, 
with two other small sloops taken, and a few large canoes, represent 
the total damage done. In Port Boyal lay Vernon's squadron, to 
which Brown had by that time become attached. 

Active warfare was at first entirely confined to the West Indies ; 
and in European seas the first action of importance took place when 
the Princesa, 64, six hundred men, of the Spanish Ferrol squadron, 
fell in with the Lenox, Kent, and Orford, which had been detached 
from Vice-Admiral John Balchen's squadron. These three ships, 
with the St. Albans and Bipon, had been cruising to intercept a 
convoy of treasure ships under Pizarro, but saw nothing of them. 
Pizarro, for his success on this service, was appointed immediately 
to command the expedition which was sent out to round Cape Horn 
and to act as a check on Anson. The Princesa was sighted at 
9 A.M. on April 8th, 1740, and was at once chased by the three ships, 
viz., Lenox, 70, Captain Covill Mayne, Kent, 70, Captain Thomas 



268 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1740. 

Durell (1), and Orford, 70, Captain Lord Augustus Fitzroy (1).^ 
The chase was then under French colours ; but, when the Orford 
drew up soon after half -past ten, she hoisted Spanish. i\.bout eleven 
the Lenox also drew close up. and opened fire with her chase-guns, 
being soon followed by the Orford. All three ships came into close 
action and gave her many broadsides, for the most part within pistol 
shot ; but she made a most stubborn defence, and, though she became 
ungovernable, owing to the loss of her foretopmast, early in the en- 
gagement, she proved capable of a great deal of passive resistance. In 
explanation of this it was pointed out at the time that she was more 
heavily armed than the British 70's. The Spanish establishment was, 
•24-prs. on the lower deck, 18-prs. on the upper deck, and 8-prs. on the 
quarter deck and forecastle, as against 24, 12, and 6-prs. in the British 
Xavy ; but it is possible that the Princesa may have had heavier guns 
mounted. She was moreover of very stout scantling, and, having small 
portholes, was, defensively at any rate, a most powerful ship. It has 
also been suggested that, as a fresh breeze was blowing, the British 
ships could not use their lower deck guns. This was not so. Covill 
Mayne makes special mention of sending the enemy broadsides from 
his lower, upper, and quarter-deck guns. The reports clash some- 
what ; but, roughly, the middle part of the action seems to have 
been fought with the Princesa out of hand, the Kent on her larboard 
beam, and the Lenox or Orford on her starboard side, and the third 
ship always under her stern, raking her fore and aft. In the after- 
noon the Orford had her fore rigging so much disabled that she 
dropped astern and had to lie to to knot and splice ; but meanwhile 
the raking fire from the Lenox had carried away the Princesa' s main 
and mizen masts. The Orford, having repaired damages, drew up 
again ; and thereupon the enemy struck her colours, having main- 
tained an almost hopeless struggle with the utmost gallantry for 
close on seven hours. Not unnaturally Lord Augustus Fitzroy 
claimed that she had struck to him, and sent the first boat on board, 
following closely himself. To Covill Mayne's indignation he 
received the sword of her commander, Don Pablo Agustin de 
Aguirre, and took charge of her papers. There was some angry 
protest, but the matter seems to have blown over. The prize, rated 
as a 70, continued for some years as one of the best two-deckers in 
the British Navy. 

The next operation that falls within the scheme of this chapter 
^ Captains" Letters, vols. ^I '.», aud F 5. 



1740.] 



THE FLORIDA EXPEDITION. 



269 



was not so satisfactory to British pride. General Oglethorpe, 
commanding the troops on the North American station, conceived 
the notion that it would be to His Majesty's service to take 
St. Augustine, in Florida.^ Accordingly he consulted with the 
General Assembly of Carolina, asking what troops could be spared 
to him ; and he also gained the adherence to his plan of Captain 
Vincent Pearce (1), of the Flanihorough, the Commodore on the 
station. The project was first suggested to Pearce in January, 1740 ; 
but the general found some difficulty in putting it on a working 
basis, and it was not till April that he renewed his request for the 
co-operation of his ships. These were : — 



Ships. 


Guns. 


Commanders. 


Flanihorough 


20 


Captain Vincent Pearce (1). 


Hector 








44 


„ Sir Yelverton Peyton, Bart. 


Squirrel 










20 


„ Peter Warren. 


Phoenix 










20 


„ Charles Fansliaw. 


Tartar 










22 


„ the Hon. Georo;e Townsheud. 


Spence 










6^ 


„ William Laws. 


Wolf . 










8 


Commander William Dandridge. 


Hawk . 










6^ 




and a schoor 


ler. 








8 





1 aud ten swivels. 



aud four swivels. 



When Oglethorpe's request was finally made the squadron was 
just on the point of starting on a cruise, and was therefore in 
perfect readiness for immediate action. The Sqim'rel was sent off 
St. Augustine pending the arrival of the rest of the force ; and 
she was annoyed by six half-galleys that lay there, and which, during 
calms and light winds, proved of considerable service to the 
Spaniards. The Wolf w^as sent on to join Warren towards the 
end of April, and on the 28th the Squirrel took a sloop belonging 
to the king of Spain. This prize mounted eight 4-prs. and six 
swivels, and had eight thousand pieces of eight on board. In May 
the Hector and Spence joined the ships off the bar of St. Augustine, 
Pearce meanwhile lying in St. John's Eiver co-operating with the 
troops then on the advance from the northward. Two small forts, 
St. Francis de Pupa and Fort Diego, were taken by Oglethorpe, 
who then returned to the mouth of the St. John's Eiver, whence 
on May 31st a general advance was made. On June 1st Pearce 
proceeded off St. Augustine, and found the Spaniards getting away 
their guns from a battery on the Island of St. Eustatia. He 

^ Captains' Letters, vol. P 8. 



270 JIINOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1740. 

promptly sent in his boats, ordering the Wolf and Spence to cover 
the attack; but the enemy gave no trouble, making off into the 
harbour on the approach of the boats. On June 5th it was decided 
at a council of war that the ships could remain on that coast 
till July 5th ; on the 7th there was another skirmish with the 
galleys ; and on the 13th the island was occupied by two hundred 
seamen and as many soldiers. Two days later Colonel Palmer was 
killed at Fort Moosa and his party driven back ; a serious reverse 
which gave the enemy free communication to the landward. 
Meanwhile guns were brought into position on the island, and 
two small craft were fitted to serve against the galleys, there being 
so little water on the bar that the ships could not get in. On 
June 20th the governor was summoned to surrender, but promptly 
refused. Deserters soon afterwards came into the British camp 
with news that the galleys were very badly manned and could easily 
be taken. As it had been discovered that the range was so great 
that the guns on the island could have little effect, a council of war 
was held with the view of seeing whether this information should 
be acted upon. Pearce, however, was averse from taking the risk : 
possibly he had doubts of the deserters ; and he persisted in his 
refusal though the land officers offered to put one hundred soldiers 
into the boats to take the places of those seamen who were absent 
in the batteries ashore. On this Colonel Vanderdussen pointed out 
how badly off the troops would be when the ships left the coast ; 
for the galleys would cut their communications. Pearce found that 
there was no port near where he could lay his ships up for the 
hurricane season ; and, not being too well manned, he had to refuse 
a request that he would leave two hundred seamen to reinforce the 
troops. It was by that time July ; and the moment had come 
when, in accordance with the council of war of June 5th, the ships 
were to leave the coast. "Without any friction, therefore, between 
Oglethorpe and Pearce, it was decided that nothing further could be 
done,^ and on the 5th the whole force withdrew, the ships covering 
it from any attempt on the part of the galleys. 

In July, 1741, Captain Curtis Barnet, of the Dragon, 60, was 
detached from Vice-Admiral Nicolas Haddock's squadron with the 
two 44-gun ships, Fevershain and Folkestone, and with orders to 
cruise in the neighbourhood of the Strait of Gibraltar. Being off 

^ Bound up with Pearce's letters are his log for three mouths, the minutes of the 
councils of war, and letters from Oglethorpe, Vanderdussen, Peyton and others. 



1741.] BARNET AND DE CAYLUS. Til 

Cape Spartel on the '25th of the month he chased and came up with 
three ships, which he had reason to beheve were two Spanish 
register ships under convoy of a frigate. The Feversham had fallen 
astern, and the other two ships did not come up with the strangers 
till after dark. Barnet hailed to know what they were, and was 
answered that they were Frenchmen from Martinique. He explained 
that he was an English man-of-war, and that it was his duty to 
satisfy himself that they were not Spaniards ; Init, to his demand 
that his boat should be allowed to board them, he received no 
response save incivilities. Finding that he could do nothing by 
talking, and being confirmed in his belief that the ships were really 
Spanish, he opened fire, after due v/arning. The ships were, how- 
ever, really French, being the Boree, 62, the Aquilon, 46, and the 
Flore, 26,^ under the command of Captain de Caylus, in the first 
named. A brisk action ensued, and the British ships, as the Fever- 
sham was still far astern, being somewhat at a disadvantage, soon 
found themselves obliged to lie to for half an hour to knot and splice. 
In the morning, they and their consort again came up with the 
Frenchman, and a boat was sent on board the Boree under a flag of 
truce. The truth at once appeared ; but it also appeared that the 
ships, being on their way from the West Indies, and knowing the 
state of relations between the two countries, were under the convic- 
tion that war had broken out. Barnet's lieutenant was requested to 
swear before the French officers whether this were the case or not, 
and was able to satisfy them that the two monarchies were still at 
peace. It is hard to say that either Barnet or De Caylus was to 
blame ; but the trouble might have been avoided had M. de 
Pardaillan, the captain of the Aquilon, been less suspicious of a 
British ship ranging alongside cleared for action. The blame really 
lay with the government which, though knowing that war was 
inevitable, hesitated to declare it. As it was, the ships parted with 
mutual apologies, and with a loss in killed of eleven men on the 
British side, and of about thirty-five, among whom was M. de 
Pardaillan, on board the French ships. All the vessels, moreover, 
had their masts and rigging much cut. 

Meanwhile, in the West Indies, several of the cruisers which 

were detached by Vernon had better fortune than the main fleet. 

Some fell in with register ships of considerable value, and others did 

good service by capturing dispatch vessels. Of these latter the 

^ Froude, i. 289. ^ Barnet's letter in Beatsou, iii. 31. 



272 MINOB OPERATIONS, 17li-1762. [1742. 

Worcester, 60, took a Spanish 24-gun ship bearing dispatches to the 
viceroy of Mexico, and the Squirrel, 20, .Captain Peter Warren, 
captured a large privateer belonging to Santiago de Cuba. It is 
said that the importance of this prize lay in information gained from 
her papers that the French squadron, under M. d'Antin at Port 
Louis, was intended to join with the Spaniards at Havana.^ Be that 
as it may, M. d'Antin's squadron was rendered ineffective by putrid 
fever,^ and the breach with France was postponed. Captures in the 
West Indies, as in home waters, were frequent ; but so great was 
the number of the enemy's privateers, and so large the number of 
British merchantmen, that the balance was not in favour of Great 
Britain ; and the London merchants, dissatisfied with the conduct 
of the war, fell to petitioning Parliament for a redress of grievances.^ 

Early in the next year the Tiger, 50, Captain Edward 
Herbert (1), was lost on a key near Tortuga. The crew got 
safely ashore with a quantity of stores and provisions, and raised 
on the island a fortification, in which they mounted twenty of the 
ship's guns. It was well that they did so, for the Spaniards, hearing 
of the misadventure, sent the Fuerte, 60, to capture them. She was, 
however, lost in the attempt, and the Tiger s men, after two months 
on the island, managed in their boats to take a sloop, in which they 
reached Jamaica. Though several prizes of value were made during 
the 5'ear, 1742, there was only one that calls for note. This was 
the guarda costa already mentioned, commanded by Fandino, the 
man who is alleged to have ill-treated Jenkins, and whose capture 
has been described as a fitting conclusion to the Jenkins episode.* 

The Spaniards at that time sent out a new governor to Cartagena, 
and with him a reinforcement of over a thousand men. The troops 
were in five ships of the Caracas company, of which two mounted 
40, two 30, and the fifth 12 guns. The squadron was dispersed by a 
hurricane, and two of the ships were lost, while the others, one of 
the 40's and both the 30's, fell in on April 12th, 1742, with the 
Eltham, 40, Captain Edward Smith, and the Lively, 20, Com- 
mander Henry Stewart. After some hours' hard fighting, night 
ended the engagement, and the Spaniards bore up for Puerto Eico. 
As they had lost in killed and wounded some six hundred men, 

' Beatson, i. 115. 

^ Poissonnier Desperrieres, 'Maladies des gens de Mer,' p. 2U5, 
8 Beatson, i. 121-25. See also Gent. Mar/. 1741, pp. 689-698. 
■• See above, pp. 51 and 260. 



1743.] MATHEWS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. 273 

including the new governor among the former, it^ may be said that 
the reinforcement had been practically annihilated. 

On September 21st, 1742, the Navy sustained a heavy loss in the 
destruction of the Tilbury, 60, Captain Peter Lawrence, by fire, off 
Hispaniola. The cause of the accident was a drunken scuffle ; and 
the whole of the story, down to the loss of one hundred men, corre- 
sponds almost exactly with that of the destruction of the Paragon 
during Penn's return from the West Indies in June, 1655.^ 

The destruction of five Spanish galleys at St. Tropez in June, 
1742, was a spirited piece of service. Captain Eichard Norris, of 
the Kingston, 60, had been detached, with the Oxford, 50, and Duke, 
fireship, in company, to blockade them; but as St. Tropez, being a 
French port, was neutral, there would have been no attack had not the 
galleys been so ill-advised as to fire upon the British. On June 13th, 
therefore, Norris gave orders to Commander Smith Callis, of the 
Duke, to go in and do his utmost to destroy the galleys at the mole. 
Calhs went in on the 14th, and fired his ship with such good effect, 
that the whole of the five were destroyed. So rapidly did he carry 
out his orders that nothing was saved from the Duke, not even the 
ship's or officers' papers.^ For his success, Callis was posted to the 
Assistance. 

Early in 1743, Vice-Admiral Thomas Mathews, hearing that the 
Spanish ship Sa7i Isidoro, 70, was lying in the Bay of Ajaccio, sent 
in the Ipstvich, 70, Captain William Martin (1), Bevenge, 70, Captain 
George Berkeley, and the Anne Galley, fireship, to bring her out. 
Her captain refused to yield to the odds arrayed against him, and 
opened fire, but finding it impossible to hold the ship, he ordered her 
to be burnt. She blew up before all her people had been taken out 
of her, and a considerable number of men perished. 

Apart from this piece of work, there was little done in the 
Mediterranean, though the cruisers continued to send in prizes, and 
to annoy the enemy's coast. In June, however, the enemy contrived 
so far to avoid the blockading squadron as to carry fifteen shiploads 
of warlike stores from Majorca to Genoa for the use of the army in 
Italy. Mathews at once appeared off that port with six sail of the 
line, and overawed the Genoese into sending the supplies back to 
Corsica, there to lie till the conclusion of the war. 

' Beatson, i. 149. 

2 See above, Vol. II. p. 208. 

^ Captains' Letters, C 14. Callis to Thomas Corbett, August lltli, 1742. 

VOL. III. T 



274 21JX0B OPEEATIONS, 1714-1762. [1744. 

The following year, 1744, was very far from being a fortunate 
one for the British navy. The fiasco off Toulon was supplemented 
by the capture of the Seaford, 20, Solebay, 20, and Grampus, 14, by 
de Eochambeau, by the throwing away of the Northimiberland, 70, 
and by the loss, through stress of weather, of the Victory, 100,^ 
Orford, 70, Colchester, 50, St. Albans, 50, Greenwich, 50, and other 
ships of less value. Against this tale of disaster we could oppose 
merely the capture of the Medee, 26, on April 27th, by the Dread- 
nought, 50, Captain the Hon. Edward Boscawen,^ and Gh-ampus, 14, 
which formed part of the fleet of Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Hardy (1) , 
off the coast of Portugal. 

Of these misfortunes that requiring most particular notice here is 
the loss of the Nor thumb erlaiid. This ship, commanded by Captain 
Thomas Watson (1), w^as detached in chase of a strange sail on 
May 8th by the Vice-Admiral, who was then homeward bound from 
the Tagus. In view of the sequel, it is worth remembering that 
Watson was a good and brave ofticer, favourably known in the 
service for his work as Vernon's flag-captain at Puerto Bello and 
Cartagena. But his skull had been fractured, and his mind im- 
paired, so that " a small matter of liquor rendered him quite out of 
order, which was his unhappy fate that day." ^ The weather grew 
thick, the chase was lost sight of, and the signal was made for the 
NorthumherlancV s recall ; but Watson held on. Soon three sail 
were made out to leeward, and as he bore down on them under a 
press of sail, it was seen that they were two two-decked ships and a 
frigate. They were, in point of fact, the 



Ships. (Juus. I Commanders. 



Content . . . j 64 [ Captain de Couflans. 

Mars . . . .64 ,, du Perrier. 

Venus .... 26 ,. d'Acho. 



The French ships lay to under topsails, while the Northumberland 
bore down on them. Properly handled, the British ship would have 

' See the previous chapter. 

2 Boscawen's nickname in the service dates from this time. The seamen transferred 
the name of the ship to the man ; and lie went through life as " Old Dreadnought." 

^ 'A true and authentic Narrative of the action Letween the Nortliamherland and 
three French men of war ' .... By an Eye Witness. 8vo, 1745. 



1744.] CAPTURE OF TEE NORTHUMBERLAND. 275 

had them at a disadvantage, for they were widely separated, and the 
Content, a mile to windward of her consorts, made no attempt to 
rejoin them. Watson, therefore, had the option of disabling her 
before the others could interfere, or of following the counsel of his 
master, Dixon, who advised him to stand close-hauled to the north- 
ward^ under a press of sail, and so to lead the enemy across the 
course of the British fleet. This advice was disregarded, and no 
reasonable nor customary measures were taken to put the ship into a 
fit state for action. 

"We bore down so precipitately that our small sails were nut stowed, nor top- 
gallant sails furled, before the enemy began to fire on us, and at the same time we had 
the cabins to clear away ; the hammocks were not stowed as they should be ; in short 
we had nothins; in order." 



^o 



Instead of engaging the weathermost ship, the Content, Watson ran 
down to leeward without answering her fire, and so had to deal at 
once with his three enemies. Even then, there was no real reason 
why the ship should be taken, for the French gunnery was so 
extremely bad that she was little hurt, and had but few men killed. 
But Watson fell early in the action, none of the lieutenants were on 
deck to take command, and the Master ordered the colours to be 
struck, though there was fight enough left both in the ship and in 
her crew. The Northumberland was taken into Brest, and till the 
1st of June, 1794, for fifty years, the trophy name found a place on 
French navy lists. When the officers returned to England from 
their captivity, a court-martial was held. The first lieutenant, 
Thomas Craven, was honourably acquitted, but Dixon, the master, 
was condemned for surrendering the ship. The court took into 
consideration the good advice which he had given his captain before 
the action, and sentenced him only to be imprisoned for life in the 
Marshalsea. The court found also "that Captain Watson had 
behaved very rashly and inconsiderately, to which was owing chiefly 
the loss of her " ; but death had settled his account.'-^ 

The hurricane that devastated Jamaica on October 20th was one 
of the most violent upon record. Admiral Sir Chaloner Ogle (1) was 
at sea with a great part of the fleet, and so escaped its fury ; but 
eight ships of the Koyal Navy, besides a great number of merchant- 
men, were either wrecked or driven ashore. The Greenwich, 50, 

' The wind was westerly. 

■^ Minutes of Court Martial held at Portsmouth on February 1st, 1744-5. R. 0. 
vol 27. 

T 2 



276 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1745. 

Captain Edward Allen, was sunk, with the loss of her captain, a 
lieutenant, and seventy men ; the Lark, hulk,^ sank, and one hundred 
and ten men with her; and the St. Albans, 50, Captain William 
Knight, Bonetta, sloop, Commander William Lea, and Thunder, 
bomb, were also total losses. The Prince of Orange, 60, Montagu, 
60, and Experiment, 20, went ashore, but were got off again. ^ The 
history of the year at sea was about as disheartening as possible ; and 
1745 saw no marked improvement. 

On January 6th, 1745, four sail of the line, the Hampton Court, 70, 
Captain Savage Mostyn ; Captain, 70, Captain Thomas Griffin (1) ; 
Sunderland, 60, Captain John Brett ; and Dreadnought, 60, Captain 
Thorpe Fowke, cruising off Ushant, sighted and gave chase to three 
French ships to the north-east. These were the Neptune, 74, and 
Fleuron, 64, homeward bound from Martinique, with a vast quantity 
of specie on board, worth four millions sterling, it is said, and in 
company with the privateer Mars, George Walker, master, which 
they had captured two days before. As the captain of the Fleuron 
told Walker, w^ho was a prisoner on board his ship, the French 
commodore had made a great mistake in interrupting his journey to 
Brest for so trifling an object as the Mars. This was hardly compli- 
mentary to Walker, who at that time, with Fortunatus Wright, did 
as much to uphold British prestige at sea as any captains of the 
Koyal Navy ; but it was true, and, had the two French ships fallen, 
they would richly have deserved their fate. As it was, they were not 
captured ; and the story, as disclosed in the subsequent court-martial,^ 
and in an able comment thereon addressed to the House of Commons,* 
is very unpleasant reading. 

It is desirable here to enter into the matter in some detail, 
for it shows the alarming state to which British naval prestige 
had fallen, and it explains the necessity for the new Naval Discipline 
Act of 1749. 

The French ships, after their long passage, were both sickly and 
foul, and the English, with a fresh southerly breeze, gradually crept 
up. The Captain, the leading ship, kept away after the Mars, and 
took possession of her at dusk, leaving the others to continue the 

^ Formerly a 44-gun nhip. 

2 Beatson, i. 193. 

' Minutes of the Court Martial, etc. 1745, 8vo. 

* 'An Enquiry into the Conduct of Captain Mostyn, being remarks on the ]\Iinutes 
of the Court Martial, etc. Humbly addressed to the Hon. House of Commons by a 
Sea Officer.' 1745, 8vo. 



1745.] BEHAVIOUR OF CAPTAIN MOSTYN. 217 

chase. The Sunderland carried away her main topmast, and dropped 
astern ; but at sunset the Hampton Court was close up with the 
enemy. The Dreadnouglit, saiHng very badly, could not quite get 
up, and Mostyn shortened sail to wait for her. All through the 
night and during the next day, the position continued the same, 
the Dreadnought sailing no faster than the chase and the Hampton 
Court not engaging without her. At last, after ranging abreast of 
the Neptune, but out of gunshot to windward, Mostyn decided that 
nothing could be done, and left the French to carry their valuable 
cargo into Brest. ^ Of course the two ships ought to have been 
taken. Griffin, who was senior ofdcer, had no business to bear 
away after the Mars ; yet, apart from that, it was Mostyn's duty 
to have engaged as soon as he came up, and to have detained the 
enemy till the Dreadnought could get into action. Griffin, at the 
court-martial, stated that when he bore away he believed the Mars 
alone to be a ship of war and the other two to be merchantmen 
under her convoy. He was accordingly acquitted ; but, as the 
other three ships had no doubt whatever as to the nature of the 
Neptune and Fleuroii, and as the Captain was nearest to them, the 
opinion of the service was unfavourable to the commanding officer 
of the ship last named. As for Mostyn, the evidence went that, in 
the fresh breeze that was blowing, the Hampton Court's lower deck 
ports could not be opened, while both the enemy's ships could fight 
all their guns, to leeward as well as to windward. It was further 
stated that the Hampto?i Court lay along so much that shot from 
her upper deck guns, at extreme elevation, would have struck the 
water fifty yards from their muzzles. This, however, was mere 
conjecture, and does not explain why not a shot was tried. It 
might have been possible to knock away a spar, and to give the 
Dreadnought a chance of coming into action. As to the French- 
man's lower deck guns being run out to leeward, the writer of the 
appeal to the House of Commons ^ points out that the witness who 
swore to this fact proved too much. Those on board the Hampton 
Court, in her position to windward, were not in a condition to see 
whether the enemy's lee ports were open or not. There was no 
cross-examination; and the Court decided that Mostyn " had done 
his duty as an experienced good ofiicer, and as a man of courage 

^ The Fleuron was, however, hlowii up in Brest liarbour before lier treasure could 
be taken out of her. 

- Believed to be Vernon. 



278 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1745. 

and conduct." It is difficult to believe that this decision was come 
to without bias. At anj' rate, it by no means satisfied public 
opinion ; and, a year later, the Hampton Court, with Mostyn still in 
command, went out of Portsmouth Harbour to the cry of " All's 
well ! there's no Frenchman in the way." ^ 

On February 20th following, the Chester, 50, Captain Francis 
Geary, and Sunderland, 60, Captain John Brett, fell in in 
the Soundings with the Elephant, 20, then on her way home 
from the Mississippi, and having twenty-four thousand pieces 
of eight on board. They chased, shot aw^ay her main topmast, 
and captured her. This was but a mere flicker of success, closely 
to be followed by another loss and by another unsatisfactory 
court-martial. 

On March 28th, the Anglesey y 44, Captain Jacob Elton, one of 
the ships cruising to command the entrance of the Channel, put 
out of Kingsale, whither she had been to land some sick, amongst 
whom was her first lieutenant. On the following day, a fresh 
westerly breeze blowing, a large sail was sighted to windward. 
Elton, making sure that she was his consort the Augusta, piped to 
dinner, and paid no further heed. Meanwhile, the stranger came 
down fast ; but it was not till she was close to the Anglesey that, 
yawing slightly, she showed French ornamentation on her quarter. 
Then all was hurry and confusion. Elton, to gain time, ordered the 
foresail to be set ; but the only effect of this manoeuvre was to bury 
the lee lower deck ports in the sea and almost to swamp the ship. 
The enemy, which proved to be the Apollon, 50, belonging to the 
French navy, but fitted out by private adventurers, ran close under 
the stern of the Anglesey and rounded-to on her lee quarter, pouring 
in a heavy fire. Elton and the Master fell at the first discharge, 
and the command devolved on the second lieutenant. Baker Phillips. 
The decks were not cleared ; the ship was half-full of water ; and 
sixty men were dead or wounded. Phillips could not order the 
helm to be put up without falling aboard a ship as full of men as 
his was of water ; so, taking hasty counsel with Taafe, the third 
lieutenant, he decided that no effective resistance could be offered, 
and ordered the colours to be struck. It is difficult to see what else 
Phillips could have done. William Hutchinson, " the Mariner," laid 
down that a ship attacked as the Anglesey was ought to be box- 
hauled, and to pass under the enemy's stern raking him, as the 

' Charnock, iv. 431. 



1745.] CASE OF LIEUT. BAKER PHILLIPS. 279 

Serapis subsequently did in the course of her action with the 
Bonhomme Bichard. But in 1745 Philhps could not have had 
the advantage of a study of Hutchinson's ' Treatise on Practical 
Seamanship ' ; and, being a young man and inexperienced, he acted 
as most other men in his position would have done. The ship 
was lost by being engaged to leeward. The subsequent court- 
martial ^ — 

" was unanimously of opinion that Captain Elton, deceased, did not give timely 
directions for getting his ship clear or in a proper posture of defence, nor did he 
afterwards behave like an officer or a seaman, which was the cause of the ship being 
left to Lieutenant Phillips in such distress and confusion. And that Lieutenant Baker 
Phillips, late second lieutenant of the said ship, by not endeavouring to the utmost 
of his power after Captain Elton's death to put the ship in order of fighting, not 
encouraging the inferior officers and common men to fight courageously, and by 
yielding to the enemy, falls under part of the tenth article. They do sentence him to 
death, to be shot by a platoon of musqueteers on the forecastle, . . . but . . . having 
regard to the distress and confusion the ship was in when he came to the command, 
and being a young man and unexperienced, they beg leave to recommend him for 
mercy." 

The recommendation was ignored, and the sentence was duly 
carried into effect. It is difficult to say what was the reason of this, 
and it has been suggested in explanation that there was a suspicion 
that Phillips was in the pay of the Young Pretender. No hint of 
this appears in the minutes of the court-martial ; but it must be 
remembered that the terror of an invasion was at that time very 
great, and that men may be swayed by motives which they do not 
acknowledge even to themselves. Whether as a result of this court- 
martial or not, it remains to be recorded that not a ship wavered in 
her allegiance, though there were undoubted Jacobites in the fleet. ^ 
The one action of the year that had a direct bearing on the result, 
the engagement between the Lion and the French ship Elisabeth, 
has already been described.^ 

A number of valuable prizes continued to be made, chiefly in the 
West Indies. The greatest success fell to the privateers ; but in 
December, 1744, the Bose, 20, Captain Thomas Frankland, had fallen 
in with and taken the treasure-ship Concepcion, bound from Cartagena 
to Havana. The prize mounted twenty guns and had a large crew ; 
but her value lay in the enormously rich cargo which, after a stubborn 
fight, became the property of the British. As she was not condemned 

1 25th and 26th June, 1745. P. E. 0., vol 28. 

^ Vide e.g., P. E. 0. Courts-martial, vol. 29. Lieutenant William Johnston, for 
treason, July loth, 1745. 

3 Supra, Chap. XXVIL, p. 110. 



280 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-17G2. [1745. 

by legal process, the exact value of her lading is unknown. It will 
be enough, however, to say that it consisted chiefly of gold, silver, 
and jewels, and that such additional finds as 20,000 and 30,000 
pistoles, made after the ship had been cleared, were looked on by 
comparison as trifles. The privateers which harmed the enemy 
most at that time were the Prince Frederick, Duke, and Prince 
George, fitted out by a London firm in the summer of 1745, and 
cruising under one James Talbot, master of the first-named, 
as commodore.^ The profit resulting from this single cruise, 
dB700,000, was so enormous as to tempt the merchants to repeat 
their scheme ; and the ships were sent to sea again in the following 
year under George AValker. Subsequently to his capture by the 
Fleuron, Walker had commanded the privateer Boscaiuen, which, 
as the French royal frigate Meclee, had been the first prize of the 
war, and had been renamed in honour of her captor. 

The French West India trade of 1745 went out under the convoy 
of the Magnanime, 74, and other ships of war. Vice-Admiral Isaac 
Townsend had, however, received news concerning the convoy, and, 
on October 31st, intercepted it off Martinique. Townsend, in the 
Lenox, together with the Dreadnought and Ipsioich, engaged the 
men-of-war, while the smaller ships were sent off in chase of 
the flying merchantmen. Several of these latter were picked up 
to leeward or were driven ashore, but the men-of-war escaped by 
taking refuge under the batteries.^ 

In the Mediterranean, meanwhile, the only action of import- 
ance was that between the Jersey, 60, Captain Charles Hardy (2), 
detached from Captain Henry Osborn's squadron, and the St. 
Esprit, 74. The action was very severe, lasting for two hours and 
a half, at the end of which time both ships were crippled. The 
St. Esprit returned to Cadiz with the loss of her foremast and 
bowsprit, and with twenty men killed. 

It has been said that the Apollon was a royal ship in private 
employ. This hiring out of the State's ships was by no means an 
uncommon practice with the French ; and, on the break up of their 
main fleet subsequent to the battle off Toulon, it was carried out 
on a considerable scale. M. de Lage, a man whose chief merit lay 
in his self-assertiveness, succeeded in obtaining from the Admiral 
of France an acting commission as commodore, with authority to fit 

' Beatsoii, i. 2i)4 ; J. K. Laugh ton : ' Studies in Xaval History,' i^. 2n7. 
^ Beatson, i. 28(3. 



1745.] CRUISE OF M. DE LAGE. 281 

out a squadron at his own expense. The crews were to be raised 
from the government hsts of seamen and marines, but were to be 
paid by de Lage. But the men had a pecuhar dishke to the 
adventurer, and would not volunteer ; and it was with the greatest 
difficulty that, after a hot press, two ships of the line and two 
frigates got to sea in April, 1745. These were the Ferine, 74, 
Orijiamme, '54, Diane, 30, and Volage, 30. Three times did 
de Lage put to sea, and three times was he driven in by bad 
weather. On each return to port numbers of men deserted, and 
finally he had to pay off the Fermc. With the three ships that were 
left, he put to sea for the last attempt at the end of March, 1746. 
On the 29th he was sighted by Commodore the Hon. George 
Townshend, who had with him at that time the Bedford, 70, and 
Essex, 70, and two bombs, but who, contenting himself with a 
distant view, chose to believe that the enemy was of superior force, 
and declined to engage.^ De Lage stood over to the coast of Spain 
where, on April 4th, off Cape St. Martin, the Volage, which had 
chased out of sight of the squadron, was taken, after an obstinate 
resistance, by Caiptain John Fawler, of the Stirling Castle, 70. On 
the following morning her consorts hove in sight ; and Fawler, 
believing himself to be in no fit condition to engage them, cut adrift 
the prize, which he had taken in tow. She was therefore retaken, 
and with her, a lieutenant and twenty-five men. Fawler w^as tried 
by court-martial at Gibraltar on October 6th and 7th following ; and 
the court, though it acquitted him for not engaging de Lage, 
condemned him for not destroying the prize, which, as he had had 
possession of her all night and had learnt from the prisoners that 
her consorts were in the neighbourhood, he should and could 
have done. 

When de La Jonquiere, driven out of America by putrid fever and 
small-pox, was on his way back to Europe, he had a narrow escape 
from falling in with Anson, then in command in the Channel. 
Indeed, so near were the fleets to one another that the French ship, 
Merciire, 56, doing duty as a hospital, was taken, when but a little 
separated from the main body. Two other ships failed to reach 
France ; the Ferine, 54, which had been sent to Quebec with 
military stores, and which had fallen in with the British blockading 
squadron, and the Mars, 64, which had been driven by stress of 
weather to Martinique. Thence, after refitting, she had sailed for 
1 Court-martial on Townshend, February 9th, 1746-47. P. K. O., vol. 30. 



282 MINOR OPEEATIONS, 1714-1762. [1746. 

home ; but she \Yas seventy-five men short of her complement and 
verj' sickly, so that, when she fell in, on October 11th, 1746, with 
the Nottingham, 60, Captain Phihp de Saumarez, cruising to the 
south-west of Cape Clear, she was not in a condition to make effective 
resistance. The fight was, nevertheless, maintained for two hours, 
ere the Mars, reduced to a wreck, with twelve men killed and 
forty wounded, as against three killed and sixteen wounded in the 
Nottingham, struck. But for the fineness of the weather it would 
have been impossible to send her in. She was added to the Navy. 

In 1746, the privateers on both sides continued to have a good 
share in the hard knocks, and from time to time did excellent 
service. There are two of their exploits which specially claim 
mention. On April 10th the Alexander privateer, one hundred and 
forty men, Philhps master, was cruising off Khe, when she saw 
a frigate, with a store ship in company, standing into St. Martin. 
This was the Solehaij, 20 guns and two hundred and thirty men, 
which had been taken by de Kochambeau on the Portuguese coast 
nearly two years before. Phillips boarded her athwart the bowsprit, 
at the very entrance to the road, and carried her, killing fifteen of 
her men. Phillips, like Walker, was kept out of the King's service, 
which he was desirous of entering, by the stringency of the regula- 
tions, and had to be content with an acknowledgment of five hundred 
guineas and a gold medal. The second instance occurred on May 1st, 
when, as has been briefly noted in the previous chapter, H.M.S. 
Greyhound, 20, with the sloops Baltimore and Terror, fell in off the 
west coast of Scotland with two heavy French privateers of 32 and 
34 guns respectively. The British were severely handled and beaten 
off, and Commander the Hon. Eichard Howe (afterwards Earl Howe), 
then of the Baltimore, was badly w^ounded. 

On February 9th, 1746, the Portland, 50, Captain Charles 
Stevens, cruising in the Soundings, fell in with and engaged the 
French Auguste, 50, four hundred and seventy men. 

" After two-and-a-lialf hours' close action," wrote Stevens, " she struck, having 
fifty killed, ninety-four wounded, all her masts so shattered that they went by the 
hoard, and so many shot in the hull, that, with the late hard easterly wind, I was 
obliged to put away with her before it a hundred leagues to the westward, and am now 
towing her for Plymouth." ' 

The Portland had five men killed and thirteen wounded, and lost 
her main yard.^ The Auguste was bought into the service, and, 

' J. K. Laughton : 'Studies in Naval History,' p. 255. ^ Charnock, v. 229. 



1747.] CRUISE OF CAPTAIN THOMAS FOX. 283 

as the Portland's Prize, cruised with success. On November 19th of 
the same year, in company with the Winchelsea, 20, the Portland 
sighted the Subtile, 26. The Winchelsea, in which Samuel (after- 
wards Viscount) Hood was then a heutenant, outsailed her consort, 
and, after a very severe action, fought the chase to a standstill, so 
that, on the Portland's coming up, the Frenchman struck im- 
mediately.-^ The rest of the doings of single ships and light 
squadrons in European waters during the year may be dismissed 
with a mere reference to the destruction of the Ardent, 64, which was 
chased ashore in Quiberon Bay in November by Lestock's squadron 
when returning from its fruitless descent on Lorient. 

Before Anson's victory of May 3rd, there was little done at sea 
in 1747 ; and, after it, the enemy began to show great signs of that 
exhaustion which, consequent on their second defeat in October, put 
an end to the war. Anson's work was w^ell supplemented when 
Captain Thomas Fox, of the Kent, 74, having put to sea with 
a small squadron in April, fell in, to the westward of the Bay of 
Biscay, on June 20th, with the large fleet of French West Indiamen 
which he had long been anxiously awaiting. The merchantmen were 
under the convoy of M. Dubois de La Motte, whose force consisted 
of three sail of the line and a frigate, a force inferior indeed to the 
six ships ^ of Fox's squadron but not so far inferior as to justify the 
flight which followed. M. de La Jonquiere, in his encounter with 
Anson, had earned the gratitude of his country by deliberately giving 
himself to be crushed that he might save his convoy ; de La Motte 
shrank from the sacrifice, and took his men-of-war unscathed into 
Brest, while, of the AVest Indiamen, about fifty, to the value of 
upw^ards of a million, were picked up either by Fox himself or by 
Eear-Admiral Sir Peter Warren's squadron to leeward. 

On the following day the Etoile, 46, escorting five merchantmen, 
was driven ashore at Cape Finisterre by Sir Peter AVarren, and 
was burnt. ^ A few days later, an attempt to execute a somewhat 
similar exploit ended in disaster. The Maidstone, 60, Captain the 
Hon. Augustus Keppel, which had been cruising in the Soundings 
and in the Bay of Biscay, chased an enemy's ship inshore at Belle 

^ The Subtile was added to the Royal Xavy as the Amazon. 

2 Kent, 74, Captain Thomas Fox ; Hampton Court, 70, Captain Savage Mostyn ; 
Eagle, 60, Captain George Brydges Rodney ; Lion, 60, Captain Arthur Scott ; 
Chester, 50, Captain Philip Durell (1) ; Hector, 44, Captain Thomas Stanhojie ; with 
the fiireships Plufo and Dolphin. 

3 Troude, i. 318 ; Beatson, i. 372 ; Charnock, iv. 187. 



284 MIXOB OPEBATWNS, 1714-1762. [1747. 

Isle on June •27th. Venturing too close in, the Maidstone ran 
aground and became a total wreck ; and Keppel and his men were 
made prisoners of war. 

Other captures of note made during the course of the summer 
in European waters were those of the Bellone, Loup, and Benommee. 
The Bellone, a 36-gun frigate bound from Nantes to the East 
Indies, was taken by the Edinburgh, Eagle, and Nottingham, was 
bought into the service as the Bellona, and was at once sent out 
to cruise, with Captain the Hon. Samuel Barrington in command. 
The Loup had been the British sloop Wolf, taken by the Erench 
two years earlier. It is interesting to notice that she was captured 
by the Amazon, 26, which, as has been mentioned, was originally the 
Erench Subtile. The Wolf, in Erench hands, had been used as a 
privateer, but resumed her duties as a 14-gun sloop in the British 
Navy, curiously enough, under the orders of Commander George 
Vachell, who had had her before her capture in 1745.^ The 
Amazon, whose captain was Samuel Eaulknor(2), son of that 
Samuel Eaulknor (1) who had perished with Balchen in the Victory 
in 1744, continuing her cruise, fell in, on September 12th, with the 
Benommee, 32. A severe but indecisive action followed, and left 
both ships badly crippled. They parted company in the night, 
but, next day, the Benommee, having the further misfortune to fall 
in with the Dover, 50, Captain the Hon. Washington Shirley, was 
taken, and, with her, M. de Confians, who was going out in her 
to take over the government of San Domingo. 

The Erench force under M. de I'Etenduere, which suftered 
defeat on October 14th, 1747, at the hands of Hawke, had under 
its convoy a large fleet of merchantmen for the West Indies. 
Hawke, after the battle, was not in a fit state to pursue the convoy, 
but, with admirable promptness, at once victualled the Weazel, 
sloop, and despatched her to warn Captain George Pocock, who 
had succeeded Captain the Hon. Edward Legge as commodore on 
the West India station, of its approach. Thanks to this prompt- 
ness, Pocock, though his squadron was scattered when the news 
reached him, was able to capture many of the merchantmen. The 
Captain took eight, the DreadnougJit six, the Dragon five, the 
Ludlow Castle another, and the privateers on the station ten more. 
The twenty taken by Pocock were valued at i'100,000." 

• He was lust with lier off the Irish C(»ast in January, 174!). 
2 yv.nts.m. i. 368 and 408. 



1747.] THE ADVENTURES OF THE GLOBIOSO. 285 

It still remains to describe the most noteworthy of the minor 
actions of the year 1747.^ Mention has already been made of 
George AValker, a man who would have done credit to any service, 
and who was kept out of the Navy only by the regulations which 
made it impossible to offer him therein any command which he 
would be likely to accept. His fortune on two or three occasions 
brought him into close contact with the Eoyal Navy, but never more 
closely than in the present instance. Walker, it has been seen, 
took over Talbot's squadron of privateers on the latter's retirement. 
He enlarged it, and, like his predecessor, cruised with great success 
against the enemy's commerce. On October 6th, 1747, the " Eoyal 
Family," so called because all the ships composing it were named 
after members of the reigning house, were standing out of Lagos 
Bay when a large ship was sighted coming in towards Cape 
St. Vincent. They immediately gave chase ; and the stranger bore 
away to the westward, being, like the British ships, in some doubt 
as to the enemy's force. She was, in fact, the Glorioso, a Spanish 
74, which had previously landed at Ferrol about three millions of 
treasure from the Spanish Main, and was then bound to Cadiz. 
She was a fine pow^erful ship, though, as was general in that 
service, she carried no heavier guns than 24-pounders. This was 
not her first hostile meeting during the voyage, for on July 14th 
she had fallen in at the Azores with the Lm'k, 40, Captain John 
Crookshanks, and Warwich, 60, Captain Robert Erskine. The 
Warwick had attacked but, left unsupported, had been beaten to 
a standstill ; and the Glorioso had made off. For this fiasco, 
Crookshanks, who was the senior officer, was cashiered. A few 
days later the Spaniard had met with the Oxford, 50, with the 
ShoreJiam, 24, and Falcon, 14, in company ; but they had made 
room for her as being of superior force. 

It was now for Walker to try his hand. He believed that there 
was treasure still on board ; but when, at about noon on the 6th, 
he overhauled the chase, his frigate, the King George, 32, was alone. 
It had fallen flat calm, and the rest of the "Royal Family" had 
not been able to get up, so that the King George and the Glorioso 
lay looking at one another, each uncertain as to what the other 
was. In the evening a breeze arose, and the Glorioso headed in- 

^ J. K. Laughton : ' Studies in Naval History,' pp. 239 sqq. P. R. 0. Courts- 
martial, vol. 32, December 28tli, 1747, on Smith Callis of the Oxford, and, 
]"'ebruar}^ 1st, 1748, on Crookshanks of the Lnrh. 



286 . MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1747. 

shore, followed by the privateer which, on closing, hailed for 
information. The Spaniard answered with a cross-question, and, 
on finding that the ship alongside was British, poured in a broad- 
side, which was returned at once ; and the ships ran slowly in to the 
land, engaged yard-arm to yard-arm. There have been instances 
enough of frigates attacking ships of the line ; the capture of the 
Guillaume Tell in 1800 was directly due to the embarrassing atten- 
tions of the Penelope ; and no small share of Edward Pellew's great 
name is due to the manner in which, in the Indefatigable, 44, he 
hung on to the Droits de VHomme in a gale of wind on a lee shore, 
till he left her a hopeless wreck. But this is the only instance in 
which a frigate, in a smooth sea and fine weather, voluntarily 
placed herself, yard-arm to yard-arm, with a ship of the line ; and 
not the least wonder of it is that the frigate was only a privateer. 
Fortunately for the King George, many of the enemy's shot either 
went over her or took effect in her spars ; yet, in spite of that, 
after some hours her position began to be critical. On one of her 
consorts, the Prince Frederick, coming up, however, the Glorioso 
took to flight. On the morning of the 8th, the King George was 
too disabled to pursue, and the Prince Frederick, with two other 
ships of the squadron, was making sail after the chase when a large 
vessel was seen coming up from the eastward. She was made out 
to be British, and Walker at once sent to explain the situation to 
her captain. She was the Russell, 80, Captain Matthew Buckle (1), 
homeward bound from the Mediterranean, but with only half a crew 
on board ; and, even of these, some were sick. As the Bussell crowded 
sail in pursuit the chase was seen to be sharply engaged with some 
vessel unknown which presently blew up. It was thought at first 
that she was the Prince Frederick, but she was in reality the 
Dartmouth, 50, Captain James Hamilton (2), which had been drawn 
to the scene of action by the firing of the previous night. Out of 
her crew of three hundred only fourteen, including a lieutenant, 
were saved. Shortly afterwards the Russell in her turn came up, 
and began a hot action which lasted for five hours, at the end of 
which time the enemy's main-top mast went overboard and she 
struck. So short-handed was the Russell that the number of the 
prisoners was a serious embarrassment, and many of them had to be 
sent away in the privateers. 

Towards the end of 1747 Captain Dubois de La Motte went 
out to San Domingo with a convoy of merchantmen. His force 



1748.] TEE MAGNANIME TAKEN. 287 

consisted of the Magnanime, 64, and a new Etoile, 42. On 
November 18th four British men-of-war were seen/ of which one 
mounted 60 and another 50 guns. From these M. de La Motte 
protected his convoy. There was some desultory firing, and the 
merchantmen, with the exception of six, got safely away. No 
sooner was the Magnanime back in France, than she was ordered 
to the East Indies, bearing the broad pennant of Commodore the 
Marquis d' Albert.-^ On January 31st, 1748, she was sighted in the 
north-west by the fleet then cruising under Hawke to the westward 
of Ushant. The Magnanime had been partially dismasted in a gale 
a few days previously, and was then on her way back to Brest 
to refit. Directly she was sighted, the Nottingham, 60, Captain 
Eobert Harland (2), was detached in chase; but, immediately 
afterwards, it became apparent that the enemy was a ship of force, 
and the Portland, 50, Captain Charles Stevens, was also ordered 
to follow her. The Nottingham was engaged for nearly an hour 
before Stevens could come up, and suffered somewhat severely, 
losing in all sixteen men killed and eighteen wounded. The loss 
of the Portland was only four men wounded, its smallness being due 
to the disabled condition of the French ship, which allowed the 
Portland to keep on her quarter and rake her at will. After 
a stubborn resistance, lasting for six hours, the enemy struck, 
having lost, out of a crew of six hundred and eighty-six men, 
forty-five killed and one hundred and five wounded. The prize 
was a very fine ship, and was added to the British Navy under 
her old name. Her capture was the last one of importance in 
the war. 

The 10th of October, 1748, was marked by the mutiny of the 
Chesterfield, 40, which was stationed on the coast of Africa. On 
the date named, while the ship lay off Cape Coast Castle, and 
the captain, O'Brien Dudley, and others were ashore. Lieutenant 
Samuel Couchman organised a rising, and, persuading the lieutenant 
of Marines, the carpenter, and thirty men to join him, got possession 
of the ship. The boatswain, Mr. Gastrien, was of those on board 
the most zealous in his attempts first to dissuade, and afterwards to 



^ This is on the authority of Troude, i. 319. Beatson makes no mention of it, and 
as Troude gives no English names it is hard to say what tlie ships were. 

^ Troude, i. 321. There is some doubt as to the date of the capture of the 
Magnanime, but as she had been in the West Indies in December, January 31st, the 
latest date given, seems the most probable. Cf. Beatson, i. 409. 



288 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1748-51. 

ove^po^vel•, the mutineers ; but had Couchman and his party been 
men in any way equal to the risky part which they had set them- 
selves to play, there can be no doubt that it would have gone very 
hard indeed with the boatswain and the loyal party. The mutineers, 
however, having first tried to reason a few more into joining them, 
and having failed, left the well-disposed members of the crew to 
roam about the ship . and concert plans at their leisure. On the 
12th, therefore, the boatswain took counsel with the gunner, who 
was ill in his cabin, and, thus getting hold of twenty pistols, armed 
a few resolute men and recovered the ship. A court-martial was 
held on board the Invincible at Portsmouth on June 26th, 1749, to 
inquire into alleged neglect of dut}^ on the part of Captain O'Brien 
Dudley, and to examine into the reasons for his being ashore with so 
many of his officers to the detriment of the service. Captain Dudlej^ 
proved that there had been no cause to suspect latent mutiny, and 
that he and his officers were ashore on duty. He and they were, 
accordingly, acquitted of all blame. As for Couchman and John 
Morgan, the lieutenant of Marines, they were tried on the 28th and 
30th respectively, and both were condemned to be shot. On the 
] 0th July six men were tried for the same offence, and of them two 
were acquitted and the rest hanged.^ 

Till the outbreak of the next war the Navy had little to do, and, 
as was usually the case in a time of comparative quiet, it turned its 
attention to the Mediterranean pirates. A small squadron was sent 
out, with Captain the Hon. Augustus Keppel in the Centurion, 50, as 
Commodore. Keppel had a special mission to the Dey of Algier, to 
treat with him, or, if necessary, to force him to restrain his piratical 
cruisers ; and the story told - is that the Dey professed astonishment 
that the King of England should have sent a beardless boy to treat 
with him. Keppel, who was twenty-six, was, no doubt, nettled, and 
is said to have answered: " Had my master supposed that wisdom 
was measured by length of beard, he would have sent your Dey- 
ship a he-goat." When the angry Dey threatened his visitor with 
death, Keppel, pointing to his squadron, is said to have explained 
that there were enough of his countrymen there to honour him with 
a glorious funeral pyre. Whether there be truth in the story or not, 

' P. Pi. C). Coiirts-martial, vol. 33. See also Beatson, iii. 89. 

'•^ A suspiciously similar storj' is told of the behaviour of the Be.y of Tripoli to 
Shovell m 1675. There is no reference to tlie affair in tlic Hon. and Piev. Thomas 
Koiipel's 'Life' of his relative.— AV. L. C. 



1755.] THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. 289 

the fact stands that in June, 1751, the difficulties were smoothed 
over, and that Keppel returned to England in the following month 
and paid off. 

It was not until after some months of unofficial hostilities in 
North America, and until after the receipt in England of Boscawen's 
dispatch relative to the capture of the Alcide and Li/s, that the 
Seven Years' War was fairly set on foot. 

Thus far the British had been the gainers in the struggle that 
still awaited a formal initiation. They had taken two ships, and they 
had lost but one, the Mars, 64, which had grounded while going into 
harbour at Halifax on the return thither of Boscawen's squadron at 
the end of June ; and which it had been impossible to get off again. 
Soon afterwards, on the night of August 13th, 1755, the Blandforcl, 
20, Captain Richard Watkins, when on her way to South Carolina, 
fell in off' Brest with a French squadron homeward bound from the 
"West Indies under M. du Guay. She did what she could to get 
away, and, even when surrounded, attempted some resistance ; but 
the British 20-gun frigate of that period was " a pigmy with a pop- 
gun armament;" and she was easily taken possession of and sent 
into Nantes.^ The sequel is curious as testifying to a tardy zeal on 
the part of the French to avert the consequences of their aggressions. 
With a parade of regard for legality, the Blandford was restored by 
the French Government ; but Great Britain was not thus readil}' 
appeased, and she quickly retaliated by capturing the Esperance, 
commanded by Comte de Bouvet. That ship, nominally a 74, but 
having only twenty-four guns mounted, was on her way home from 
Louisbourg, when on November 13th, 1755, she fell in with Byng's 
fleet, which had sailed from Spithead a month before. The Orford, 
64, Captain Charles Stevens, was ordered to chase, and soon began 
a close action, in which the Bevenge, 64, Captain Frederick Corn- 
wall, presently joined. The Espey-ance, however, made a stout 
resistance, and did not strike till the squadron began to draw up. 
She was an old ship, and had been so severely handled that, con- 
sidering the badness of the weather, it was judged useless to try to 
keep her afloat. She had lost ninety killed and wounded out of a total 
of three hundred. Her surviving people were, therefore, taken out 
of her, and she was set on fire. This was on the 15th, when it was 
first possible to send a boat on board her, although she had been 

1 P. R. 0. Cuurt-martial on Watkiiis, October 6th, 1755. Vol. 36. 
VOL. III. U 



290 JIIXOB OPERATIONS, 17U-1762. [1756. 

making signals of distress ever since her capture on the 13th. Byng 
wrote ^ concerning her : — 

" Slie was in the raost distressed condition I ever saw a ship, extremely leaky and 
not able to carry any sail, having only her lower masts standing and foretopmast, and 
not one yard across except the spritsail yard." 

On March 11th, 1756, still prior to the declaration of war, 
the Warwick, 60, was taken by the French near Martinique. Seeing 
that, according to a French account,^ this ship was taken by a frigate, 
it is interesting to turn to the story of the affair as given by her 
commander, Captain Molyneux Shuldham, at the subsequent court- 
martial.'^ The Warwick had been detached on December 21st, 
1755, by Commodore Thomas Frankland, to cruise in the neigh- 
bourhood of Martinique ; and shortly after reaching her station 
she began to be very sickly. As, however, the sickness began to 
decrease, and as there was no information of any French ships of 
force being in those waters, Shuldham resolved to continue his 
cruise. 

On March 11th, at daybreak, three sail w^ere sighted, and, they 
being obviously of superior force, and the private signal being 
unanswered, the Warwick bore away under a press of sail. The 
strangers were, in fact, the French 74-gun ship Prudent, and the 
two frigates Atalante and Zeplujr, then on their way out from 
France under the command of Captain d'Aubigny of the Prudent. 
The Wanvick was one of the smallest of her class, was a dull sailer, 
had less than three hundred men fit for service, and was so crank 
that she could rarely use her lower deck guns. As there was a 
heavy sea running, she was unable to use them on the occasion in 
question ; and she had to rely almost entirely on the 9-pounders of 
her upper deck and quarter-deck. The Atalante, 34, Captain du 
Chaliault, was the first to come up with the chase, and, hanging on 
her quarter, out of reach of her weather broadside, kept up a galling 
fire. The wind shifted in a hard squall ; both ships were taken 
aback ; and before the Wanvick, whose rigging was much cut, could 
pay off her head, the Prudent drew close up and opened fire. Shuld- 
ham ordered the great guns to play upon the commodore only, and 
the small-arm men to keep up their fire on the Atalante ; but it was 

' Admiral's Dispatches, Channel Fleet, vol. 2. Byng, November 19th, 1755. 

2 Troude, i. 338. 

3 P. K. 0. Courts-martial, vol. 38, March 27th, 1758. 



1756.] HOWE TO THE CHAUSEY ISLANDS. 291 

still impossible to use the lower deck guns, the ship being half 
swamped ; and after half an hour more, being defenceless and un- 
manageable, she struck her flag. Shuldham remained a prisoner of 
war for two years, and on his release was adjudged by the court- 
martial, held to inquire into the loss, to have done his duty. 

An indecisive action was fought on May 17th, 1756, between the 
Colchester, 50, and Lyme, 28, Captains Lucius O'Brien and Edward 
Vernon (2), on the one hand, and the French ships' Aqailon, 50, and 
Fidele,^ 26, on the other. The French ships were standing in for 
Eochefort in charge of a convoy, when, quite near the forts, they 
were sighted by the British and chased. The convoy was ordered 
to make the best of its way, and the men-of-war gave battle to 
cover its retreat. The ships paired off, the Colchester engaging the 
Aquilon, while the frigates fought it out together; but so equal were 
the forces on both sides, that, when they parted by mutual consent, 
and with heavy loss, no definite result had been arrived at as the 
outcome of seven hours' hard pounding. 

A small expedition, planned and carried into effect during the 
summer of 1756, deserves mention on account of the relief which 
it afforded to British trade in the Channel. The enemy was busy 
fortifying the Chausey Islands, which lie off Granville, being influ- 
enced thereto by the fact that the islands afforded a refuge to the 
8t. Malo privateers, and were also close to the Channel Islands, upon 
which the French had designs. It was desirable that the fortifica- 
tions should not be proceeded with, and Captain the Hon. Eichard 
Howe, of the Dunkirk, 60, was sent with a small squadron, consisting 
of a 20-gun frigate and some small craft, to put a stop to the work. 
With Howe went three hundred men of the Jersey garrison ; but 
there was no fighting, for the French commandant, after some 
dispute about terms, was content to respect the force arrayed against 
him, and to surrender on the conditions offered. The fortifications 
were immediately destroyed. The conquest, small though it was, 
would not have been so easily effected, had all the works been 
completed, for the situation was strong ; and the approach to it was 
difficult, and wholly exposed to the fire of the fort, which was 
designed to mount thirty guns.^ 

^ Troude, i. 339, calls her CyUle, but there was no ship of the name in the French 
Navy List. O'Brien, in his report to Ecscawen (Admirars Dispatches, Channel Fleet 
vol. 4), called her Lafiddelh. 

^ Beatson, i. 520. 

u 2 



292 MINOR OPEllATIONS, 1714-17G2. [1756. 

Consequent upon Byng's action, there was a lull in the Medi- 
terranean. The French had no fleet at sea there ; and Hawke's 
command was for the most part uneventful. Its most interesting- 
episode was one which brought him into contact with Fortunatus 
Wright/ the most noteworthy of all the British privateers who ever 
plied in the Mediterranean. At the outbreak of the war Wright was 
at Leghorn, where he had been building a small vessel in readiness 
for emergencies. But Tuscan sympathies were so entirely French 
that Wright, when on the point of sailing, found himself strictly 
limited as to the force he might embark. However, he got outside 
the port, took on board more guns and men from ships which had 
sailed under his convoy, and at once beat off a large French privateer 
which was cruising in readiness to intercept him. Following this, 
he put back to Leghorn to refit, but was at once ordered, or rather 
forced, to bring his ship inside the mole, where she was detained on 
a charge of having violated the neutrality of the port. A diplomatic 
squabble began, and was continued until Captain Sir William 
Burnaby appeared on the scene. Wright had contrived to let 
Hawke know how matters stood ; and Hawke had immediately 
despatched Burnaby, in the Jersey, 60, together with the Iris, 50, 
to set matters straight. The mission of Sir William was to convoy 
the trade from Leghorn, and to see the St. George, Wright's ship, 
safe out of that port. To the representations of the governor and 
the Austrian or French sympathies of that officer, Burnaby had 
nothing to say ; but he made it abundantly clear that he was 
authorized, and in a position, to repel force by force, should any 
resistance be offered ; and the Jersey, the Iris, the St. George, and 
the merchantmen went out of Leghorn in peace. 

Another somewhat invidious piece of service that fell to the lot 
of Sir Edward Hawke was the cutting out, from under the guns of 
the Spanish port of Algeciras, of a British merchantman which had 
been carried thither by a French privateer. The Spaniards were, 
like the Tuscans, strongly French in their sympathies ; and, after 
refusing to order the French ship and her prize out of their port, 
they helped the privateer to pour a murderous fire into the attack- 
ing boats. The boats lost one hundred and fifty men killed and 
wounded, but the ship went back to Gibraltar with them, and the 
memory of the affair stood over until 170-2. 

^ Gomel- Williams : ' Liverpool Privateers.' J. K. Lauglitun : ' Studies in Xaval 
History.' 



1756-57.] LOCKE ABT IN THE TARTAR. 293 

The only other captures of men-of-war made chiring 1756, were, 
on the one hand those of the Arc en del, 50, and Chariot Royal, 36, 
in July and March respectively, the vessels being at the time 
engaged in carrying stores to Louisbourg, and on the other, that of 
the small brig Adventure, mounting six 3-pounders. After a stout 
resistance, she struck to the privateer Infernal of Havre. But 
many privateers of force were taken ; and in that kind of service 
Captain John Lockhart,^ of the Tartar, made a great name both 
for energy and for success. The Tartar was a frigate of 28 guns and 
180 men, and Lockhart, who was appointed to her in March, 1756, 
continued cruising in her for two years, during which time he took 
many large privateers of equal or superior force. Among these were 
the Cerf of 22 guns and 211 men, the Grand Gideon of 26 guns and 
190 men, and the Mont Ozier, of La Eochelle, of 20 guns and 170 men. 
In engaging the last named, Lockhart was severely wounded, but 
no sooner had he rejoined his ship, after an absence of two months, 
than he took off Dunnose the Due d'Aiguillon of St. Malo, of 
26 guns and 254 men. These are but some of the many large prizes 
made by the Tartar. 

In February, 1757, while Lockhart was ashore wounded, the 
ship went out under the command of her first lieutenant, Thomas 
Baillie (1), and took the Victoire, privateer, of Le Havre, of 26 guns 
and 230 men, which was bought into the Eoyal Navy under the 
name of the Tartar s Prize. The Gramont, 18, taken in the 
following October, was bought in under her own name, as also was 
the Melampe, the finest of all the Tartar s prizes. This ship was 
taken, after a long chase and a stubborn action, early in November. 
She was of 700 tons, mounted 36 guns, and had a crew of 320 men.'- 
Her capture proved to be the last of the achievements of Lockhart 
while a frigate captain, for the Admiralty testified its appreciation of 
his successful cruising by moving him into a fifty-gun ship, and so 
limited his activity. 

At the very end of 1756 there occurred an incident, which, 
though of no great importance in itself, throws some light on the 
interpretation of the Naval Discipline Act, and has in consequence 
some bearing on the fate of Byng. It is an instance of what a 
court-martial accepted as an " error of judgment," and as such is 
recommended to the attention of those who have been led to believe 
that it was merely for an " error of judgment " that Byng suffered. On 
^ Afterwards Sir John Lockhart Eoss, Bart. ^ Beatson, ii. 77. 



294 MINOR OPEBATIONS, 1714-1762. [1 



(0( 



the morning of December 27th, Captain Thomas Graves (2)^ in 
the Sheerness, frigate, discovered a large ship making for Brest. 
There was some doubt as to what the stranger was ; for it was 
known that French ships of the Hne were in the neighbourhood, and 
the vessel in question looked as if she might be one of them. The 
weight of opinion on board the Sheerness was to the effect that the 
enemy was a sixty-gun ship, and it was well seen that she was just 
ending a long voyage and was very foul. The Frenchman tried to 
get away before dawn, but, when she discovered the Sheerness' s force, 
she shortened sail to wait for her. In point of fact, the enemy was 
only an East Indiaman, and the court, satisfied on that point, 
decided that Graves, who kept away, ought to have gone down and 
discovered her force by engaging her. His holding aloof was not 
attributed to negligence, disaffection, or cowardice. It was agreed, 
however, that he had laid too great a stress on his orders, to carry 
intelhgence to Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Knowles ; that his fault 
was an " error of judgment ; " and that his case fell under the thirty- 
sixth article. He was, in consequence, publicly reprimanded by the 
president of the court. 

On March 16th, 1757, being then off Cape Cabron, San Domingo, 
the Greemoich, 50, Captain Robert Eoddam, saw to windward eight 
large vessels. She made sail from them, and they gave chase ; and 
eventually, on the 18th, the three leading ships came up with her 
and opened fire. These were the Diademe, 74, Eveille, 64, and a 
frigate. The Greemoich was quite hemmed in, and at length, seeing 
that her position was hopeless, she struck.^ The prize was fitted out 
against us, and fought against Forrest on October 21st of the same 
year, but, being sent back to France after the action, was lost near 
Brest. Another vessel captured from the Royal Navy during the 
year was the Merlin, 10, which struck to the French privateer 
Machault, 30, on April 10th. Commander John Cleland (1), of the 
Merlin, was endeavouring to rejoin a convoy from which he had 
been separated, when the privateer bore down upon him.^ It had 
been, and was still blowing hard ; and the Merlin, as was usual with 
ships of her class, had her decks full of water, and had quite enough 
to do to look after herself. The guns were all secured fore and aft ; 
and, save with small arms, it was impossible to make any resistance. 

^ Afterwards Admiral Lord Graves. 

2 r. E. 0. Courts-martial, vol. 37, July 14tli, 17r.7. 

^ 7/)., vol. 37, July 5th, 1757. 



. I0( 



.] CAPTURE OF THE DUC D'AQUITAINE. 295 



The prize did not remain long with the French, being retaken in the 
autumn by the Lancaster and Dimkirk. 

During the whole of the year 1757, though British squadrons 
were constantly cruising on the enemy's coast, there was no meeting 
of fleets. The captures of armed ships by our cruisers were 
numerous enough, but the vessels taken were, in almost every 
instance, privateers. There were exceptions however. The Aquilon 
and Alcion were destroyed, and the Emeraude, Hermione, Bien 
Acquise and the French East India Company's ship Due cV Aqiiitaine , 
manned and armed as a ship of war, were taken. The Aquilon, 60, 
was met, on May 14th, by the Antelope, 50, Captain Alexander 
Arthur Hood, which was cruising off Brest. After a short action 
the Aquilon was run on the rocks of Audierne Bay, where she 
became a total wreck. The Due d'Aquitaine, for a Company's 
ship, was most powerful, mounting as she did fifty 18-pounders on 
two decks and having a crew of nearly five hundred men. On the 
night of May 30th the Eagle, 60, Captain Hugh Palliser, and the 
Medwaij, 60, Captain Charles Proby, sighted her in the Bay of 
Biscay. She had landed her cargo at Lisbon, and was then on her 
way round to Lorient. At daylight the Medway shortened sail to 
clear ship, and the Eagle, passing ahead of her, engaged at close 
range. The Medway was foul and could not get up at once, the 
result being that, when she did reach the scene of action, she was 
too late. The enemy had been beaten to a standstill, and had lost 
her main and mizen masts together with fifty men killed ; and she 
struck her flag as the Medway came up. Charnock^ says that she 
had ninety-seven shot holes through both sides, which would seem 
to imply that, in the thickness of her planking, she differed con- 
siderably from a ship built exclusively for war purposes ; but the 
Admiralty thought her stout enough, and ordered her to be bought 
into the service. Another French man-of-war destroyed during the 
year was the NympJie, 36, which was driven ashore at Majorca by 
the Hampton Court. 

In the account given of the captures of privateers during 1756 it 
will have been noticed that the majority of the prizes were vessels 
of considerable force. In fact, it may be said that the beginning 
of the Seven Years' War saw a great increase in the size of the 
average French privateer. During the remainder of the struggle, 
this increase in size was maintained : for, as the French navy grew 

1 Biog. Nav,, V, 487. 



296 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1757. 

more and more exhausted, there was ever more and more work for 
private venture, seeing that the growing British commerce proved 
an ever more and more tempting bait. France, in short, sought 
to use the authorised and officially encouraged privateer, instead 
of the national vessel, as the cheapest weapon for a gnerre de course. 
This Great Britain never did. Her privateer was always a supple- 
mentary, and often a much-suspected, cruiser. Of the privateers 
taken during the year 1757, there were many representatives of the 
large class. For instance, the Invincible of St. Malo, which fell 
to the Unicorn, 26, Captain John KawHng,^ after a stubborn fight, 
was a 24-gun frigate, and had been cruising with a consort mounting 
eighteen guns. Again, the Comte de Gramont, not to be confounded 
with the ship taken in the previous year, was a frigate of thirty-six 
guns and three hundred and seventy men. She was taken by the 
Lancaster, Captain the Hon. George Edgcumbe, and the Dunkirk, 
Captain the Hon. Kichard Howe. If it be needful to multiply 
instances of the strength of these privateers, mention may be made 
of the Telemaque, 26, taken by the Experiment, 24, Captain John 
Strachan; of the Vainqueur, 24, taken by the Ambuscade, 32, 
Captain Bichard Gwynn ; and of another 26-gun ship, taken by the 
Fortune, sloop, Commander William Hotham (1). 

The most interesting of the French privateers at sea at that date 
was Fran9ois Thurot.'^ Thurot was appointed to the command 
of a regularly constituted squadron, and sailed from St, Malo on 
July 16th, 1757, with two 36-gun frigates, the Mareclial de Belleisle 
and Chauvelin, both with a main-deck armament of 12-prs., and 
with two sloops. On July 25th he fell in, off Portland, with the 
Southampton, 32, Captain James Gilchrist, then on her way to 
Plymouth with stores and money, and, after a brisk action, was 
beaten off. 

"As the action is one which Thurot's French biographer considers especially 
glorious, it is well to ]wint out that the French frigates were each of them more than 
a nominal match for the Southamj^ton. The point is that Thurot, with two frigates 
againf-t one, each larger, heavier, and with a more numerous crew, did not capture the 
one ; and, with the best will in the world, it is difficult to see the great glorj' which, 
from this non-capture, redounds to the French Navy. It looks indeed as if M. Thurot 
had conceived his special work to be plundering comparatively helpless merchant- 
ships, rather than fighting sturdily defended men-of-war ; and that, when he found the 
Southampton no easy capture, he stomached his loss — amounting, on board the 
Belltish alone, to fourteen killed, twenty-six wounded — and hauled to the wind. U'hat 



' Cajitain Rawling was mortally wounded, and died on ]May 18th, 17r)7. 
2 See pp. 196, 22;3, 224, 22! 1-231 antea. 



1757.] CAPTURE OF TEE EMERAUDE. 297 

this is the correct view to take of Thurot's conduct seems confinned by the facts of 
another action which he fought off Flushiug on 1st August, with the Seahorse, a 
24-gun frigate, carrying 9-pounders. After an engagement lasting three hours and a 
lialf, the Seahorse was almost dismantled and had eight men killed, and seventeen badly 
wounded. She was of much smaller force than either the Belleisle or the Chauvelin, 
and ought to have been captured. That she was not, was due not so much to her 
material strength as to the moral weakness of her opponents.'" 

The Southampton was afterwards attached to the grand fleet 
under Hawke's orders, and was sent to look into Brest. On 
September 21st, Gilchrist saw a ship in chase of him, and promptly- 
made sail towards her. The wind fell light, and it was not till the 
afternoon that the ships drew close together. The action which 
then took place was very bloody. The enemy lost sixty men killed 
and wounded, chiefly in an unavailing attempt to board, and the 
loss in the Southampton was twenty killed and thirty wounded. 
The Frenchman, having lost both her first and second captains, 
hauled down her colours, and was found to be the royal frigate 
Emeraude, 28. She was bought into the British Navy under 
the name of the Emerald. On November 23rd a night action was 
fought by the Hussar, 28, Captain John Elliot, and Dolpliin, 24, 
Captain Benjamin Marlow, with a French two-decked ship. Who 
the stranger was did not appear at the time, but the frigates so 
handled her that at the end of two hours she sank. None of her 
crew could be picked up. It was learned afterwards that she was 
the Alcion, 50. 

It has already been stated that Hawke and Boscawen cruised 
during the year to intercept M. Dubois de La Motte's squadron 
on its way home from Louisbourg,'"^ and that they failed to meet 
with it. Two only of the French ships, the frigates Bien Acquise, 36, 
and Hermione, 28, fell in with the British cruisers ; and they were 
taken possession of without difliculty. 

If 1758 was a year of great successes for the British Navy, it 
was nevertheless not without its disasters. The earliest of these, the 
loss of the Invincible, needs no further notice than it has already 
received,^ but the burning of the Prince George, 90, in the Bay 
of Biscay on April 13th, merits some detail of description.* A letter 
from the ship's chaplain gives a good account of the mishap, though 



^ J. K. Laughton : ' Studies in Naval History,' pp. 333-35. 

- See 13. 172 antea. 

^ See p. 182 antea. 

•* P. E. 0. Minutes of Courts-martial, vol. 38, May 10th, 1758. 



298 MINOR OPEBATIONS, 1714-1762. [1758. 

it does not suggest its cause. At half-past one in the afternoon 
word was passed that the fore part of the ship was on fire. The 
people assembled on the quarter deck ; it was ascertained that the fire 
had begun in the boatswain's storeroom, buckets were passed, and 
all possible measures were taken to get the flames under, but without 
effect. A considerable sea was running, and it was hoped that the 
opening of the lower deck ports would be of avail ; but even this 
was useless. Presently, although the magazine had been flooded, 
it appeared that there was no possible chance of saving the ship. 
The barge was, therefore, ordered to be got out, to put the Eear- 
Admiral, Thomas Broderick, in a place of safety. But he, seeing 
forty men in her, preferred to trust himself to the waves, and, after 
swimming about for an hour, was saved by a boat from one of the 
convoy. The captain, Joseph Peyton (1), was also picked up, as 
were most of the oflicers ; but, either by the over-setting of boats, 
or in the flames, no fewer than four hundred and eighty-five men 
perished as against two hundred and sixty who were saved. The 
merchantmen, it was complained, held aloof to windward ; and their 
boats were busier in salving gear than in saving lives. 

There were many prizes made during the year 1758, and, while as 
before a large proportion were heavily armed privateers, many were 
ships of war. On the North American station, the Boreas, Captain 
the Hon. Eobert Boyle, took the Diane, 36 ; and in European waters 
the Loire, 36, was taken by the St. Albans and Favourite, and the 
Base, 36, was driven ashore at Malta by the .Monmouth and Lyme, 
and was burnt where she lay. One of the most interesting of the 
actions was a brush between the Solehay, 28, Captain Robert Craig, 
and Dolpliin, 24, Captain Benjamin Marlow, and Thurot's ship, 
the Marechal de Belleisle, the armament of which he had 
increased to 44 guns by cutting a few extra ports on the lower 
deck. The vessel was thus no longer a frigate proper ; on the other 
hand she was not a two-decked ship at all comparable to the 
English 44's. Perhaps the only other instance of a ship being 
similarly armed is that of Paul Jones's Bonliomme Bicliard. In the 
Belleisle's case, however, the change seems to have been beneficial, 
and Thurot is credited with having made a number of prizes before 
he was brought to action by the Dolphin and Solehay on May 26tli. 
The Dolphin was first in action ; but, having the slings of her 
main-yard shot away, she dropped astern ; and the Solehay came 
up and in her turn occupied the Frenchman's attention while the 



1758.] CAPTURE OF THE BAISONNABLE. 299 

DoIphi)i was getting her main-yard up. In due time the Dolpliin 
again got close ; but, about three and a half hours from the 
beginning of the action, the Belle isle wore and made sail away. 
Both the British frigates were much damaged aloft, and, probably, 
even if they had not been they would have stood no chance against 
Thurot in sailing. The storj^ of Thurot's final cruise has been 
already told.-^ 

On May 29th the Baisonnahle, 64, then on her way to Louis- 
bourg, was sighted by Captain Edward Pratten, who, in the 
Intrepid, was cruising off the French coast with a small squadron. 
He detached the Dorsetshire, 70, Captain Peter Denis, and the 
Achilles, 60, Captain the Hon. Samuel Barrington, in chase. The 
Dorsetshire had beaten the enemy to a standstill before the Achilles 
came up, and had killed sixty-one Frenchmen and wounded one 
hundred more, while she herself had lost but fifteen killed and 
twenty wounded. The arrival of the Achilles settled the matter; 
and the prize, being a fine ship, was bought into the Boyal Navy. 

In July the Shrewsbury, 74, Captain Hugh Palliser, was detached 
by Anson, together with the Unicorn, 20, and Lizard, 28, to cruise 
as near Brest as possible and watch the French fleet in the road. 
On September 12th the British vessels sighted a fleet of coasters, 
which, under convoy of the Thetis and Calypso frigates, were 
working so close in shore that it was a matter of great difficulty 
to cut them off. Captain Brodrick Hartwell, in the Lizard, managed, 
nevertheless, to get between the frigates and part of the convoy, 
the result being that the Calyjjso was driven ashore and destroj^ed 
at the entrance to Audierne Bay, and that of the coasters many 
were either taken or destroyed. On October 2nd the Lizard did a 
further piece of service by capturing the Due d'Hanovre, privateer, 
14 ; and, a little later, the Torhay, Captain the Hon. Augustus 
Keppel, took the Rostan, a privateer of twenty-six guns and three 
hundred and twenty men. This prize was bought into the Royal 
Navy under the name of the Crescent. Beatson says ^ that the 
French concealed ninety men in her hold in the hopes of recapturing 
her from her prize crew, but that the people below betrayed them- 
selves too soon and were overpowered. 

In extra-European waters, the Winchelsea, 20, Captain John 
Hale, while on her way home from Carolina, w^as taken on 
October 11th by the Bizarre, 60. The Winchelsea attacked in 
1 See pp. 229-231 anfea. ^ Beatsou, ii. 191. 



300 MINOB OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1758-59. 

order to cover her convoy, and, till the Bizarre ran ont her lower 
deck gnns, did not realise the immense superiority of the enemy's 
force. AVhen she did so, she hauled her wind and tried to 
<>-et away ; but, as she was under a jury mainmast, she stood no 
chance of accomplishing her purpose, and, after a little firing, 
hauled down her colours. 

On the Jamaica station, in 1758, there was little for British 
cruisers to do save to cut up the enemy's commerce, and to capture 
his small privateers. The only action of any note was between the 
Dreadnought, 60, Captain Maurice Suckhng, and the Assistance, 50, 
Captain Eobert Wellard, on the one hand, and the Palmier, 74, 
which had previously taken the Storl', 10, on the other. On the 
morning of September 2nd, the British ships came up with the 
Frenchman off Port au Prince ; but, unfortunately, a calm prevented 
the Assistance from seconding her consort ; and the Palmier, having 
disabled the Dreadnought, made sail and escaped. On the Leeward 
Islands' station much the same state of affairs prevailed ; but, on 
November 3rd, Captain Kichard Tyrrell, in the Buckingham, 70,^ 
cruising off St. Eustatia to intercept a French convoy from 
Martinique, was sharply engaged with the Florissant, 74, which, 
with two frigates,- had charge of the merchantmen. The frigates 
took some part in the action, but were soon beaten off; and the 
ships of the line fought on from about three o'clock till dark. It 
was claimed that the Florissant struck ; and it is possible that she 
did so ; but the BucTxingham was much disabled,^ and the French- 
man, taking advantage of the fact, made sail away from her. 

The interest of 1759 was almost entirely confined to the actions 
of the main fleets ; and, although it was the decisive year of the war, 
there were few actions by detached cruisers. The first and most 
stubborn of these was fought between the Vestal, 32, Captain 
Samuel Hood (1), and the Bellone of equal force. The Vestal had 
been cruising for a year, chiefly in the Soundings, but, on 
February 12th, had sailed with Eear-Admiral Holmes for North 
America. On the 21st, being then in advance of the squadron, 
she sighted a sail ahead. It was soon seen that the stranger was 
un enemy ; and, signalling this fact to Holmes, Hood made sail 

' The Weazel, 14, being in conipauy. 
- Aigrette, 38, and Atalante, 28. 

^ She lost seven killed and forty-six wounded, among the latter being Captain 
Tvrrell, 



1759.] CAPTURE OF TEE BANAK 301 

in chase. The Rear-Admiral detached the Trent, 28, reputed to 
be a fine sailer, to support the Vestal ; but it may here be said that 
the Trent had no share at all in the engagement, she being still four 
miles astern when the enemy struck. The action lasted from two 
in the afternoon until six, when the Bellone had lost forty men 
in killed alone, and was totally dismasted. The Vestal ^ had only 
her lower masts standing. She returned to Spithead with her prize, 
which was bought into the Navy and renamed Repulse. 

On March 19th, the Isis, 50, Captain Edward Wheeler, and 
-Mollis, 32, Captain John ElHot, cruising off Isle Dieu, fought an 
engagement with four French frigates which were employed on 
convoy service. Only two of the enemy were closely engaged, 
and of these one, the Blonde, 32, escaped ; but the other, the 
Mignonne, 20, lost fifty-five killed and wounded out of a crew of 
one hundred and fifty, and was taken possession of. On the 
27th, the Windsor, 60, Captain Samuel Faulknor (2), took, off 
Lisbon, the French East Indiaman Due de Chartres, mounting 
twenty-four 12-prs., but pierced for sixty guns. There were four 
East India ships in company, but the other three made off'. 

On the following day there was fought a much more interesting 
little action. The Southampton, 32, Captain James Gilchrist, and 
Melampe, 24, Captain Wilham Hotham (1), cruising in the North 
Sea, fell in with and engaged two French frigates. The MelaiJipe 
fought them both for three-quarters of an hour before the 
Southampton could come up ; and she suffered so much aloft that 
she dropped astern. One of the French ships made sail away while 
the Southampton was engaging the other, and while the Melampe 
was refitting. When Hotham drew up again, the French ship 
struck. She proved to be the Danae, 40 ; and she had lost her 
captain, second captain, and about thirty men killed, besides a great 
number wounded. She was added to the Eoyal Navy as the Danae. 
Gilchrist was himself severely wounded by a grape shot, and lost 
the use of an arm. He was given a pension of s6300 a year for life, 
and could not be employed again ; but, a generation later, the martial 
ardour of his family again showed itself in the career of Thomas 
Cochrane, tenth Earl of Dundonald, a son of Gilchrist's sister. 

On April 4th, Captain the Hon. Samuel Barrington, in the 
Achilles, 60, took, to the westward of Cape Finisterre, the very large 
privateer, Comte de St. Florentine, also mounting sixty guns. This 
^ Whicli lost five killed aud tweutv wounded. 



302 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-17(32. [1759-60. 

prize, too, was bought into the Navy, as also was the Aretliuse, 36, 
which was taken by the Venus, 36, Captain Thomas Harrison (2), 
on the coast of Brittany on May 18th. 

AVhen M. de La Clue's fleet had been shattered and dispersed, 
the Souverain, 74, made for the Canaries, whence she returned to 
Kochefort. On her way thither she fell in on October 10th with the 
Hercules, 74, Captain Jervis Henry Porter, which engaged her in 
a running fight till the British ship fell astern owing to the loss 
of her maintopmast. Another French ship of the line, which was 
met with and brought to action during the j'ear 1759, was the 
Palmier, 74, which, having a frigate in company, fell in, when on 
her way home from the West Indies, with the Tliames, 32, and 
Coventrii, 28. The British frigates attacked her ; and as the sea 
was rough and she could not use her lower deck guns, they had her 
somewhat at a disadvantage. They shot away her foretopmast 
and did her other considerable damage, and, but for the assistance 
which her frigate was able to give her, would have stood some chance 
of taking her.^ As it was, they hung on to her in the hope of falling 
in with some other British cruiser, keeping out of gun-shot by day, 
and pouring in broadsides by night. They had not, however, the 
fortune to meet with a friend ; and, after a long chase, they had the 
mortification of seeing the Palmier run into Brest. 

In March, 1760, the French fitted out the Malicieuse, 32, and 
Opale, 32, in order to intercept the Portuguese trade, which, they had 
heard, was to be convoyed by a single sloop. Near the Bayona 
Islands '" they fell in with the Penguin, 20, Captain William Harris, 
which tried to get away, but which they overhauled and took. 
They judged her not worth keeping, set fire to her, and continued 
their cruise, till it was spoilt on April 4th by the Flamhorough , 20, 
Captain Archibald Kennedy,^ and Biddeford, 20, Captain Lancelot 
Skynner (1), which, though not powerful enough to take them, 
hung on to them in a most dogged manner and eventually put them 
to flight.* Meanwhile the convoy reached Lisbon in safety. Of 
other little successes in European waters, perhaps not the least 
complete was that of Captain the Hon. Augustus John Hervey 
of the Dragon, 74, who, while attached to Boscawen's fleet, on 

^ Beatson, ii. 351. 
2 P. Pv. 0. Courts-martial, vol. 40. 
* Later Earl of Cassilis. 

■* In this gallant action, both Captain Skynner and his lieutenant were mortally 
wounded, the latter surviving, however, until April 10th. 



1760.J ADVENTURES OF THE DIADEME. 303 

July l'2th, being then close in shore off Isle Groix, was fired on 
by a small fort. That evening he went ashore with his boats, 
surprised the guard, dismounted the guns of the battery, tumbled 
the pieces over the rocks, and eventually went off to his ship with 
the whole of the guard and with not a single man hurt/ 

Of Boscawen's cruisers, the Centaur, 74, which had been taken 
the year before in the action with M. de La Clue, fell in off Cape 
Finisterre with the VaUlant, 64, and Amethyst, 32, homeward 
bound from the West Indies. Deceived by her appearance they 
let her come close up ; and it was not till they saw that she was 
clearing for battle that they realised that she was no longer a 
French ship. They made all possible sail, and got away by night 
into Corunna. Another of Boscawen's cruisers, the Niger, 32, 
Captain John Albert Bentinck, fell in with the Diademe, 74, 
escorting store-ships to Martinique. For some days the frigate 
hung on to the Frenchman, both in the hope of cutting off some 
of the convoy, and of meeting a ship of the line that could deal 
with the seventy-four. In the course of her attempts on the 
convoy, she ventured close enough to be severely mauled, and so 
had to leave the enemy in order to make good her damages. A few 
days afterwards, the Diademe was sighted and chased by the 
ShreiDshurij, 74, Pallas, 36, and Argo, 28. The Shreivsburij sailed 
very badly, the Argo was busy with the convoy, and it was left 
to the Pallas, Captain Michael Clements, to attack single handed. 
She was but a frigate, and fought only in the hope of knocking 
away a spar or two and enabling the Shrewshurij to come up. 
Unfortunately she exposed herself to the enemy's broadside, and 
very soon had to be content to leave the big ship alone. This 
voyage of the Diademe bears a certain resemblance to the last cruise 
of the Glorioso. She was annoyed by frigates all along her route, 
and she ended with an affair with a heavy ship of the line. The 
Glorioso, of course, had been harder put to it, and was ultimately 
taken. The French ship . was more fortunate. The Boyal 
William, 80, which chased her at the conclusion of her voyage, 
had not time to come up with her before she found safety in 
Corunna. 

The loss of the Citmheriand, 56, Captain Eobert Kirk, which 
sank at her anchors near Goa, on the night of November 2nd, 1760, 
was adjudged to have " proceeded from her being entirely decayed, 
1 P. R. 0. Admiral's Dispatches, Channel, vol. 4, July 27th, 1760. 



304 MINOR OPERATIONS, 17U-1762. [1761. 

and not in a condition to have proceeded to sea." ^ There was 
nothing extraordinary in the loss of the ship, save that it resulted 
from the fact that she was one of the rather numerous vessels which 
were at the time kept on service when they ought to have been 
in the ship-breaker's yard. In many cases, no doubt, the fault lay 
with the Admiralty ; but it must be borne in mind that ships were 
not then built under . cover, and that the decay of vessels built 
in the open was often so irregular as to bafHe calculation. 

On January 8th, 1761, the Unicorn, 28, Captain Joseph Hunt, 
cruising off Penmarck, fought a sharp action with, and captured, 
the Vestale, 32, which later became the Flora in the British Navy. 
The captains of both ships were mortally wounded. On the 
following day the Unicorn chased, but could not come up with, 
the Aigrette, 32, and, on the 10th, saw her engage the SeaJwrse, 20, 
Captain James Smith, then carrying out astronomers to India 
to observe the transit of Venus. Again she tried to come up, 
but could fiot; and the Aigrette, having mauled the Seahorse'^ 
considerably, refused to be further detained and forced to fight 
at a disadvantage. 

In January, the Felicite, 32, left Cherbourg for Martinique ; 
but no sooner was she outside than she met the Biclimoncl, 32, 
Captain John Elphinstone (1). The ships sighted one another 
in the evening, but the action did not begin till half-past ten the 
next morning (January 24th), when they engaged broadside to 
broadside, standing in for the land. Still close together, they both 
ran ashore near Scheveningen, and continued serving their guns 
in that position. Presently the Biclimoncl floated, and was set 
to leeward by the tide. The Frenchmen seized their opportunity 
and escaped to the shore. They had lost very heavily, and their 
captain had been killed; but the casualties on board the Richmond 
amounted only to three killed and thirteen wounded. Next day, 
when the Felicite was boarded, the dispatches which she had been 
carrying to Martinique were found to be still in her. They were 
taken out, and the ship was set on fire. 

On the same day, but in the Mediterranean, the Waricich, the 
ex-British 60-gun ship, with, however, only thirty-four guns mounted, 
was attacked, while on her way to the East Indies, by Captain 

' P. Pu 0. Courts-martial, vol. 41. 

2 Which was, in consequence, obliged to return to port. When she sailed again she 
was commanded by Charles Cathcart Grant, Captain James Smith having been 
appointed to the Gtiernsey, 50. 



1761.] CAPTURE OF THE WARWICK. 305 

Alexander Arthur Hood in the Minerva, 32. The wind was fresh 
from, the east, and the sea was heavy. The enemy lost her mainmast 
and foretopmast, but Hood waited for her to come up again, and 
presently the ships fell foul of one another. The Minerva in turn 
lost her foremast and bowsprit, and fell astern ; but she cleared 
away the wreck very promptly, stood off to the Warwick and forced 
her to strike. The loss was curiously even, fourteen killed and 
thirty- two wounded in the Warivick as against fourteen killed and 
thirty -four wounded in the Minerva. No sooner had the Warwick 
struck, than the Minerva rolled away her remaining masts. The 
capture of the Brime, 36, a week later, in the Soundings, by the 
Venus and Juno, presented no unusual feature. She was added to 
the Navy. 

On March 9th, the Bipon, GO, Captain Edward Jekyll, one of 
Commodore Buckle's squadron off Brest, chased a French sixty-four 
and a frigate. They bore away from him, and during the night 
he lost sight of them ; but, on the following day, with a fresh breeze 
aft and a heavy sea, he overhauled a sixty-four, which proved to 
be the Acliille. The ships engaged at half -past nine at night yard- 
arm to yard-arm, running before the wind at a great rate ; and the 
Bijyon was half swamped by the water that came on board through 
her lower-deck ports, which could only be opened from time to time. 
To make matters worse, one of her lower-deck guns burst, killing 
and wounding many men and throwing the whole deck into 
confusion. After this all her mid-ship and forward ports on that 
deck were kept shut, yet she managed to shoot away the enemy's 
foreyard and foretopmast. The Bipon then came to the wind to 
wait for the Frenchman, and the enemy ran down under the stern 
of the British ship. Fortunately the Acliille was in such great 
confusion that she missed the opportunity of raking the Bipon. As 
soon as the Frenchman had passed to leeward, Jekyll gave orders 
to wear ship and follow her, but his rigging was so much cut that 
the manoeuvre took a long time, and when it was complete the 
enemy's lights were no longer visible. 

There were other single-ship actions at about the same time. 
On March 13th, 1761, the Vengeance, 26, Captain GamaHel Nightin- 
gale, took the Entreprenant, an armed ship of force equal if not 
superior to her own. On March 16th, the Bedford, 64, took the 
frigate Comete, 32, off Ushant ; and on April 3rd, the Hero and 
Venus took the Bertin, an East India ship pierced for sixty-fom- 

VOL. III. X 



306 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1761. 

guns, but then armed en fiilte and outward bound with soldiers on 
board. On April 1st, the Orifiamme, 40, really a 50-gun ship, 
was taken in the Mediterranean, after a short action, by the I sis, 50, 
whose captain, Edward Wheeler, was killed in the fight. Another 
easy capture was that of the Ste. Anne, a heavily-armed merchant- 
man, which was taken on the Jamaica station by the Centaur, 74, 
Captain Arthur Forrest, on June 5th. She was pierced for sixty- 
four guns, but had at the time only forty on board. When, 
however, she was added to our Navy, her full number of gnns 
was mounted. 

On July 14th, the Thunderer, 14, Captain Charles Proby, cruising 
with the Modeste, 64, Captain the Hon. Kobert Boyle Walsingham, 
Thetis, 32, Captain John Moutray, and Favourite, sloop, Commander 
Philemon Pownall, for the purpose of intercepting the Achille, 64, 
and Bouffonne, 32, which it was believed were ready to sail from 
Cadiz, discovered that those ships had slipped out of port. The 
squadron fell in with them, however, on the 16th, brought them 
to action on the 17th, and in due course took them both,^ the 
Achille being carried by a boarding party from the Thunderer, which 
had had a great part of her poop blown up by the bursting of an 
upper-deck gun. The Bouffonne struck to the Thetis. The Thunderer 
lost seventeen killed, and one hundred and fourteen, including 
Captain Proby, wounded, most of the casualties being due, however, 
to the accident to the gun. 

The most brilliant of the actions fought between cruising ships 
in 1761 remains to be described. On August 13th, i\ie Bellona, 74, 
Captain Kobert Faulknor (2), and the Brilliant, 36, Captain James 
Loggie, met the Courageux, 74, and the two 32-gun frigates, Malicieuse 
and Hermione, off Vigo. The meeting took place in the evening ; 
but it was bright moonlight, and the ships kept sight of each other 
till morning, when the enemy, who up to that time had been trying 
to escape, decided to engage. On the 13th, it had been believed that 
the British vessels were both ships of the line ; on the 14th, how- 
ever, the French commodore fell into the opposite error of taking 
the Bellona for a 50-gun ship. He signalled to the frigates to 
engage the Brilliant, while he himself closed with the Bellona. The 
Brilliant accepted her share with alacrity, and gave the frigates 
so much to do that they were unable to interfere in the combat 
between the seventy-fours, The duel between the Bellona and 

' Trovide denies it, i. 427. 



1761.] THE BELLONA AND THE COVRAGEUX. 307 

Coiirageux was fought out in a fine breeze and a smooth sea. The 
first broadside was fired from the Frenchman when the ships were 
within musket-shot ; and so good was the gunnery under the favour- 
able conditions that prevailed, that, in nine minutes from the start, 
the Bellona's mizen-mast went over the side and the rigging was 
so much cut that the ship became unmanageable. Faulknor was 
afraid that the enemy might get away, and promptly called for 
boarders ; but the Courageux sheered off, and the attempt had to 
be abandoned. With great difficulty, Faulknor managed to wear 
ship, a manoeuvre which brought him up on the Frenchman's 
starboard quarter. A few broadsides fired from his new position 
settled the fate of the day. The Courageux, much damaged, and 
with about two hundred men killed and another hundred wounded, 
struck, and was taken possession of. The frigates made sail away. 
The total duration of the action was no more than forty minutes. 
It was much the fashion to speak of the French as always firing 
at the rigging, and as seizing the earliest opportunity to escape. 
Certainly this is stated to have been the procedure in luany 
instances where the facts will not support such an assertion ; but 
in this case something of the sort does seem to have happened, 
owing partly no doubt to the enemy's having accepted battle 
through a misunderstanding of the force he had before him. It 
is not easy to suggest any other explanation for the condition of 
the Bellona, and for the Courageux, which lost more than three 
hundred men, having killed and wounded only four-and-thirty. 

The new year, 1762, opened with affairs in a peculiar condition. 
Great Britain was paramount at sea, whereas France was exhausted. 
There was, indeed, nothing new in this ; it had been the prevailing 
state of things since the action in Quiberon Bay. What was strange 
was that France, having received a new ally in virtue of the 
Family Compact, gained no real accession of force, although the 
Spaniards entered upon the war with a considerable number of 
ships. Why this happened was because, as has been already 
noticed, the French ports were so closely watched that nothing 
could get out without running the risk of immediate capture, and 
because the Spa,niards concentrated all their naval forces for the 
protection of their colonies and lost them, en masse, in distant seas. 
The result, as far as Spain was concerned, was, that she was 
hopelessly beaten without anything worthy the name of a naval 
battle having taken place in European waters. The French, too, 

X 2 



308 MINOR OPERATIONS, 1714-1762. [1762- 

were so utterty exhausted that there was not only no fleet action 
fought but also not even a ship of the line to be taken. 

Short accounts of a few frigate actions w^ll, therefore, finish the 
story. Captain Thomas Harrison (2), in the Venus, 36, had a large 
share of good fortune. On January 6th, he took, after a short action, 
the Boulogne, 20, on her homeward journey from the Isle of France, 
with a valuable cargo on board, and, amongst other passengers, the 
Comte d'Estaing. On March 17th, he took a 14-gun privateer out 
of San Sebastian ; on May 6th, he captm-ed another privateer of the 
same force out of Bayonne ; and on June 4th, a large Spanish 
privateer of sixteen guns, twenty swivels, from Bilbao, struck to him. 
These were by no means all the privateers he took, either Spanish 
or French, but the cases supply typical instances of the force of 
the ships he had to deal with. Another somewhat notable capture 
of a privateer was made on the night of March 7th. The 
Milford, 28, Captain Robert Mann, fell in with the Gloire, a French 
letter of marque, mounting sixteen 6-prs., besides swivels, and bound 
to San Domingo, and took her after a sharp action. The Milford 
lost only four killed and thirteen wounded, but among the former 
were Captain Eobert Mann,^ and his first lieutenant. The richest 
capture of the war was made by the Active, Captain Herbert 
Sawyer (1), and the Favourite, sloop, Commander Philemon 
Pownall, two of Sir Piercy Brett's cruisers, which, on May 21st, 
intercepted the register-ship Hermione, bound from Lima for Cadiz. 
The summons to surrender was the first intimation to the Spaniards 
that war had broken out ; there was no resistance whatsoever ; and 
in this easy manner did treasure to the value of about half a million 
pass into British hands. On the Jamaica station, the Fotvey, 24, 
(9-prs.), Captain Joseph Mead, fell in, off Cape Tiberon, with the 
Spanish royal frigate Ventura, 26 (12-prs.), and fought her for an 
hour and a half, when the ships separated, much damaged. On the 
following morning the action was resumed with vigour, and 
contmued till the Ventura struck. The Foivey lost ten killed 
and twenty-four wounded, and the Ventura, forty in killed alone. 

On August 18th, the Bochester, cruising in the Channel, in 
conjpany with the Maidstone and Beiiommee, took the Guirlande, 26, 
a French frigate ; and on September 1st, the Lion, 60, one of a small 

* Commander, 1756 ; Captam, 1757. His name is very cousisteiitly spelt Mann in the 
Navy Lists of the period, whereas that of his contemporary Eobert Man (2), presently 
to be mentioned, who died an Admiral in 1783, is spelt with one n only. — W. L. C. 



1762.] 



CONCLUSION OF THE SEVEN YEARS' WAB. 



309 



squadron detached, under Commodore Eobert Man (2), by Hawke 
to cruise off Brest, took the Zephyr, 32, which had, however, only 
twenty-six guns mounted, and which was then carrying troops and 
stores to Newfoundland. The last capture made from the French 
during the war was that of the Oiseau, 26, which struck to the 
Brime, 32, Captain George Anthony Tonyn, in the Mediterranean, 
on October 23rd. 



J^*"*^ 




fe'H'^^ 



( 310 ) 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTERS XXVII. AND XXVIII. 



LOSSES OF THE BELLIGERENT POWERS. 
L. Carr Laughtox. 



Note. — These lists, like tanse ou p. 535 et seq. of Vol. II., are tentative ; but they are not so meagre a< the lis-ts given by 
the best-kno'nu historians of the period, eg., Charnock, Peatson, and Troude. Those authorities liave been 
largely checked by reference to Captains' Letters, Muster Books, Minutes of Courts-Martial, and i ther papers 
i f like nature , but it is an almost impossible ta,-k to ensure completeness. 



(a.) LOSSES OF H.M. SHIPS FROM 171-i TO 1763. 




Year. 



1716 Nov. 10 1 



1717 
1719 



1720 



.Tan. 29 

Keb. 14 

.Mar. 28 

Nov. 24 



1721 

i Dec. 7 
1722 April 15 



10 



1724 ? 
1729 Nov. 
1736 Dec. 

1740 Jan. ? 

1741 I J«n. 13 

JIar. 
Apr. 16 
May 14 

I Aug. 

Oct. 4 



1742 



Jan. 12 
.June 14 
Aug. 15 
Sept. 21 



1743 



1744 



Auguste . 
Hazardous 
Sorlings . 
Crown 
Burf'jrd . 
Blandford 

Monc'c 



Milford . . 
Royal Anne . 
Hind . 
Oreyhound . 
Betlford . 
Cruiser (prizj) 
P.oyal Anne, galley 
Princess Louisa, 
Triumph, (prize) 
Otter . . . 
Wolf . . . 
Galicia (prize) 
Wager . . 



Anna (pink) . 
Tryal (brig-slooij) 



Jan. 
Feb. 11 
May 8 
Summer 


»» 




)» 




Oct. 


5 




20 




»» 




>* 



Tiger ... 

Duke (J. s.) . 
Gloucester 
Tilbury . 
Drake . . 
Grampus . 
Saltash . 
Looe . 
Astnra, s.s. . 
Orford 

Anne daltey, f.s. 
Northumherlani 
Solebay . 
Sea ford . 
Grampus . 

Victory . 



«. Albans . 
Greenwich . 
honetta . 
Thunder, boml) 
Lark (hulk) . 
Colchester 
Hornet 



Guns. [^ 



Commander. 
Lost his life on the 
occasion.] 



60 Capt. Robert Johnson. 



42 
50 
70 



50 

20 
40 



tl4 
70 
28 

f St. 

I sh. 
14 

50 
S 

50 

60 
tl4 
tl4 
tl4 

44 

70 
8 

70 
20 
20 
16 

IfO 

50 

50 

14 

8 



50 
14 



,, John Roberts. 
„ Charles Vanbrugh. 
*Capt. Erasmus I'hillips. 

;, Hon. George Clinton. 



*Ci'pt. John Furzer. 



*Capt. Francis Willis. 



20 
20 
12 

40 I 
18 i 
8 : Com. John Gage. 



Fate. 



Capt. Daniel Hoare. 
,, David Cheap. 



Com. Charles Saunders. 

Capt. Edw. Herbert (1). 
Com. Smith Callis. 
Capt. Matthew Michell. 
,, Peter Lawrence. 



Com. Peter Toms. 

Capt. Ashby Utting. 

Com. R' bert Swantou. 

Capt. Perry Ma>nc. 

*Com. Mackie. 

*Capt. Thomas Watson (1). 
,, '1 homas Bury (1). 
,, Thomas Pye. 

Com. Richard Collins (1). 
f*Ad. Sir John Balchen. 
l*Capt. Samuel Faulkuor(l). 
*C pt. William Kniglit. 
*Capt. Edward Allen. 
*Com. William Lei. 

Com. Thomas Gregory (2). 

Capt. ."-ir Wm. Hewett, Et. 



Wrecked in the Baltic. 

Lost at sea. 

Lost. 

Lost at entrance of Tagus. 

Lost in the Mediterranean. 

Foundered in the Bay. 
fLost in Yarmouth Roads. 
(Crew saved. 

Lost. 

Lott. 

Wrecked off Guernsey. 

Taken by guarda costas : reston d. 

Sunk. 

Lost. 

Fonnf'ered off the Lizard. 

Lost (ex-Lauvceston). 

Foundered off Sambala Keys. 

A\' recked in the South Seas. 

AV recked on coast of Florida. 

Burnt as useless at Cartagena. 

^Vrecked in the South Seas. 

{Broken up at Juan Fernandez. 



Scuttled by order. 

Wrecked on a key near Tortuga. 

E.xpended at .St. Tropez. 

Burnt liy onier in tlie Soutli Sfas. 

Accidiutally Ijurut in \V. Indies. 

Lost in I he Channel (?). 

Lost. 
i Lost in the ^V. Indies. 

Lost in America. 

Accidentally burnt at Piscataciu:). 

\Vrecked in Gulf of Mexico. 
' Expended off Toulon. 
I Taken by tlie French. 

Taken bj' the French ; rctak' u. 

JTaken by the French. 
(Lost in tl e Cliaunel. 



Uv' recked in a hurricane at Jamaica. 

AV'recked on the Kentisli Knoi k. 
Taken by the French ; retaken. 



11 of as carrying 14 guns. Sometimes, however, they are credited with 20, sometimes 
,s to be tha' they often carried 8 guns and 12 swivels or patercroes ; thus the 14 would 



t These sloops are usually spoke 

with only 8. 'I he explanation seem ...._, ^ . 

he arrived at by rating a swivel conventionally as half a gun. But in reality their armament was rather haphazard. 



LOSSES OF H.M. SHIPS FROM 17U TO 1763. 



311 













Commander. 




Year. 


Date. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


[* Lost his life ou the 


Fate. 












occasion.] 




1744 






t'walloiv 


16 




"^Vrtcked. 








Salisbury. . . 




50 




Taken by the French ; retaken. 


1745 


Feb. 


16 


Weymouth . . 




60 


Capt. Warwick Calmady. 


^\■l■e^kell in Leeward Islands. 




Mar. 


28 


Anglesey . . . 




44 


* ,, Jacob Elton. 


Taken by Apullon, 50. 




Juue 




Blandford . . 




20 


,, Edward Dodd. 


Taken by French in \\'. Indies. 




Nov. 


14 


Fox .... 




! 20 


* ,, Edmund Beavor. 


Foniidpved off" Oniiliir • all lost 








Lyme . . . ' . 




20 


L t^UlJl.tCldl Lfll UKAliUiXl , it.ll iUBv. 

Foundered in the Atlantic 








Mercury. . . 




14 




XVUllLlCld* 111 lillC -rtl'lOllljiV. 

Taken by the French. 








Wolf : . . . 




]4 


Com. George Vachell. 


Taken by the French ; retaken. 








Fame .... 




14 




Foundered. 








Sapphire's Prize 




14 




^Vrecked. 








Hazard . . . 




12 




Taken by the rebels ; retaken. 








Mediator . . . 




10 




Sunk. 








Blast, bomb . . 
Achilles . . . 




8 
8 




JTakeu by two Spaniards near Jamaica. 








Falcon 




8 




Taken by the Freucii. 


1746 


Oct. 


19 


Severn. . . . 




50 


Capt. William Litle. 


Taken by M. de Conflans ; retaken 1747. 




Dec. 




Hornet . . 




14 




Taken by the French. 








Albany . . . 




14 


Com. Stephen Colby. 


Taken by the French. 








Saltash 




14 




AVrecked in the Channel. 








Lightning, bomb 




8 


„ William JIartin (2). 


Capsized near Leghoiii ; 45 drowned. 








Louishourg, f.s. . 




8 




Taken by the Hrench. 


1747 


July 


7 


Maidstone . . 




' 50 


Capt. Hon. AugustusKeppel 


Wrecked on Belle Isle. 




Sept. 




Whitehaven, armed 


sp. 


14 


Com. Carr Scrope. 


Burnt by accident off Irish coast. 




Oct. 


8 


Dartmouth . . 




50 


*Capt. James Hamilton (2). 


Blown up in action with Gloiioso. 


1748 






Fowey, . . . 




1 20 
' 14 


,, Francis William Drake 


Wrecked in G. of Floiida. 




Savage . . . 




Wrecked on the Lizard. 


1749 


Jau. 




Wolf .... 




14 


*Com. George Vachell. 
jR.-Ad. Hon. Edward Bos- 


AVrecked off Ireland. 








1 




April 


12 


JVamur . . . 




74 


< cawen. 

[Capt. Samuel Marshall (1). 


IWrecked in E. Indies ; 600 lost. 




j> 


)5 


Apollo, bosp. .sh. 




18 




Wrecked iu E. Indies. 




,, 


13 


Pembroke . . 




eo 


* ,, Thomas Finch er. 


Wrecked in E. Indies ; 330 lost. 


1755 


Juue 
Aug. 


13 


Mars .... 




64 
20 


,, John Amherst. 
„ Richard \Vatkins. 


AV recked at Halifa.x. 




Blandford . . 




'Taken off Brest ; restored. 


1756 ! Mar. 


11 


Warwick . . . 




60 


,, Molyneux Shuldham. 


Taken at Martinique. 


1 




Adventure . 




6 


Lieut. James Orrok. 


Taken by privateer Infernal. 








Oswego . . . 
Ontario . 




sloop 
sloop 




|Surrendered at Oswego. 


1757 


Mar. 


18 


Greenwich . 




50 


Capt. Robert Roddam. 


Taken in W. Indies. 




April 


19 


Merlin . . . 




10 


Com. John Clelaud (1). 


Taken off Brest ; retaken. 




Sept. 


24 


Tilbury . . . 
Ferret . . . 




60 
10 


*Capt. Henry Barns'ey. 
*Com. Arthur Upton. 


\Lost in a hurricane off Louisbourg. 


1758 


Feb. 


19 


Invincible 




74 


Ccipt. John Bentley. 


Lost near St. Helen's. 




April 


13 


Prince Georf,e . 




90 


fR.-Ad. Thomas Broderick. 
ICapt. Joseph Peyton (1). 


J Burnt at sea ; 485 lost. 




}» 


28 


Triton. . . . 




24 
24 


„ John Stanton. 
,, Thomas Manning. 


{Destroyed iu the E. Indies. 




Bridgewater . . 






»» 


29 


London (buss") . 








Wrecked in R. Senegal. 




Aug. 
Oct. 


11 


Stork . . . . 




10 
20 


,, William Tucker. 
,, John Hale. 


Taken iu W. Indies. 




Winchelsea . . 




Taken by French ; retaken. 




Nov. 


29 


Lichfield . 




50 


,, Matthew I'ai-ton. 


Wrecked on African coast ; 130 lost. 


1759 


May 




Tartar's Prize . 




24 


„ 'Jhomas Baillie (1). 


Sprang a plank iu Mediterranean. 




Nov. 


20 
21 


Resolution . . 
Essex .... 




74 
64 


,, H(nry Speke. 
„ Lucius O'Brien. 


jWrecked on Fom- Bank in Quiberon Bay. 








Mermaid . . . 




20 


, , James Hackm n. 


AVrecked among the Bahamas. 








Haivke . . . 




12 




Taken off C. Clear ; retaken 1761. 








Falcon (bomli) . 




8 


Com. Mark Robinson (1). 


AVrecked on the Saintes, Guadeloupe. 


1760 


Feb. 


15 


Ramillics. . 




90 


*Copt. Wittewronge Taylor. 


"Wrecked on Bolt Head. 




Mar. 


28 


Penguin . 




1 20 


,, William Harris. 


Taken and burnt. 




May 


17 


Lowestoft . . . 




28 


,, Joseph Deane. 


V\ recked in the St. Lawrence. 




»> 




Virgin . . 




i 12 


Com. Edward St. Loe (2). 


Taken by French ; retaken, .Sept. 




Oct. 


4 


Harwich . . . 




50 


Capt. \Villiam Marsh. 


AN'recked on the Isle of Pines. 




*f 




Griffin . . . 




20 


„ Thomas Taylor (1). 


Wrecked lu ar Barbuda. 




Nov. 


2 


Cumberland . . 




56 


,, Robert Kirk. 


Foundered near Goa. 








Lyme .... 




28 
20 
70 


, , Sir Edward V( rnon (2) 
,, John Elphinstone (1) 


Wrecked in North Sea. 




Eurus. 




Wrecked in St. Lawrence. 




Conqueror . . 




Wrecked on St. Nicholas Island. 








Newcastle. . . . 
Queenhorough . . 




EO 

20 


„ Digby Pent (3). 


1 Lost in a hurricane off Pondii berry ; 
( crews saved. 


1761 


Jau. 


1 


Protector, f.s. . . 
Due d'Aquitaine 




64 


* „ Sir William Hewitt, Bt. 


1 Lost in a hurricane off Pondicherry ; 








Sunderland . . . 
,Z>«i-e (store-ship 1 . 




60 
10 


* „ Hon. James Colville. 


( crews lost. 




Mar. 




Pheasant (cutter) . 




16 


f *Com. Bartholomew (.?) Nel- 
i son. 


Foundered iu the Channel. 




April 


4 


Speedwell. . . . 




10 


Lieut. James Allen. 


Taken at Vigo by AchilU: 




Dec. 


30 


Biddeford . . . 




20 


*Capt. Thomas Gordon (2). 


Wreiked ne:ir Fiamborough Head. 


1762 


Feb. 




Raisonnable . . . 




64 


,, Jlolyneux Shuldham. 


Lost at ^lartinique. 








Epreuve .... 




14 


Com. Peter Blake. 


Lost iu returning from South Carolina. 








Savage .... 




9 




Lost in Torbay. 



312 



APPENDIX. 

















Commauiier. 




Year. 


Date. 


Ships. 


Guns. 


[ ' Lo^t his life ou the 
occasion.] 


Fate. 


1762 


May 


Hussar 


28 


Capt. Eobert Carkett. 


Lost in the ^\'. Indies. 




July 2t 


Chesterfield . 








40 




I>ost ill Old Strait of Bahama. 




Sov. 29 


Marlborough . 








70 


„ Thomas Burnett. 


) Founders d ou passage home from 




Dec. 18 


Temple 

Southsea Castle 
/lumber . . 
Gramont . 
Scorpion . 
Perei/rine 








70 
40 
40 
!.>< 
16 
16 


,, Thomas Collingwuod. 
,, AVilliam Newsom. 
,, Richard Ouslow. 
Com. Patrick Mouat. 

*Com. Edward Knowles. 


i Havana. 
Lost at ilauilla. 
Lost on llazeboro' Sands. 
Taken at St.,Johii's,Xewfoundland. 
Lost ill Irish Sea. 
Fouuiiered on waj' to AV. Indies. 


li63 


Jau. 


San f.eiiaro . 








60 




AVretked in tlie Downs. 






Basilisk (bomb^ 






s 


Com. Lowfleld. 


Taken by Audacieux, privateer. 



(b.) LOSSES OF THE FRENCH XAYY, 1744-48, 1755-62. 



''OTE. — French East ludiameu, if serving with, or in lieu of ships of, the French Navy, are, in a few instances, 

included below. 



Year. 



Hat.- 



.Ships 



1744 ' Apr, 

1745 I Jan. 



1746 



4 
10 
Feb. 20 
Mar. 26 
May 19 
Feb. 
Apr. 
Aug. 



9 
4 
4 
4 

n 

14 
Nov. 19 



Oct. 



1717 May 



3 
3 
3 
3 
3 
3 

June 21 
Sept. 13 





Oct. 
>» 


14 
M 
14 
14 
14 
14 




i> 


14 


1748 


Jan. 


31 


1755 


June 


8 




Nov. 


13 


1756 


Mar. 






July 


12 


1757 


May 


14 
30 




."^ept. 


21 




Nov. 


23 




»» 






.Autumn 



Medee 

Fleuron .... 
Elephant .... 
Panthere . 
Vigilante. 

Auguste .... 
Volage .... 
Mercure (en flflte) . 

Ferme 

Mars 

Ducd'Orleans* . . 
Subtile .... 
Ardent .... 
Casaubon. . . . 
Parfait .... 
Embuscade . 

Fine 

Flore 

Maligne (si lop) . . 
Invincible 
Serieux .... 
Diaviant .... 

Jason 

Gloire 

Pubis (flilte) . . . 

Etoile . . . . . 

Kenommce 

Monarque 

Terrible .... 

Neptune .... 

Fuugueux 

Trident .... 

Secerne .... 

Castor 

Bellone .... 

Lys 

Magnanime . 
Lys (en flute) 

Alcide 

Esperance (en flute) 

Chariot Hoyal . 

Arc en Ciel . 

Aquilon .... 

Dae d'Aquitaine 

Emeraude 

Alcion .... 

liien Acquise. 

Hermione 

Merlin .... 



Guns. 



Fate. 



26 
64 
20 
26 
64 
50 
32 
56 
54 
64 
30 
26 
64 
60 
54 
40 
30 
24 
.' >* 
74 
64 
52 
50 
40 
26 
46 
32 
74 
74 
70 
64 
«4 
50 
28 
36 
26 
74 
64 
64 
74 
36 
50 
50 
50 
28 
50 
36 
'1* 
lc> 



Renamed Intrepid. 
Renamed Isis. 



Taken by Dreadnoupht and Gi'ampus. 

Accidentally burnt at Brest. 

Taken by Chester and Sunderland. 

Taken by V.-Adm. Martin in the Channel. 

Taken by Commodore Warren at Louisbourg. 

Taken by Portland, lienamed Portland's Prize. 

Taken ; retaken next tlay. 

Taken by Namur. 

Taken by Pembroke. 

Talien by yoltingham. 

AVrecked in E. Indies. 

Taken b.y Portland. Renamed Amazon. 

Captured and burnt. 

JAccidentally burnt at Chcbucto. 

Taken by Defiance. 

Wrecked at ^lontl■ose. 

Taken by Greyhound, privateer. 

Taken. 

Taken by Anson. 

Taken by Anson. 

Taken by Anson. 

Taken by Anson. 

Taken by Anson. 

Taken by Anson. 

Destroyed by Warren. 

Taken by li"ver. 

Taken by Ilawke. 

Taken by Ilawlce. 

Taken by Hawke. 

Taken by Hawke. 

Talceii liy Hawke. 

T'aken Ijy Haw ke. 

Taken by Ilawke. 

Taken. 

Taken. 

Taken by yottin(/ham and Portland. 

(Taken off Louisbourg. 

Taken and burnt. 

Taken Ijy Lichfield and Xorwich. 

Taken by Torbay. 

Destroyed by Antelope. 

Taken by Eagle and Medway. 

Taken by Southampton. 

Sunk by Hussar and Dolphin. 

Taken. 

Taken. 

Retaken 1)V Lancaster and Dunkirk. 



* Ideally a ship of the East India Company, but was serving with the tieet. 



LOSSIJS OF TEE FRENCH NAVY, 1744-1762. 



313 



Year. 



Date. 



1T57 



1758 



Feb. 28 

., 2S 

„ 28 

Apr. 7 

„ 30 

May 29 




Ships. 



1759 



1760 



1761 



1762 



Aug. 
Feb. 21 



Mar. 
>> 

May 

Aug. 


19 
27 
28 
18 
13 
16 


" 


18 


Nov. 20-/ 
22 \ 


May 


 6( 


July 


i 


Sept. 




Oct. 


"! 


>} 


19 


»> 


I 


Jan. 


8 


,, 


-1 


Mar. 

Apr. 


30 

16 

1 

3 


>> 




June 


5 


July 


17| 


Aug. 


13 


Aug. 
Sept. 
Oct. 


18 

1 

15 



Xymplie 

Escarboucle .... 

A bloop 

Foudruyant .... 
Orijlammc 

Orphce 

Galatee ..... 
Bien Aime .... 

Diane 

Raisonnable .... 

Echo 

Apollon 

cite ere 

Biche ... . . 

Fidtle 

Guirlande 
Entreprenant 
Capricieux\ j, - 

Prudent 

Bienfaisant . . . . 
Rhinoceros . . . . 

Calypso 

Due d'Manovre . . . 
Belliqueux . . . . 
Opinidtre . . . . 

Outarde 

Greenwich . . . . 
Robuste (en flute) . . 

Loire 

Rose 

4 ships building . . . 

Bellone 

Mignonne . . . . 
Due de Chartres . 

Daiiae 

Arelhuse 

Berkeley 

Hermione 

Ocean 

Bedoutahle . . . . 
Temeraire . . . . 

Centaure 

Modeste 

!<oleil Royal . . . . 
ForiiiMahle . . . . 

Heros 

Thesee . . • . 

Stiperbe 

Juste 

Jnjiexiblc 

Pi/mone . 

Atalante 

MachauU . . . . 
Bienfaisant . 
Marquis de Alarloze 
Vierge (e.K Virgin) . . 
Sirine. . . . . 

Prince Edouard 

Valeur 

Fleur-de-Lys 
Sermione . . . . 

Baleiue 

Epi'euce 

Vestale 

Felicite .... 
Warwick (en ilute 3i) , 

Brune 

Comete 

Orijiamme (en fliite") 
Bertin (eu flute 28) 
Faisan . . . . . 



Ste. Anne (en flute 40) , 

Bo'iffonne . . . . 

Aehille 

Courageux . . . . 

Aniinone 

Sardoine 

Leopard 

Guirlande ... 

Zephyr 

Crnzon (schooner) . 



36 
16 
16 
80 
50 
64 
22 
58 
36 
64 
26 
50 
16 
16 
26 
24 
74 
64 
64 
74 
64 
36 



14 
64 
64 
44 
50 
74 
44 
36 

32 
20 
60 
46 
36 
20 
26 
80 
74 
74 
74 
64 
80 
80 
74 
74 
70 
70 
H4 
36 
32 
32 
22 
16 
12 
32 
32 
20 
32 
36 
32 
14 
32 

60 
32 
32 

50 
64 
16 

64 

32 
62 

74 
14 
14 
60 
26 
26 
6 



Fate. 



Destroyed at Majorca. 

Taken b}' fsis. 

Taken by Phcenix, iirivateer. 

Taken by Muniiioutli. 

Destroyed by Monarch and Montugii. 

'laken by Revenge and Berwick. 

Taktn by E.^sex and Pluto. 

VVreckeii in E. Indies. 

Taken by Boreas. 

Taken by Dor.'-etshire and AchiUes. 

Taken by Juno. 

>Sunk by French at Louisboui'g. 

Taken by Rochester and Renown. 
VBunit by accident at Louisbourg. 

[Cut out by boats at Louisbourg. 

Taken and burnt by Jsis. 

Driven ashore and destroyed in Audierne Bay. 

Taken by Lizard oft' Brest. 

Taken by Antelope off llfracombe. 

-Wrecked near Brest. 

Taken by Alcide and Acta'on. 

Taken by St. Albans in Mediterranean. 

Destroyed at Malta by Monmouth. 

Burned at >St. Servand. 

Taken by Vestal. 

Taken by .Eolus and Isis. 

Taken by Windsor. 

Taken by Southampton and Melavipe. 

Taken by Chatham, Venus and Tluxmes. 

Taken by Crescent. 

Taken by Cotea at Jamaica. 

lOestroyed by Boscawen. 

I Taken by Boscawen. 

Destroyed by Boscawen. 
Burnt by Hawlce. 
Taken by Hawke. 
Taken and burnt by Hawke. 
Sunk by Hawicc 
Sunk by Hawke. 
Wrecked at mouth of Loire. 
Wrecked in Yilaiue. 

[Destroyed at Quebec by Swauton. 

[■Destroyed at Chaleur Bay by Byron. 

Retaken by Temple and Griffin 
Taken by Boreas. 
Destroyed by Holmes. 
Taken by Lively. 
Destroyed by Holmes. 

|Cut out at Poudicherry. 

Taken by Xiyer. 

Taken by Unicorn. 

Taken and destroyed by Richmond. 

Taken by Miner ca. 

Taken by Venus and Juno. 

Taken by Bedford. 

Taken by Isis. 

Taken by Bero and Venus. 

Taken by Albany. 

/Taken by Admiral Holmes's squadron on 
( Jam lica station. 

Taken by Thetis and Modeste. 

Taken by Thunderer. 

Taken by Bellona. 
JTaken by Mars and Oxford in Bay of Biscay. 

Burnt at Quebec with plague on board. 

Taken. 

Taken by Lion. 

Taken by Venus. 



314 



APFENDIX. 



Year. 



Date. 



1762 




Ships. 



Oiseau 
Opale . 
Ecureuil . 
Dragon 
Juntn. 
ffermione. 
Zenobie . 
Mtitine 
Minerve . 
Aigle . 



Guns. 


Fate. 


26 


Taken by Krune. 


2n 


Taken by Phanix. 


10 


Taken by Fame and Lion. 


64 


Lost at Cape Frangois. 


40 


Lost off .Mahon. 


32 


Lost coming out of Dimqiievque. 


26 


[,ost off Portland. 


24 


Lost on the Doggersbank. 


24 


Lost near Villa Franca. 


50 


Lost in Strait of Belle Isle. 



(c.) LOSSES OF THE SPANISH NAVY, 1718-19, 1739-18, 1762. 



XoTE. — It is possible that a few of the small craft mentioned may have belonged to the Caraccas Company. 



Itl8 I Aug. 11 



Aug. ll{ 



An 



Aug. 



g. ll'^ 



Aug. li{ 



1719 

.Jan. '. 6 

1727 Mar. 11 

1739 Dec. 6 



Xov. 23{ 



174;o Apr. S 

„ 2« 

Oct. 23 
1741 Feb. 

Mar. ? 6 



25 



] etc. 

,, 30 
Aug. 

1742 Feb. 

.Iiiue 1) 



? I7f2 
? 1742 
? 174i 



Real San Ftlipe. 
Principe de Asturias 
San Cat los . 
Santa Isabtla . 
Santa Rosa . 
Vol ante .... 

Juno 

Real 

San Isidvro 

Sorpresa .... 

Aguila .... 

A 4th rate . . . 

Esperanga . 

A 4th rate . . . 

iS. J van Menor . 

ffermione 

Conde de Toidouse . 

San Fernando . 

Tigre . . . 

2 bombs .... 

1 bomb .... 

1 fireship .... 

4 stureships . 

1 settee .... 
Santa Rosalia . . 
San Pedro . 

A frigate .... 
.V. S. del Fosario . 

2 storeships . . 
Astraia .... 
Triunfo .... 
Princesa ... 

1 sloop* . . 

2 storeships . 
Guipnscoa 
ffermione. 

1 patacbe 
Galicia 
San Carlos 
Africa ... 
Conquistador 
San Felipe . 
Dragon .... 
1 frigate* .... 

Fuerte .... 



San Juan 

Santa Teresa 

Sledad ^galleys. 

San Felipe 

S. Genaro 

Invencibile .... 

,5?. Juan i:autistn (3r) nieu)t . 

San Joaquin (IIO men)! . 

San Jcse (32 men)t 



74 
70 
6U 
60 
60 
44 
36 
60 
46 
36 
24 
54 
46 
44 
20 
44 
30 

to 

26 
10 
10 



64 
60 

46 

20 
20 
64 

8 



74 
54 
20 
70 
70 
60 

to 

80 
60 
24 

60 



70 



-Taken by Bjnig in the battle cff C. pe Passaro. 



> Taken by Walton's divijion. 

Burnt after capture. 
Burnt bv Mari. 
Burnt. 
Taken. 

Burnt at Messina. 
Taken at Messina. 
Sunk at Messina. 
Taken. 

Burnt by Mari. 
Taken by Walton's divisim. 
Burnt by Mari. 
Taken. 
Burnt. 

Driven ashore. 
Lost in Fay of 'I'aranto. 
J'aken by Royal Oak. 
Taken by Royal Oak. 
Taken by Slieerness. 



Taken at Puerto Eello. 



Taken by Kent, Lenox and Orford. 
Taken near St. Augustine by Squirrel. 
Taken liy Diamond. 
Lost off Saut.i Martha. 
Founilered at sea. 
Broken up :it St. Catherine's. 
Taken at Cartagi ua ; afterwards biuiit. 
Scuttled at Cartiigeni by Spaniards. 
Scuttled at Cartagena by Spaniards. 
Scuttled at Cartagena by Spaniards. 
Bunit fit Carfcigena liy Spaniards. 
Burnt at Cart: gena by Spaniards. 
Taken by Worcester. 

(Wrecked while trying to take the fhiii's cumpany 
I i>f the Tiger. 



}Buri.t at St. 'I ropez. 



Burnt at Havana. 
iTaken or destroyed. 



• These may perhaps be identified with some of the ships m which head-money was paiil in 1746, and 
which are given at the end of tlie losses fur 1742. 

+ 1 he only record of these ships is that they were meu-of-war taken or destroyed, but not at Puerto Belli i in- 
Cartagena. Head-money was being paid for them in 1746, at the same time as for the Princesa and other ships 
taken before 1742 ; hence it may be inferred that their loss was prior to the earlier date. See note * above. 



LOSSES OF THE SPANISH NAVY, 1718-1762. 



315 



Year. 1 Date. 



Ships. 



1743 

1Y44 

1745 
1746 
1747 
1748 

1762 



June 20 
Feb. 11 



Oct. 9 

Oct. 1 

3 

May 28 

,, 28 

„ 28 

June 3 



Aug. 13 



Aug. 
Oct. 31 



(V. S. lie Cabadcnra* . 

S. Isidoro 

Poder . . . 

Conde de Chincan . 
Cumefcidn (treasure ship) 
Forte de Nantz (?) . . 

OlorviSO 

Ccnrjuistador . . . . 

Africa 

Finix, f.s 

Venganza 

Marte 

Thetis 

Neptuno 

Asia 

Eurofa 



/ Tigre 



Beina. 
Sohercino .... 
Infante .... 
Aquildn .... 
America, 
('onquistadf.r 
yan Genaro . 
San Anto7iio . 
•I ships (building) . 
Santisimn Trin idad 
\'entiirii 



Guns. 

56 
70 
CO 

24 

32 
74 
64 
70 
18 
24 
18 
22 
70 
64 
60 
70 
70 
70 
70 
70 
60 
60 
60 
60 

22 
26 



Fate. 



Taken by Centurion. 

Burnt at Ajaccio. 

TaUeu by Berwick ; afterwards burnt. 

Taken by Ripon in W . Indies. 

Taken by Rose. 

Taken. 

Taken by Russell. 

Taken by Kuowles iu "SV. Indies. 

Burnt by Knowles iu \\'. Indies. 

Taken by Alarm. 

Taken by Defavce. 

Taken by Defiance. 

Tat en liy Alarm. 

>Sunk at the eutrai ce to Havana. 



Surrendered w ith Havana. 



Destroyed at Havana. 
Tai-enat Manilla. 
Taken bv the Fuirrii . 



* ^ot a man-of-war. 




( 31(J ) 




CHAPTEE XXIX. 

voyages and discoveeies, 1714-1762. 

Sir Clements Maekham, K.C.B. 

Clipperton aud Shelvocke to tlie Pacific — Voyages to Hudson's Bay -Expeditions of 
Barlow, Vaughan, Scroggs, and Middleton — The search for a North- West Passage 
— Henry Ellis's Voyage — Coats's book on Hudson's Bay — Anson's Voyage — The 
value of naval Exploration. 

TN 1718 there was war between the German 
Emperor and Spain ; and some London 
adventurers obtained a commission from the 
government at Vienna to cruise against the 
Spaniards in the Pacific. The commission 
was received from the authorities at Ostend ; 
and the ships, fitted out in the Thames, were named the Prince 
Eugene and the Starhemberg. A retired naval heutenant named 
Shelvocke was to have had the former, a ship with thirty-six guns 
and a complement of one hundred and eighty men ; while the Starhem- 
berg, mounting twenty-four guns, was to have been entrusted to 
John Clipperton, the man who had deserted Captain Dampier. But 
the owners were displeased with Shelvocke for his extravagance 
when he went to Ostend for the commissions, so they disrated 
him, giving Clipperton the chief command in the Prince Eugene, 
and transferring Shelvocke to the Starhemberg. Meanwhile war 
broke out with Spain, so the names of the ships were changed to 
Success and Speedwell, the Ostend commissions were returned with 
thanks, and the expedition sailed under British colours. Shelvocke 
for the time stifled his resentment at having been superseded ; and 
the ships sailed from Plymouth on February 13th, 1719, Soon 
afterwards a gale of wind gave Shelvocke an opportunity of parting 
company with his superior officer, with all the wine and brandy on 
board his ship. His chief mate was Simon Hatley, who had been 
witli Woodes Kogers, and William Betagh was his " captain of 



1719-22.] VOYAGES OF CLIPPERTON AND SHELVOCKE. 317 

marines." With both these officers Shelvocke, who was a free 
drinker, had constant quarrels. In rounding Cape Horn the ship 
was driven down to 61" 30' S., where the cold was intense. " We 
had continued squalls of sleet, snow, and rain," says Shelvocke ; 
and the only sea bird was a disconsolate black albatross. Simon 
Hatley thought it was a bird, of ill-omen which brought the snow 
and mist ; and he shot the albatross. He believed that this act 
would bring a fair wind : but, on the contrary, it continued foul 
and tempestuous for another month. Shelvocke touched at the 
island of Chiloe, plundered and burnt the town of Payta, on 
the Peruvian coast, and arrived at Juan Fernandez on May 
4th, 1720. There the Speedwell parted her cable, was driven on 
shore, and became a total wreck. The crew worked hard at a 
new vessel, of 20 tons, which was launched on the 5th of October 
and named the Becovery. Shelvocke embarked with forty-six men, 
leaving eleven Englishmen on the island. He shaped a course 
to the Peruvian coast and captured a fine vessel of 200 tons at 
Pisco, leaving his own little craft for the Spanish crew. Sailing 
northward, they encountered the Success off Quibo, but they parted 
company almost immediately. The two vessels met again three times 
on the coast of Mexico, but without exchanging a word. Shelvocke 
named his prize the Happy Beturn. Clipperton sailed for China in 
May, 1721, and sold the Success at Macao on account of the owners, 
returning home with his crew in June, 1722. Shelvocke captured 
a rich prize called the Concepcioji, with 108,636 dollars on board, and 
then steered for California, anchoring in Puerto Seguro, near Cape 
San Lucas, for which port he gives some sailing directions. Having 
left California for China in August, 1721, Shelvocke states that on 
the 21st he sighted an island one hundred and ten leagues from 
Cape San Lucas, at a distance of two leagues. This he judged to be 
seven or eight leagues in circumference. It was named Shelvocke 
Island. Burney thinks that it is the Boca Partida seen by Villa- 
lobos, and afterwards by Spilbergen in about 20° N. When the 
present writer was serving as a midshipman on board the flagship of 
Sir George Francis Seymour in the Pacific, the Collingioood sailed 
over the position of Shelvocke Island on the old chart ; and we had 
orders to enter the visibility of distant objects in the log at each bell, 
so as to judge the space our eyes covered on either side of our track. 
But no Shelvocke's Island was ever seen. That worthy made the 
best of his way across the Pacific to China, where he sold his 



318 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES, 1714-1762. [1719. 

ship. He reached England in July, 17'2"2, and was prosecuted for 
piracy and other misdemeanours ; but the evidence was insufficient. 
Shelvocke pubHshed his account of the voyage in 1726, and two years 
afterwards his "captain of marines," WilHam Betagh, pubhshed a 
refutation of Shelvocke's statements. The unfortunate Enghsh- 
men who were left by Shelvocke at Juan Fernandez were captured 
by a certain Captain Salavarria, who was given the command of a 
ship fitted out by two wealthy Lima merchants in consequence of 
the arrival of Clipperton and Shelvocke on the coast. Their fate is 
unknown. 

The British vessels which cruised in the Pacific Ocean during 
the forty years from 1680 to 1720 were all employed either for 
piratical or for warlike purposes. Yet they are properly noticed in 
a chapter on discovery and exploration, because they made the west 
coast of South America and the Pacific Ocean known to English 
seamen, and familiarised them with the navigation. Surveys were 
executed, especially of the Galapagos and Bashee Islands, and some 
few discoveries were made. Above all, they kept alive that spirit of 
maritime enterprise which has ever been the mainstay of our Navy. 

The Arctic voyages to Hudson's Bay were of practical importance, 
for they led to the formation of a company to trade for furs and skins, 
with a charter, granted in 1669, which conferred rights and privileges 
over all the lands in that direction. In the previous year one 
Gillam, in the Nonsuch, had been sent on a voyage of discovery, and 
had reached a latitude of 75° up Davis Strait, then passing through 
Hudson's Strait, and wintering in the southern extreme of Hudson's 
Bay. Gillam had there formed a settlement called Fort Charles. 
The French were at Fort Bourbon, on the western side of the bay, 
from 1697 to 1714 ; but after the peace of Utrecht they departed and 
their settlement became Fort York on the Hayes Eiver. The 
Company's most northern fort was on the Churchill Piver. Ships 
were sent out every year, returning with valuable cargoes of furs 
and skins ; but a strict monopoly was maintained, and discovery 
was discouraged. Nevertheless, it could not be altogether sup- 
pressed, especially as a general belief prevailed that the north-west 
passage was to be discovered by following up the opening named 
Sir Thomas Eoe's Welcome by Button. 

In 1719 two vessels named the Alhcuuj and Discoveri/ sailed from 
the Thames, under masters Barlow and Vaughan, to discover a 
passage, but they never returned. A man named Scroggs, in a ship 



1719-1745.] MIDDLE TON AND THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 319 

called the Whalebone, was sent from Fort Churchill in search of them 
in 1722. He went up the " Welcome " as far as 64° 15', heard news 
from the Eskimos of a very rich copper mine, and named a point of 
land after his ship — Whalebone Point. Then followed an expedition, 
the despatch of which was due to the representations of Mr. Arthur 
Dobbs, who had studied the subject with great care. He spoke to 
Sir Eobert Walpole, and eventually he induced Admiral Sir Charles 
Wager, the First Lord of the Admiralty, to supply two vessels for 
the discovery of the north-west passage, the Furnace, sloop, and 
Discovery, pink. Christopher Middleton, who had commanded ships 
of the Hudson's Bay Company, was induced by Mr. Dobbs to take 
command, and he had good officers under him, but a rascally crew, 
consisting of the sweepings of the jails. There were not three 
seamen amongst them. 

Middleton did his work well. Starting from England late in 
the season of 1741, it was necessary to winter at the Churchill 
Eiver. In 1742 Middleton left Churchill on the 1st of July, 
and proceeded up Sir Thomas Eoe's Welcome. He reached a 
headland in 65" 10' N., which he named Cape Dobbs, and on the 
northern side of which there was a wide opening. But, after a 
careful examination, Middleton came to the conclusion that it was 
merely an estuary, and gave it the name of the AVager Eiver, after 
the First Lord of the Admiralty. Pressing onwards he came to 
another headland, which he named Cape Hope, anticipating that 
the passage was on the other side of it. But there was again 
disappointment. Eepulse Bay showed no opening. The Frozen 
Strait then turns south-east. As there was much scurvy on board 
the ship, Middleton resolved to return. In the circumstances he 
had done excellently, but Mr. Dobbs was so bitterly disappointed 
that he made a violent and unjustifiable attack on the commander 
of the expedition. The Admiralty called upon Middleton for a 
detailed reply to the accusations against him ; and he made it to 
the satisfaction of their lordships. 

In 1745 an Act was passed for giving " a public reward of 
£20,000 to such person or persons as shall discover a north-west 
passage through Hudson's Strait to the western and southern 
ocean of America." Subscribers came forward to fit out an 
expedition. A sum of £10,000 was raised, and a North-West 
Committee was formed, and purchased the Dobbs, galley, of 
100 tons, and the Caliofrnia of 160 tons. They were well equipped, 



320 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES, 17U-1762. [1740. 

William Moor commanding the Dohhs and Francis White the 
California. Mr. Henry Ellis, an able and experienced seaman, also 
went out as the Committee's agent, with instructions to make charts, 
to record bearings, distances, soundings, and variations, to collect 
specimens, and to keep a journal. The expedition left Gravesend 
on May 20th, 1746, was off Cape Digges on August '2nd, and 
wintered at York Factory. On June 24th, 1747, it left its 
winter quarters, entered the Welcome, and sent northward a boat, 
which rounded Cape Dobbs. The conclusion of Ellis was in 
agreement with that of Middleton, that the Wager Kiver was not 
a strait ; but that the passage would probably be found through 
Frozen Strait. Ellis returned home in October ; and this con- 
cluded the attempts to find a passage by Hudson's Bay during 
the eighteenth century. But William Coats, a master in the 
Hudson's Bay Company's service, who had made many voyages, 
acquired an intimate knowledge of the great inland sea, and wrote 
in 1750 " The Geography of Hudson's Bay," a very useful treatise, 
which was first printed for the Hakluyt Society in 1852, 

The expedition of Commodore George Anson was despatched 
for belligerent purposes when the war with Spain broke out in 
1739. It is, however, properly looked upon as a voyage of discovery, 
so far as the Navy is concerned, because Anson's was the first naval 
expedition which ever crossed the Pacific Ocean. Anson received 
his orders in June, 1740 ; but the ships were manned with great 
difficulty, and at last the complement was made up by five hundred 
superannuated invalids, out-pensioners of Chelsea Hospital, who 
all died during the voyage. The Commodore was on board the 
Centurion, 60 ; and the other vessels were the Gloucester, 50, Captain 
Kichard Norris ; the Severn, 50, Captain the Hon. Edward Legge ; the 
Pearl, 40, Captain Matthew Michell ; the Wager, 28, Captain Dandy 
Kidd ; the Tryal, sloop, Commander the Honoiu^able George 
Murray; and two store ships, the Anna and Industrij. Anson's 
expedition finally sailed from St. Helen's on September 18th, 1740. 
At Madeira the captain of the Gloucester was invalided, and was 
succeeded by Captain Michell, whose place in the Pearl was given 
to Captain Kidd ; and Lieutenant David Cheap, of the Centurion, 
received command of the Trijal. At Port St. Julian, the captain 
of the Pearl having died, the Honourable Captain Murray succeeded 
him, and Captain Cheap was given the Wager, and Lieutenant 
Charles Saunders, the Trijal. Running through the Strait of Le 



1741.] ANSON'S VOYAGE. 321 

Maire in March, 1741, the squadron encountered a succession of 
furious gales off the Horn, and the Pearl and Severn returned 
home. The scurvy broke out in a most mahgnant form, so that 
the Cent'itrion alone buried forty-three men, the mortality in the 
other ships being equally serious. Driven down to 60^ 5' S., the 
remaining ships were dispersed. 

The Centurion did not reach Juan Fernandez until June 
10th, 1741, having one hundred and thirty men in the sick-list, 
and having buried two hundred during the voyage. She was 
anchored in Cumberland Bay ; and the Trijal arrived on the 
same afternoon. On the 21st, the Gloucester came in sight, having 
lost two-thirds of her crew from scurvy. The sick were landed 
and placed in tents, twelve dying while they were being carried 
from the ship to the shore. The fresh vegetables of the island, 
and the healthier surroundings, soon began to restore the survivors. 
A prize named the Monte Gar7nelo was captured, and equipped as a 
cruiser; and, in September, the Centurion, Tryal, and prize, the last 
commanded by Lieutenant Philip de Saumarez, sailed for the South 
American coast. The Gloucester, not being ready, was to join them 
at Payta. Soon afterwards another fine prize was captured ; and, 
the Tryal having become unseaworthy, her crew was turned over 
to the new vessel, which was armed and received the name of the 
Tryal's Prize. After cruising along the coasts of Chile and Peru, 
and capturing some other prizes, Commodore Anson anchored 
on November 13th in Payta Bay and surprised the town. The 
plunder amounted in value to £32,000, besides stores of wine and 
brandy, fresh provisions, and live stock. The town was set on 
fire, and six vessels in the bay were sunk. Two days after leaving 
Payta the Gloucester joined, with prizes containing specie and plate 
worth £18,000 ; and in December the squadron arrived safely off the 
island of Quibo. 

Meanwhile misfortune had attended the voyage of the remaining 
vessel. The Wager, commanded by Captain David Cheap, had parted 
company with the Commodore in a gale off Cape Horn on April 23rd, 
1741. Out of one hundred and thirty men on board, only thirteen 
officers and men were fit for duty. The rest were down with scurvy, 
and the captain had dislocated his shoulder. Being off the southern 
coast of Chile, on May 15th, the ship struck on a rock ; and 
she was wrecked within musket-shot of the land. Captain Cheap 
was navigating by Narbrough's chart, which had been supplemented 

VOL. III. T 



322 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES, 1714-1762. [1741-42. 

from faulty Spanish surveys. In reality this part of the coast of 

Patagonia was unknown. The Wager was deeply embayed in the 

Gulf of Peiias, and was lost off the south coast of the peninsula 

of Tres Montes. Masts were cut away, boats were got out, and 

the sick were landed. The land was precipitous, but well wooded. 

The men declared that as soon as the ship was lost their pay ceased, 

and that they were no longer amenable to naval discipline. A few, 

however, remained loyal, provisions were landed, and a guard was 

placed over them. The captain shot a midshipman named Cozens, 

who was in open mutiny ; but this increased the discontent, and an 

insubordinate feeling was aroused. The long boat was lengthened 

and rigged as a schooner. The mutineers insisted upon being 

taken back to England by Magellan's Strait ; and, when Captain 

Cheap refused, they surprised him at night, tied his hands, and 

deposed him, as they said, for having killed Cozens. They then 

prepared to depart in the long boat, barge, and cutter, altogether 

eighty-one men, leaving the Captain behind. Lieutenant Hamilton, 

of the Marines, and the surgeon, with seven men, remained faithful, 

the mutineers leaving the yawl and some provisions for them. 

Soon after the departure of the boats the barge returned with 

two midshipmen, the Honourable John Byron and Alexander 

Campbell, and eight more men, who were also true to the Captain. 

On December 15th, the forlorn party embarked in the barge 
and yawl. After enduring fearful hardships and sufferings, they 
were obliged to give up the voyage, and, in February, 1742, they 
returned to the place where the Wager was wrecked, which had 
been called " Cheap's Bay." At last some natives arrived in two 
canoes, and undertook to pilot the fourteen survivors in the barge 
to the Island of Chiloe. They started ; but, soon afterwards, the 
men deserted with the barge and were never heard of again, leaving 
behind Captain Cheap, Lieutenant Hamilton, the surgeon, and 
the two midshipmen. The surgeon died, and the rest were taken 
by the natives in canoes. After the most terrible privations they 
reached Chiloe, and were kindly received by the Spanish governor, 
who sent them as prisoners of war to Valparaiso. They were 
eventually embarked on board a French ship, arrived in France, 
and were released in April, 1746. Campbell and Byron both 
wrote narratives of their wonderful adventures. The mutineers 
made their way through Magellan's Strait to the Portuguese settle- 
ment of Eio Grande, whence they got passages to Lisbon. 



1742-43.] ANSON'S VOYAGE. 323 

The Commodore had, of course, given the Wager up as lost. 
Leaving Quibo, he cruised off Acapulco to intercept the return 
galleon from that port to Manilla. The squadron consisted of 
the Centurion, Gloucester, and three armed prizes. Anson released 
all his prisoners, giving them the prizes, and made sail for China, 
with the Gloucester in company, on May 5th, 1742. In August 
it was found necessary to abandon the Gloucester, owing to her 
leaky condition. She was set on fire, and her officers and crew were 
taken on board the Centurion. During the voyage the scurvy 
broke out afresh, and for a long time several men died every day. 
On August 27th, the Centurion anchored in Tinian Eoad, in 
one of the Ladrone Islands, after an unusually prolonged voyage. 
The sick were landed to the number of one hundred and twenty- 
eight, and placed in a large thatched building on shore. Live-stock 
and vegetables were obtained in abundance. About thirty of the 
sick died, but the rest rapidly recovered, and were soon convalescent. 
The ship was repaired, and on October 21st Commodore Anson 
sailed for China, anchoring off Macao in November. There the 
Centurion wintered ; and on April 29th, 1743, Anson put to sea, 
announcing to his people that he intended to make another attempt to 
intercept the Manilla galleon. Although officers and men had been 
so long away, and had gone through such fearful sufferings, they all 
cheerfully concurred. On May 5th, they sighted the Bashee Islands 
of Dampier, and for a month Anson cruised off the island of Samar 
without sighting any vessel. At length, on June 20th, a midshipman 
named Charles Proby ^ shouted from his station at the top-masthead, 
" A sail to windward ! " She was soon seen from the deck, 
coming down before the wind towards the Centu7-ion. It was the 
long-sought galleon, N. S. de Cavadonga. Both ships cleared for 
the action, which lasted an hour and twenty minutes, at the end of 
which the Spaniard struck her colours. Anson lost only two men 
killed and seventeen wounded ; but the loss of the Spaniards was 
sixty-seven killed and eighty -four wounded. The cargo of the galleon 
included $1,313,843, besides 35,682 ounces of silver, and merchandise. 
The prize was commissioned and entrusted to the command of 
Lieutenant Philip de Saumarez. Next day they again made the 
Bashee Islands, and on July 10th they entered the river of Canton. 
In December the prize was sold at Macao, and the Centurion 

^ Brother of the first Lord Carysfort. Afterwards Commissioner at Chatham 
Dockyard. 

Y 2 



324 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES, 1714-1762. 

was homeward bound on December 15tli, 1743. She anchored at 
Spithead, after an absence of nearly fom: years, on Jmie 15th, 1744. 

Commodore George Anson's expedition is correctly looked upon 
as an exploring expedition, although with warlike objects. It 
was the first purely naval exploring expedition of modern times ; 
and it is memorable for having been — quite as much, if not 
more, than those which succeeded it — a most successful nursery of 
valuable naval officers. Many of the best men in the Navy, during 
the Seven Years' War, had learnt their first lessons, and gained 
invaluable experience, during their hard service in Anson's exploring 
squadron. There were Piercy Brett (1),^ and John Campbell, - 
who was Lord Hawke's flag-captain at the battle of Quiberon 
Bay ; there were Charles Saunders,^ Charles Proby, de Keppel,* 
Philip de Saumarez,^ Peter Denis, *^ the Hon. John Byron, ^ and 
Hyde Parker (1). No doubt, the voyage of Anson, remarkable 
as it was for its early misfortunes, for the thrilling stories of 
suffering and shipwTeck connected with it, and yet notable for the 
way in which the patience and resolution of its commander were 
rewarded with final success, was the incentive for the despatch of 
the expeditions which, in due time, followed in its wake. It is still 
more noteworthy that Anson's expedition was, perhaps, the best 
example of a naval exploring voyage, forming a splendid and 
prolific nursery for training the best and most valuable class of 
naval officers. 

^ Lieutenant in the Centurion. ^ A petty officer in the Centurion. 

* First lieutenant of the Cert^wz'oji. ^ Midshipman in the Ce«/i('/io«. 

^ Third lieutenant of the Centurion. " Lieutenant in the Centurion. 

^ Midshipman in the Wager. 




( 325 ) 



CHAPTEE XXX. 

THE CIVIL HISTORY OF THE EOYAL NAVY, 1763-1792. 

Administration of the Navy — First Lords — Secretaries of the Admiraltj^ — ^^'^'Y Board 
officials, etc. — Naval p]xpenditure — Seamen and Marines- Strength of the Fleet — 
Rigging of a First-Rate — New classes of men-of-war — The carronade — EstabHsh- 
ments of guns — Gun-locks — Typical ships of the period — Condition of the 
Dockyards — Ships in ordinary — Coppering — Pumps — Distillation of water — 
Sanitation — Lighting and buoying — Lightning conductors — The longitude — 
Harrison's time-keepers — The Nautical Almanac — Desertion — Discontent — 
Mutiny — Bounties to seamen — Officers' halfpay — Officers in peace-time — Prize- 
money — The Marine Society — The Hibernian Marine Society — The Marine School 
at Hull — Dockyard artificers — The King and the Navy — Promotion to the flag — 
Superannuation — Naval uniform — Naval law — Coffin's case — The right of search 
—The right of the flag — International courtesies. 




N' 



"0 changes of great importance were 
made in the administrative machinery 
of the Navy during the compara- 
tively short period which is covered by 

the present chapter. Even the lessons 
Signature of Richard, ,. ,i ttt x- a • t t t 

Eakl Howe, Admiral oi the War ot American Independence 

OF THE Fleet. produced few reforms, save in the manage- 

ment of the Dockyards. The succession of the more important 
administrative othcers was as follows : — 

FIRST LORD OF THE ADMIRALTY. 

George Grenville. 
John, Earl of Egmont. 
John, Earl of Sandwich. 
John, Earl of Egmont. 
Sir Charles Saunders, K.B., Vice-Admiral. 
Sir Edward Hawke, K.B., Admiral. 
John, Earl of Sandwich. 
Hon. Augustus Keppel, Admiral. 
Richard, Viscount Howe, Admiral. 
Augustus, Viscount Keppel, Admiral. 
Richard, Viscount Howe, Admiral. 
July 1788. John, Earl of Chatham. 



Apr. 


10, 


1763. 


Apr. 


23, 


1763. 


Sept. 


10, 


1763. 


Sept. 


16, 


1766. 


Dec. 




1766. 


Jan. 


12, 


177L 


Mar. 


30, 


1782. 


Jan. 


30, 


1783. 


Apr. 


10, 


1783. 


Dec. 


31, 


1783. 



326 CIVIL HISTOBY OF THE ROYAL NAVY, 1763-1792. [1763-92. 



Tkeasurer of the Xavy. 

William "Wildmau, Vis- 
count Barrington. 

1665. Richard, Viscount Howe, 
Captain, K.N. 

1670. Sir Gilbert Elliot, Bart., 
later Lord Minto. 

1777. Welbore Kllis. 
Apr. 1782. Isaac Barre. 
Jul}- 1782. Henry Dundas. 
Apr. 5, 1783. Charles Townsend. 
Dec. 30, 1783. Henry Dundas.i 

Controller of the Xavy. 

Georue Cockburne, Cap- 
tain, R.X. 

1770. Hugh Palliser, Captain, 
E.N. 

1775. Maurice Suckling, Cap- 
tain, R.N. 

1778. Sir Charles Middleton, 
Captain and Rear- 
Admiral.^ 

1790. Sir Henry Martin (2), 
Bart., Captain, R.N. 

Surveyor of the Nav\% 

I Thomas Slade. 
\ William Batelej\ 
-.-p- ("Sir Thomas Slade, Kt. 
l.Tohn Williams. 



SECRETARY OF THE ADMIRALTY. 

John Clevland. 
1763. Philip Stephens (later, Sir P. Stephens, Bart.). 
1785. (As Assistant) John Ibbetson. 

Controller of the Victualling 
Accounts. 



Aug. 
Apr. 
July 

Mar. 



June 



Mar. 



July 



1771. Sir John Williams, Kt. 
-,r-~^ fSir John Williams, Kt. 

I Edward Hunt. 
, -or (Edward Hunt. 

Ijohn Henslow. 

Clerk of the Acts. 

Edward Mason. 
1773. Georsie Marsh. 



Controller of the Treasurer's 
Accounts. 

Timothy Brett. 
1782. George Rogers. 



Robert Osborne. 

June 1771. Charles Proby, Captain, 
R.N. 

Oct. 1771. Thomas Hanway, Ca])- 

tain, R.N. 

Oct. 1772. George Marsh. 

July 1773. James Gambler (1), Cap- 
tain, R.N. 

Aug. 1773. William Palmer. 

Controller of the Storekeeper's 
Accounts. 

Hon. William Bateman, 
Captain, R.N. 
1783. William Campbell. 
Jan. 1790. William Belliugham. 

Extra Commissioners. 

Sir Richard Temple. 
Sir John Bentley, Kt., 
Captain, R.N. (till 
1763). 
Jan. 1778. Edward Le Cras, Cap- 

tain, R.N. (till 1783). 
Oct. 1782. Samuel Wallis, Captain, 

R.N. (till 1783). 
1787. Samuel Wallis, Captain, 
R.N. (again). 

Commissioners at H.M. Docky^ards, etc 

Chatham. 

Thomas Hanway, Cap- 
tain, R.N. 
Oct. 1771. Charles Proby, Captain, 

R.N. 

Portsmouth. 

Richard Hughes (2), Cap- 
tain, R.N. (Bart. 1773). 

Aug. 1773. James Gambler (1), Ca]i- 
ttiin, R.N. 

Jan. 1778. Sir Samuel Hood, Bart.. 

Captain, R.N." 



Created Viscount Melville, isoL'. 



^ Created Lord Barham, 1805. 



^ Created Lord Hood, 1782. 



1763-92.] 

Oct. 

Mar. 



EXPENDITURE ON THE NAVY. 



32^ 



1780. Heury Martin (2), Cai3tain, 
K.X. (later a Baronet). 

17U1. Sir Charles Saxton, Kt., 
Captain, E.N. (a Bart. 
1794). 



Plymoxith. 

Frederick Eogers, Cap- 
tain, R.N. (a Baronet, 
1773). 
Jan. 1775. Paul Henry Ourry, Cap- 

tain, E.N. 
1783. Edward Le Cras, Cap- 
tain, E.N. 
Apr. 1784. John Laforey, Captain, 
E.N. 
1789. Eobert Fanshawe (1), 
Captain, E.N. 

Gibraltar and Minorca. 

Charles Colby, Captain, 
E.N. (retired, 1763). 



Halifax, Nova Scotia. 

July 1775. Marriot Arbuthnot, Cap- 
tain, R.N. 

Feb. 1778. Sir Eichard Hughes (2), 

Bart., Captain, E.N. 

Oct. 1780. Sir Andrew Snape Ha- 

mond, Bart., Captain, 
E.N. 
1784, Henry Duncan (1), Caj)- 
tain, E.N. 

Leeward Islands, 

Sept. 1779. John Laforey, Captain, 
E.N. (till 1783). 

Apr. 1784. John Moutray, Captain, 
E.N. (till 1785). 

Jamaica. 

1782. Robert Alexander Lam- 
bert, Captain, E.N. 
(till 1784). 



The " extra " and " ordinary " expenditure, as voted by Par- 
liament from year to year, and the number of seamen and Marines 
authorised, are shown below in a table which is a continuation of 
the one on p. 5 of the present volume : — 









No. of Sea- 








No. of Sea- 


Year. 


" Extra." 


" Ordinary." 


men and 
Marines. 1 


Year. 


"Extra." 


"Ordinary." 


men and 
Marines. I 




£ 


£ 






£ 


£ 




1763 


100,000 


380,661 


30,000 


1778 


488,695 


389,200 


60,000 


1764 


200,000 


398,568 


16,000 


1779 


579,187 


369,882 


70,000 


1765 


200,000 


407,734 


16,000 


1780 


697,903 


385,381 


85,000 


1766 


277,300 


412,983 


16,000 


1781 


670,016 


286,261 


90,000 


1767 


328,144 


409,177 


16,000 


1782 


953,519 


409,766 


100,000 


1768 


274,954 


416,403 


16,000 


1783 


311, 843 2 


451,989 


110,000 


1769 


282,413 


410,255 


16,000 


1784 


1,100,000 


701,869 


26,000 


1770 


283,687 


406,380 


16,000 ! 


1785 


940,000 


675,307 


18,000 


1771 


423,747 


378,752 


40,000 


1786 


800,000 


692,326 


18,000 


1772 


375,939 


394,725 


25,000 


1787 


650,000 


700,000 


18,000 


1773 


421,554 


424,019 


20,000 


1788 


600,000 


700,000 


18,000 


1774 


420,729 


444,188 


20,000 


1789 


575,570 


713,000 


20,000 


1775 


297,379 


444,680 


18,000 


1790 


490,360 


703,276 


20,000 


1776 


339,151 


426,904 


28,000 


1791 


506,010 


689,395 


24,000 


1777 


465,500 


400,805 


45,000 f 


1792 


350,000 3 


672,482 


16,000 



' The cost of tliese was in addition to the sums specified in the " Extra " and " Ordinary " columns. 

• This was £1,000,000 short of the estimated expense : but it was considered that the deficiency would be 
balanced by the number cjf men to be discharged owing to the peace. 

3 For work in the Royal Yards only. No money was voted for work in private yards, the estimate for which, 
with fittings and stores for the ships, was £81,820. 



The fluctuations in the strength of the fleet are indicated in the 



328 CIVIL HI^TOBY OF THE ROYAL NAVY, 1763-1792. [1763-92. 

appended table, which, though it goes into less detail, and omits to 
notice vessels possessed of no distinct fighting value, is, in effect, a 
continuation of the table on p. 7. 



Abstract of the Fighting Ships of the Koyal Navy at Four Different 

Dates, 1762-1792. 

(From Derrick, ]i]i. 148-197, with corrections.) 







Nov. 3rd, 1T62. 


.Jau. 1st, 1(75. 


Jau. 20tli. 1783. 


Dec. 1st, 1792. 


Rate. 


Class of Ship. 


(End of AVar.) 


(End of Peace.) 


(End of War.) 


(End of Peace.) 




Guus. 


No. 


No. 


No. 


No. 


First 1 


100 


5 


4 


5 


5 


i^econd 


98 and 90 


15 


16 


19 


16 


55 


84 


1 


1 


1 




Third 


80 


7 


3 


4 


1 


55 


76 


, , 




1 


1 


5} 


74 


37 


57 


81 


66 


55 


70 


11 


7 


4 




55 


68 and 66 


3 


, , 


2 




55 


64 


30 


32 


49 


39 


Fourtli 


no 


32 


11 


8 


1 


Total of the Lime: — 


141^' 


131 


1743 


129* 


Fourth 


56 






2 




55 


52 






1 


1 


• 5 


50 


24 


12 


20 


16 


Fifth 


44 


21 


4 


28 


21 


55 


40 


, , 


, , 


2 


1 


55 


38 


O 


• • 


7 


7 


55 


36 


4 


3 


17 


14 


55 


34 


. . 




1 




)1 


32 


32 


35 


59 


47 




30 


1 


, , 


1 




?j 


24 


1 








)9 


22 




. . 


1 




Sixth 


30 


1 


, , 






55 


28 


22 


24 


33 


28 


59 


26 


• • 


, , 


1 


• • 


59 


24 


21 




11 


6 


55 


22 and 20 


13 


13 


14 


1 


Sloojjs 


18 to 8 


57 


38 


85 


42 


Bombs 




14 


2 


4 


2 


Fireships 


•• 


U 


1 


17 


9 


riKNKi:. 


\L Total . 


365 


270 


468 


330 s 



1 It having been suggested, in tlie course of the progress of this work, that some description of the rigging o 
a man-of-war in tlie heroic age of the British Navy would be useful to the reader, a plate, showing the rigging, 
etc., ol a first-rate in 1775 is here inserted. Explanatory references to it will be found on the page opposite. 

2 Besides 7 prizes which, though taken, had not then been purchased for the Navy. 

3 Besides 4 prizes which, though taken, had not then been purchased for the Navy. 
* Including 47 needing repair. 

5 Besides 18 building or ordered. 

The 50-gun ship had ceased about the year 1756 to rank as of 
the line. Another class of ship ranking between the ship of the hne 



( 329 ) 



REFERENCES TO THE PLATE, 

Showing the Rigging, etc., of a First-rate of 1775. 



1 BOWSPRIT. 


68 


Crosstrees. 


2 Yard auil sail. 


69 


Cap. 


.3 Gammoning. 






4 Horse. 


70 FORE TOPGALLANT - 


5 Bobstay. 




MAST. 


6 Spritsail sheets. 


71 


Shrouds and lanyards. 


7 Peudants. 


72 


Yard and sail. 


8 Braces and pendants. 


73 


Backstays. 


9 Haliards. 


74 


Stay. 


10 Lifts. 


75 


Lifts. 


1 1 Clewlines. 


76 


Clewlines. 


12 Spritsail liorses. 


77 


Braces and pendants. 


1.3 Bnutlines. 


7« 


Bowlines and bridles. 


1-t Standing lifts. 


79 


Flag staff. 


15 Spritsail top. 


80 


Truck. 


16 Flying jib-boom. 


Kl 


Flag staif stay. 


17 Flying jib stay and sails. 


S2 


Flag of Lord High Ad- 


18 Haliards. 




miral. 


19 Sheets. 






20 Horses. 


83 MAIN MAST. 




84 Shrouds. 


21 SPRITSAIL TOPMASr. 


85 


Lanyards. 


22 Shrouds. 


86 


Runner and tackle. 


23 Yard and sail. 


87 


Pendant of the gomet. 


24 Sheets. 


88 


Guv of diito. 


25 Lifts. 


89 


Fail of ditto. 


2ii Braces and pendants. 


90 


Stay. 


27 Cap. 


91 


Preventer stay. 


28 Jack staff. 


92 


Stay tackle. 


29 Truck. 


93 


AVoolding of the mast. 


30 Jack flag. 


94 


Jeers. 




95 


Yard tackles. 


31 FORE MAST. 


96 


Lifts. 


32 Runner and tackle. 


97 


Braces and pendants. 


33 Shrouds. 


98 


Horses. 


34 Lanyards. 


99 


Sheets. 


35 Stay and lanyard. 


100 


Tacks. 


36 Preventer stay and lanyard. 


101 


Bowlines and bridles. 


37 Wooldiugs of the mast. 


102 


Crowfoot. 


a8 Yard and sail. 


10.i 


Top-rope. 


39 Horses. 


101 


Top. 


40 'lop. 


105 


Buutlines. 


41 Crowfoot. 


106 


Leechliues. 


42 Jeers. 


107 


Yard and sail. 


43 Yard tackles. 






44 Lifts. 


108 :\IAIN TOPMAST. 


45 Braces and pendants. 


109 Shrouds and lanyards. 


46 Sheets. 


110 


Yard and sail. 


47 Fore tacks. 


111 


Futtock shrouds. 


48 Bowlines and bridles. 


112 


Backstays. 


49 Fore buutlines. 


113 


Stay. 


50 Fore leecUline-i. 


114 


.Staysail ;inii stay aud 


51 Fore top-rope. 




haliard. 


52 Futtock shrouds. 


115 


Rmmers. 




116 


Haliards. 


53 FORE TOPMAST. 


117 


Lifts. 


54 Shrouds and lanyards. 


118 


Clewlines. 


55 Yard and sail. 


119 


Braces and pendants. 


56 Stay and sail. 


120 


Horses. 


57 Runner. 


121 


Sheets. 


.is Backstays. 


122 


Bowlines and bridles. 


59 Haliards. 


123 


Buutlines. 


60 Lifts. 


124 


Reef-tackles. 


til Braces and pendants. 


125 


Crosstrees. 


62 Horses. 


126 


Cap. 



63 Clewlines. 

64 Bowlines aud bridles. 

65 Reef-tackles. 

66 Sheets. 

67 Buutlines. 



127 MAIN TOPGALLANT 
MAST. 

128 Shrouds and lanyards. 

129 Yard and sail. 



130 Backstays. 

131 Stay. 

132 Stay sail and haliards. 

133 Lifts. 

134 Braces and pendants. 

135 Bowlines and bridles. 

136 Clewlines. 

137 Flagstaff. 

138 Truck. 

139 Flagsfciff stay. 

140 Royal Standard. 



141 MIZEN MAST. 

142 Shrouds aud lanyards. 

143 Peudants and burtons. 

144 Yard aud sail. 

145 Crowfoot. 

146 Sheet. 

147 Pendant lines. 

148 Peakbrails. 

149 Staysail. 

150 Stay. 

151 Derrick aud span. 

152 Top. 

153 Crossjack yard. 

154 Crossjack lifts. 

155 Crossjack braces. 

156 Crossjack sliugs. 



157 MIZEN TOPMAST. 

l-'i8 Shrouds and Kuiyards. 

159 Yard aud sail. 

160 Backstays. 

161 Stay. 

162 Haliards. 

163 Lifts. 

164 Braces and pendauts. 

165 Bowlines aud bridles. 

166 Sheets. 

167 Clewlines. 

168 Staysail. 

169 Crosstrees. 

170 Cap. 

171 Flagstaff. 

172 Flagstaff stay. 

173 Truck. 

174 Union Flag. 

175 Ensign staff. 

176 TiTicdc. 

177 Eusign. 

178 Poop ladder. 

179 Bower cable. 



HULL. 

A Cat head. 
H Fore channels. 
C Main channels. 
1) Mizeu channels. 
E Entering port. 
F Hawse holes. 
G Poop lanterns. 
H Chesstree. 

1 Head. 

K Stem. 



330 CIVIL HISTORY OF THE ROYAL NAVY, 1763-1792. [1763-92. 

and the frigate proper was the two-decked 44-gun class. When 
these vessels had nearly all died out, a new class, the 38-gun frigate, 
appeared in 1780. Of this class the Minerva, launched on June 3rd, 
1780, was the first. She originally carried, on her main deck, 
twenty-eight 18-pounders, and on her quarterdeck and forecastle ten 
9-pounders, eight 18-pounder carronades and fourteen swivels ; but 
slight modifications were afterwards made and the swivels were 
omitted. In 1780, also, the 36-gun frigate was revived, with, how- 
ever, 18 and 9-pounders in lieu of the 12 and 6-pounders of the older 
ships of the same class. In 1775 a new so-called 24-gun class was 
introduced, carrying twenty-two 9-pounders on the main deck and 
four 3-pounders, later two 6-pounders, on the quarterdeck. Thence- 
forward there were no proper frigates of less than 24 guns, though 
post ships of 22 and even 20 guns continued to be commissioned. 
These corresponded roughly with the vessels which, in the French 
navy, were called corvettes. Below them came the sloops, which, 
with bombs, fireships, armed ships and store ships, were commanded 
by Masters and Commanders.^ Below these again came cutters, 
schooners, brigs, armed vessels, armed transports, armed store-ships 
and surveying sloops, which were commanded by Lieutenants. All 
yachts were commanded by Post Captains, and the larger of them 
were sometimes entrusted to Captains of long standing who, in 
consideration of the honour, either temporarily or permanently 
surrendered their right co promotion to flag-rank, when it fell to 
them in the ordinary course of seniority.^ 

The introduction of the carronade was by far the most important 
development of naval ordnance during the period under review. 

" So long," says Mr. William James, " as that species of ordnance, called gun by the 
English and canon by the French, continued in exclusive possession of the decks of a 
fighting ship, no difference existed between the number of carriage pieces she actualh' 
mounted and the number which stood as a sign of her class in the published lists. In 
process of time, however, the nominal, or rated, and the real force of a ship lost their 
synonymous signification, and that in a manner, and to an extent, too important, in 
every point of view, to be slightly passed over. 

" In the early part of 1779, a piece of carriage ordnance, the invention, by all 
accounts, of the late scientific General Robert Melville, was cast, for the first time, at 
the ironworks of the Carron Company, situated on the banks of the river Carron, in 



^ The " Master-and-Commander " was equivalent to the modern Commander, and 
is, in fact, usually called Commander in these pages, for the sake of brevity. 

^ E.rj,, Captain Sir Alexander Schomberg, Kt., who, posted in 1757, would, in the 
ordinary course, have obtained his flag in 1787, but who, accepting in 1771 the 
command of the Irish Viceroy's yacht, retained it until Ids death in 180-1. 



1779.J 



mTBODUCTION OF THE CARRONADE. 



331 



Scotland. Although shorter than the navj' 4-pouuder, and lighter, by a trifle, than the 
navy 12-pounder, this gun equalled, in its cylinder, the 8-inch howitzer. Its 
destructive effects, when tried against timber, induced its ingenious inventor to give it 
the name of smasher. 

" As the smasher was calculated chiefly, if not wholly, for a ship-gun, the Carron 
Company made early apj^lication to have it employed in the British Navy, but, owing 
to some not well-explained cause, were unsuccessful. Upon the supposition that the 
size and weight of the smasher, particularly of its shot, would operate against its 
general employment as a sea-service gun, the proprietors of the foundry ordered the 
casting of several smaller pieces, corresponding in their calibre with the 24, 18, and 
12-pounder guns in use, or rather, being of a trifle less bore, on account of the reduced 
windage very judiciously adopted in carronades, and which might be extended to long 
guns with considerable advantage. These new pieces became readily disposed of among 
the captains and others, employed in fitting out private armed ships to cruise against 
America, and were introduced, about the same time, on board a few frigates and smaller 
vessels belonging to the Eoyal Navy. 

" The new gun had now taken the name of carronadf, and its several varieties 
became distinguished, like those of the old gun, by the weight of their respective shot. 
This occasioni-d the smasher to be called, irrevocably, a 68-pounder, whereas, repeated 
experiments had shown that a hollow, or cored shot, weighing 50 or even 40 lbs., 
would range further in the first graze, or that at which the shot first strikes the 
surface of the water, and the only range worth attending to in naval gunnery. The 
hollow shot would, also, owing to its diminished velocity in passing through a ship's 
side, and the consequent enlargement of the hole and increased splintering of the 
timbers, j^roduce more destructive effects than the shot in its solid form, one of the 
principal objections against which, was, and still continues to be, its being so cumbrous 
to handle. 

" Before half the expiration of the year in which the first carronade had been cast, 
a scale was drawn up by the Navy Board and sanctioned by the Lords of the Ad- 
miralty,' for arming the different rates in the service with the 18 and 12-pounder 



' Carronades assigned to each class of ship in the l!oyal Navy, by Admiralty Order 
of July 13th, 1779 :— 



Rate. 



First 
Second 

Third 

Fourth 
Fifth 



Sixth 



Sloops ' 



Class of 
Ship. 

Guns. 



Quarterdeck. 


Forecastle. 


Poop. 


Actual number 
of carriage guns 






1 




No. 


Prs. 


No. 


Prs. 


No. 


rrs. 


mounted. 






2 


12 


8 


12 


110 






4 


12 


, 6 


12 


108 






4 


12 


6 


12 


100 






2 


12 


G 


12 


82 






2 


12 


6 


12 


72 


2 


24 


2 


24 


6 


12 


60 


8 


18 


2 


18 






54 


6 


18 


4 


18 






48 


4 


18 


4 


18 






44 


6 


18 


2 


18 






40 


4 


18 


2 


18 






34 


6 


12 


4 


12 






34 


6 


12 


2 


12 






28 


6 


12 


2 


12 






26 


6 


12 


2 


12 






24 


r. 


12 


2 


12 






22 



Ship-rigged. 



832 CIVIL HISTORY OF THE ROYAL ^AVY, 1763-1792. [1779. 

calibres. In consequence of the first, second, and third-rate ships having their quarter- 
decks as fully supplied with guns as there was room for ports on each side, no 
additional pieces could be placed there ; but it was found that the forecastle would 
generally admit the opening of a pair of extra ports, and that the poop, which for 
nearly a century past had served chiefly as a roof to the captain's cabin, would if 
limbered up on each side, afford space for three pairs of ports, making, in the whole, eight 
additional ports for the reception of carronades. The 50-guu ship was found to have 
room for a pair of additional ports on her quarterdeck, besides a pair on her forecastle, 
and three pairs on her poop, when the latter was barricaded, making altogether ten 
ports. The 4-1-gun ship had no poop, and no armament on the quarterdeck. By 
furnishing the latter with a barricade, and cutting through it four pairs of ports, 
besides an extra pair on the forecastle, this ship might mount the same additional 
number of pieces as the 50. The three remaining classes of the fifth, and the first two 
classes of the sixth rate, would also admit of additional ports being cut through the 
sides of their forecastles and quarterdecks. The third class of the sixth rate, and the 
quarterdecked ship-sloop class, being, in respect to their quarterdecks and forecastles, 
in a similar state to the 44, would require to be similarly built up before they could 
mount the eight carronades assigned to them.^ 

" Several captains complained of the carronade ; some, of its upsetting after being 
heated by successive discharges ; others, that, owing to its shortness, its fire scarcely 
jjassed clear of the ship's side, and that its range was too confined to be useful. The 
captains of some of the 32-gun frigates, in particular, represented that one pair of their 
quarterdeck carronades was so much in the way of the rigging as to endanger the 
lanyards of the shrouds, and begged to have their established number reduced from six 
to four. As the principal objection to carronades appeared to have arisen from defects 
in the manner of mounting them, some additional instructions on that head were 
prepared and forwarded by Mr. Gascoigne, the chief proprietor of the Carrou foundry. 
Some alterations were also made in the piece itself.^ Still the Board of Ordnance, in 
repeated conferences with the Navy Board, maintained the superiority of the old gun, 
resting their arguments chiefly on the comparative length of its range ; while the Navy 
Board urged that a vessel, able to carry 4~pounders of the common construction, 
might, with equal ease, bear 18-pounders of the new ; that its shot was far more 
formidable and destructive ; and that its range was quite sufficient for the jiurpose 
required. . . . 

"According to an oflicial list, dated on the 9th of January, 1781, there were then 
429 ships in the Navy mounting carronades, among which the 32-pounder carronade 
appears, and was the first of that calibre which had been used. The total of the 
carronades employed was (504, namely, eight 32-pounders, four 24-poimders, three 
hundred and six 18-pounders, and two hundred and eighty-six 12-pounders. In 
December of this year, a recommendation to use 68-pounder carronades on the fore- 
castle of large ships, and 42 and 32-pounders on the same deck of some of the smaller 
rates, induced the Navy Board to order the old Rainbow, 44, to be fitted, by way of 
experiment, wholly with carronades of the largest description. Sir John Dalrymple 
proposed the casting of some that should carry a ball of 100 or 130 lbs. weight; 
but the Board resolved to confine themselves to the heaviest of the pieces already cast, 
the 68-pounder. 

" The necessary carronades were ordered from the foundry, and some of the 
foremen belonging to the works attended to see them properly fitted. It was not, 
however, until February or March, 1782, that the Rainbow could be completed in her 



1 Establishment of 1762. 

^ E.g., increasing its length by two calibres. 



1782.] 



CABEONADE V. LONG GUN. 



333 



equipment. What additional force she acquired by this change in her armament the 
following table will show : — 



OIJ Armament. 



First deck 
Second deck . 
Quarterdeck . 
Forecastle . 



Long Guns. 



No. 



20 

22 



44 



Prs. 



Broailside weight 
of metal. i 



18 
12 

6 



l.bs. 



a 18 



Xew Armament. 



Carronades. 



No. 



Prs. 



20 


68 


N 


22 


42 




4 


32 




2 


32 


1 


48 





[ Uroadside weight 
of metal. 



Lbs. 



1238 



" In the beginning of April, the Rainhoio, thus armed, and commanded by 
Captain . . . Henry Trollope, who, with Captain Keith Elphinstone (the late Admiral 
Lord Keith) and the late Eear- Admiral Macbride, was among the earliest patrons of the 
carronade, sailed on a cruise. All the well-known skill and enterprise of her captain 
failed, however, to bring him within gunshot of a foe worth contending with until the 
4th of the succeeding September, when, being off Isle de Bas, he came suddenly upon 
a large French frigate. Owing to the latter's peculiar bearing, one of the Bainhoid's 
forecastle 32-pounders was first discharged at her. Several of the shot fell on board, 
and discovered their size. The French captain, rationally concluding that, if such 
large shot came from the forecastle of the enemy's ship, much larger ones would follow 
from her lower batteries, tired his broadside ' pour I'bonneur du pavilion,' and sur- 
rendered to the Rainhoiv. . . . 

'• In the course of 1782, a few of the larger sorts of the carronade were mounted on 
board some of the receiving ships in order that the seamen of such vessels as were in port 
refitting might be exercised at handling and firing this, to them, novel piece of ordnance. 
As one proof of many that carronades were gaining ground in the Navy, the captains of 
the few 38 and 36-gun frigates in commission applied for and obtained 24-pounder 
caiTonades, in lieu of the 18s with which their ships had been established. The 
termination of the war in January, 1783, put a stop to any further experiments with 
the carronade ; but its merits were now too generally acknowledged to admit a doubt of 
its becoming a permanent favourite : in the British Navy, at least, where a short range 
is ever the chosen distance." 



It does not, however, appear that foreign powers adopted the 
carronade until after 1783.^ 

The estabhshment of long guns underwent various modifications, 
the most important of which may be shown thus : — 

^ Nor is it quite certain that the innovation was altogether beneficial. Mr. Henry 
Carey Baird, of Philadelphia, has laid before the author reasons for attributing some at 
least of the British failures during the War of 1812-15 to an excessive confidence in 
the value of the carronade. 



334 CIVIL HISTORY OF TEE ROYAL NAVY, 1763-1792. [1763-92. 



E.sTABLisHiiEXT OF GuNH (other than Carronades in 1792, aud half-pouuder Swivels 
in 1762) CARRIED by some of the principal classes of ships of the Koyal 
Navy in 1762 and 1792 respectively : — 









Lower Deck. Middle Deck. Upper Deck. 


Quarter- 
deck. 


Forecastle. 


Classes of Shins. 


Date. 




1 























No. 


i 

Prs. X 


0. Prs. 


No. 


Prs. 


No. 


Prs. 


No. 


Prs. 


100 guns 


(large) 


1762 


30 


42 2 


8 


24 


30 


12 


10 


6 


2 


6 


100 „ 


)? 


1792 


30 


32 or 42 1 28 


24 


30 


18 


10 


12 


2 


12 


100 „ 


(smaller) . 


1762 


28 


42 ' 28 


24 


28 


12 


12 


6 


4 


6 


100 „ 


jj 


1792 


28 


32 or 42 28 


24 


28 


12 


12 


12 


4 


12 


90 „ 




1762 


26 


32 2 


6 


18 


26 


12 


10 


6 


2 


6 


90 „ 




1792 


26 


32 2 


6 


18 


26 


12 


10 


12 


2 


12 


80 „ 


(3-decker). 


1762 


26 


32 26 


18 


24 


9 


4 


6 


.. 


.. 


80 „ 


(2-decker) . 


1792 


30 


32 


i • 


. 1 32 


24 


14 


12 


'4 


12 


74 „ 


(larger) . 


1762 


28 


32 


• 


. 30 


24 


12 


9 


4 


9 


"4 „ 


>? 


1792 


28 


32 


• 1 • 


. 30 


24 


14 


9 


2 


9 


^■i „ 


(smaller) . 


1762 


28 


32 


• 




28 


18 


14 


9 


4 


9 


T4 „ 


)» 


1792 


28 


32 


. 




30 


18 


12 


9 


4 


9 


64 „ 




1762 


26 


24 


• 1 




26 


18 


10 


9 


2 


9 


64 „ 








1792 


26 


24 








26 


18 


10 


9 


2 


9 


50 „ 








1762 


22 


24 






^ 


22 


12 


4 


6 


2 


6 


50 „ 








1792 


22 


24 








22 


12 


4 


6 


2 


6 


44 „ 








1762 


20 


18 








22 


9 




• • 


2 


6 


44 „ 








1792 


20 


18 






• 


22 


12 


• • 


, , 


2 


6 


36 „ 






. 


1762 












26 


12 


8 


6 


2 


6 


36 „ 








1792 










'. ! 26 


18 


8 


9 


2 


12 


32 „ 








1762 












26 


12 


4 


6 


2 


6 


32 „ 








1792 












26 


18 


4 


6 


2 


6 


28 „ 








1762 




1 . 








24 


9 


4 


3 






28 „ 








1792 












24 


9 


4 


6 






24 „ 








1762 


2 


9 








20 


9 


2 


3 






24 „ 








1792 












22 


9 


2 


6 






20 „ 








1762 




1 . 








20 


9 


.. 








20 „ 








1792 










• 


20 


9 


.. 


.. 






14-gun s 


oops 




1762 










. 14 


6 


, , 








14-gun 


JJ 






1792 










_ 


14 


6 




•• 







Gun-locks and tin firing-tubes had been used in a few ships 
during the latter part of the Seven Years' War; but, the general 
feehng of the service being against them, the old match was 
reverted to until after 1780, when the flint lock, with an improved 
tube, became common, though the match-tub was retained for use 
in case of breakdown. 

As in Chap. XXVI., particulars of some typical ships of war of 
the period under review are given : — 



1763-92.] 



SOME TYPICAL MEN-OF-WAR. 



335 



Typical British Ships of War, 1763-92, including both Prizes asd 

T'ritish-built Vessels ; — 



Ship. 



Victory 100 



Ville de Paris 
Queen Charlotte 
Hiirjleur . 
Gibraltar (ex F, 
Ca;sar . 
Hamillies . 
Ramillies . 
Brunswick 
Augusta 
Protee . 
Prince William 
Argonaut . 
Warioick . 
Hoehuck 

Princess Caruline 
Prudente . 
Minerva . 
Hebe . . 
Oiseau . . 
Thalia . 
.Velampus . 
Glory . . 
Iris (later Hancoc. 
Clinton (ex Bspen 
Heroine 
Castor . 
Hussar 
Sartine. 
Virginia 
Hose 

Amphitrite 
.Squirrel 
Ariadne 
Charleston 

Boston') 
Cygnet . 
Zebra . 
Brisk . 
Swift . 
Sernent. 
Childers, brig . 
Ferret, cutter . 
Cockatrice, cutter 
Alecto, firesbip 
^Etna, bomb . 

Augusta, yaclit 



nix) 



k) 
•ance) 



(exi 



104 

100 
98 
80 
80 
74 
74 
74 
64 
64 
64 
64 
50 
44 
44 
38 
38 
38 
36 
36 
36 
32 
32 
32 
32 
32 
28 
28 
28 
28 
24 
24 
20 

20 

18 
18 
16 
14 
14 
14 

6 
10 
12 

8 



*1782 

1789 

1768 

*1780 

1793 

1763 

1785 

1790 

1763 

*1780 

*1780 

*1782 

1765 

1774 

*1781 

*1779 

1780 

*1782 

*1779 

1782 

1786 

1763 

*1777 

*1780 

1783 

1786 

1763 

*1778 

*1778 

1785 

1776 

1785 

1776 



Length of 



Gun 
Deck. 



Keel. 



Ft. in. !Ft. in. 
1765 186 151 3i 



185 
190 
177 
178 
181 
168 
170 
176 
159 
164 
153 
1 163 
:i51 
[140 
129 
136 
!l41 
150 
146 
137 
141 
125 
137 
134 
130 
126 
114 
132 
132 
120 
114 
119 

;108 



7il53 
156 
8 144 
lOJ 144 
,148 
6 138 
140 
2i 145 

13U 

1 140 
•2i 130 
136 
122 

116 

1 107 
118 

117 
1^^125 
3 ,126 

1 113 

3 |117 

103 

1 116 
113 

11^107 
104 

4 1 102 
6 1118 
6 108 



Beam. 



Ft. io. 



52 
53 

52 
50 
53 



*1780 114 



1776 
1780 
1774 
1763 
1789 
1778 
1763 
1781 
1781 
1776 
reblt. 
1770 



110 
98 

101 
91 

100 
78 
50 
69 

108 
91 

Iso 





5 

0* 

6 

3i 51 

2 I 46 
li 47 

3 , 48 
6^; 44 
0| 44 
3f! 44 
I 45 



11 
Oi 
4 
6 

7 

4 
9 

9* 
6 



99 
94 



9 

41 
5 
11 
31 

H 
9f 
3i 
Of 
4 
6 

10» 


Hi 


6 
3*1 



99 





89 


8 


94 


3* 


90 


9i 


80 





83 


4 


74 


Sk 


82 


H 


60 


8 


39 





52 





90 


61 


74 


5 


64 


11? 



40 
37 
38 
37 
38 
39 
34 
38 
38 
35 
34 
35 
36 
35 
33 
35 
34 
33 
32 
32 
30 

32 





8* 

4 

5 

3* 

3 

llf 
2 
9 

H 

7 

1 

4 
2 

lot 

10 

9* 
10 
11 

1 

3 
10 

2 

3i 



Oi 


10| 

9 

6 

6 



5 





28 
27 
27 
26 
27 
25 
20 
25 
29 
27 

23 



3i 

5i 

7 

2i 







7 

n 



Depth. 



Ft. in. 
21 6 



22 
22 
21 
22 
22 
19 
19 
19 
18 
19 
19 
18 
18 
16 
15 
10 
13 
12 

9 
13 
13 
11 
10 
13 
13 
12 
11 
15 
10 
11 
10 
10 

9 

10 

9 
13 
12 
13 
13 
11 

7 
10 

9 
12 



2 

4 



4 

4 

9 
11 

6 
10 



9i 

1 

3 

4 

6 
10 

9 
10 

lot 

3 
9 

0* 
11 
9 
3 
2 

3 
7 


3* 
3 





4 
10 

3i 




10 

9 



1 



li 10 11 



a c 



a 



Whei'e, and by whom Built. 



2162 

2347 

2279 

1947 

2184 

1991 

1619 

1669 

1836 

1381 

1480 

1346 

1521 

1053 

886 

862 

897 

940 

1062 

783 

881 

939 

679 

730 

736 

779 

678 

627 

802 

802 

594 

513 

553 

429 

514 

385 
320 
337 
271 
321 
202 
83 
181 
423 
303 



/Chatham, E. Allen, after Sir 

I T. Slade. 

*Taken from the French. 

Chatham. 

Chatham, J. Harris. 
*Taken from the Spaniards. 

Plymouth. 

Chatham, E. AUeu. 

Thames, Randall & Co. 

Deptford, M. Ware. 

Thames, Wells & Co. 
*Taken from the French. 
*Takeu from the Spauiards. 
*Taken from the French. 

Portsmouth, J. Buckuall. 

Chatham. 

*Taken from the Dutch. 
*Taken from the French. 

Woolwich, J. Jenner, 
*Taken from the French. 
*Taken from the French. 

Bursledon, H. Parsons. 

Bristol. 

Hull, J. Hodgson. 
*Takeu from the Americans. 
*Taken from the French. 

Bucklershard. 

Harwich. 

Thames, R. Inwood. 
*Taken from the French. 
*Taken from the Americans. 

Sandgate. 

Deptford, A. Hayes. 

Liverpool. 

Chatham, J. Powuall. 

*Taken from the Americans. 



Gravesend, Cleverh 
Sandgate. 
Thames, H. Bird. 
Plymouth. 
Thames. 



Chatham, E. 
Dover. 
Dover. 
Thames. 



Allen. 



184 Deptford. 



During the peace which preceded the war with the American 
Colonies, the condition of the dockyards, and of the ships in ordinary, 
was much neglected; and when, in 1771, the First Lord of the 
Admiralty had occasion to demand of the Surveyor of the Navy a 
return of the number of vessels fit for service, he received a reply 
which, he presently found, conveyed an entirely misleading impres- 
sion. The store of oak timber was also discovered to be at a 
dangerously low ebb. Upon this, it was ordered in Council that for 
the future His Majesty's Navy and Yards throughout the kingdom 
should be inspected by the Board of Admiralty every two years. A 



336 CIVIL HISTOBY OF THE ROYAL NAVY, 1763-1792. [1763-92. 

little later, in 1775, the practice of paying by piece-work was intro- 
duced in the dockyards. After the war, the Admiralty, on July 10th, 
1783, appointed twenty-four Masters ^ from the half-pay list to 
superintend the ships in ordinary ; eight at Portsmouth , six at 
Plymouth, eight at Chatham and Sheerness, and two at Woolwich. 
To each Master a division of ships was entrusted ; and to every ship 
was assigned a proportion of men, besides warrant officers and 
servants, as follows : ships of 100 guns and upwards, 36 men ; ships 
of 90 or 98 guns, 32 men ; ships of 70 or 74 guns, 26 men ; ships of 
64 guns, 20 men ; ships of 50 guns, 14 men ; ships of 44 guns, 
12 men ; ships of 28 or 38 guns, 10 men ; ships of 24 guns, 8 men ; 
sloops, 6 men ; and cutters, 4 men. 

Ships fit for service were ordered to have their lower masts in ; 
their bowsprits, lower yards, topmasts and topsail yards on board ; 
and a roof over their upper decks to protect them from the weather. 
In 1784, revised rules were issued for the appropriation and laying 
aside of gear and stores for ships under construction, with a view to 
ensuring that the former should be ready as soon as the latter ; 
and better arrangements were made for the accumulation of reserve 
and spare stores at the dockyards and the naval stations abroad. 
It has been mentioned in a previous chapter that the first 
British man-of-war to be coppered was the Alarm, 32. This was 
in 1761. A second ship was not similarly treated till 1764, when 
the Dolpliin, 24, was coppered. Then followed the Jason, 32, and 
in 1776, the Daphne, 20. Between that time and 1784 or 1785 
nearly every vessel in the Navy was dealt with in the same way. It 
was still asserted that the ships in ordinary deteriorated very rapidly 
in consequence of the action set up between the copper on their 
bottoms and the iron on their bolts. An inquiry into the matter 
was instituted in 1786 ; but it did not result in the condemnation of 
the practice of laying up ships with their copper on. An improved 
method of copper fastening had been, however, introduced a little 
before that time ; ^ and this, doubtless, had the effect of diminishing, 
if not of altogether preventing, the galvanic action which had been 
complained of. 

About the year 1764 some improvements in ships' pumps were 

^ The Master, it need scarcely be explained, was then only a warrant officer, 
although he was nearly equivalent to the Navigating Lieutenant of a later date. 
He was totally distinct from the commissioned Master-and-Coinmander, — the Com- 
mander of to-day. 

^ In November, 1783. 



1763-92.] PROVISION OF FRESH WATER. 337 

introduced by a Mr. Coles ; and in that year the Admiralty ordered 
a 60-gun ship to be experimentally fitted with pumps of Mr. Coles's 
pattern. In the following year a similar pump was fitted on board 
the Seaford, 20, at Portsmouth ; and it was then found that, 
whereas the old pump required seven men to pump out a ton of 
water in 76 seconds, the new pump, with but four men, would pump 
out a ton of water in 43^ seconds ; and that, whereas two men could 
not move the old pump at all, two men could with the new pump 
pump out a ton of water in 55 seconds. It was also found that, 
when choked with single ballast, the new pump could be cleared in 
four minutes, while the old could not be cleared at all so long as 
water remained in the ship's hold. Experiments continued ; and it 
would appear that, for some years, Coles's pump was largely used in 
the Navy ; but it was from time to time improved, notably in 1787, 
and, in 1791, by a Mr. Hill, a carpenter B.N., who was also the 
inventor of a machine for drawing bolts out of ships' sides, and of 
an apparatus for stopping shot-holes below the water-line. 

The distillation of fresh water from salt was not usually practised 
on shipboard during the period ; but it was carried out occasionally. 
In 1772 the Admiralty directed all ships of war to be fitted with a 
still and other necessary apparatus. The process appears to have 
been the invention of one Dr. Lynn ; but a Frenchman, M. de 
St. Poissonniere, devised a somewhat similar process at about the 
same time. It was, however, impossible in those days to distil 
sufticient water for the whole ordinary consumption of a ship's crew. 
At best only relatively small quantities could be prepared ; and, 
looking to the invariable foulness of shore water after it has been for 
some time in a ship's casks or tanks, it is astonishing that it was 
ever possible for even the most careful captains to keep their crews 
in fair health during long voyages. Yet some at least of them 
certainly managed to do so. In the course of Cook's second voyage, 
with the Besolutioji and Adventure, between April, 1772, and July, 
1774, only four men, exclusive of a boat's crew who were murdered 
in New Zealand by the natives, died ; and of these but one died of 
sickness. In Cook's last voyage the Resolution lost but five by 
sickness, three of these having been in ill-health when they left 
England ; and the Adventure lost not so much as a single man in 
the four years and two months during which she was absent from 
home. 

Progress, but not very rapid progress, was made between 1763 

VOL. III. z 



338 CIVIL HISTORY OF THE BOYAL NAVY, 1763-1792. [1763-92. 

and 1792 in lighting and buoying the coasts of the United Kingdom. 
The Smalls Rock light was first shown from a wooden structure 
which was built by Mr. Henry Whiteside in 1778, and which was 
not removed until 1861. The Needles' and St. Catherine's light- 
houses were estabHshed in 1780. The Longships' lighthouse, off 
Land's End, was begun in September, 1791. A 21-inch aperture 
facet reflector, used at Liverpool in 1763 ; a facet parabolic reflector, 
used in the Scots lighthouses about the year 1787 ; and a plano- 
convex lens, used at Portland in 1789, were shown at the Eoyal 
Naval Exhibition, 1891. 

Lightning conductors were, at Anson's instance, supplied to 
ships soon after that ofiicer's death in 1762 ; but they were not 
permanently fitted, and were merely directed to be set up when a 
storm threatened. In consequence, they were often not used at all, 
and many accidents resulted. 

Efforts to arrive at some satisfactory method of discovering the 
longitude at sea continued to be made. In 1764, Mr. William 
Harrison, with one of his timekeepers, was received on board the 
Tartar, 28, Captain John Lindsay. She sailed from Spithead on 
March 28th, and arrived at Madeira on April 19th. Captain 
Lindsay made Porto Santo exactly as he had been led to believe 
that he would make it by Mr. Harrison, who had taken two alti- 
tudes of the sun on the 18th. The ship proceeded ; and on May 12th, 
Harrison was able accurately to discover her distance from Barbados, 
which was sighted on the 13th. Harrison returned to England in a 
merchantman, arriving in London on July 18th. The timekeeper 
was then only fifteen seconds slow, allowing for the variations of the 
thermometer, as chronicled in the inventor's journal. In 1765 the 
Board of Longitude approved a scheme of marine tables, designed 
by Mr. Witchell, for finding the longitude at sea by the lunar 
method ; and it awarded the inventor £1000 to enable him to carry 
out his plans. In consequence, with Mr. Isaac Lyons, junior, 
Mr. Wales, of Greenwich, and Mr. Mapson, Mr. Witchell became 
responsible, under the direction of the Astronomer Royal, Neville 
Maskelyne, for the compilation of a nautical ephemeris for the use 
of navigators and astronomers. This was the origin of the ' Nautical 
Almanac,' a publication which has since remained at the head of all 
works of the kind. 

In the course of the war which ended in 1763 the number of 
seamen and Marines employed in the Navy \vas 184,893. Of these 



1763-92.] MORTALITY AND DESERTION. 339 

only 1512 were returned as having been killed in action or by 
accident : yet, at the conclusion of the war, no more than 49,673 
remained on the books of the Navy Office. The number, therefore, 
of those who had died by sickness or were missing reached the 
extraordinarily large total of 133,708. These figures incline one to 
believe that there must have been an enormous amount of desertion. 

Another return, issued in 1780, shows the number of men raised 
for H.M. Navy between September 29th, 1774, and September 29th, 
1780, and the number killed in action, and who died or deserted, 
between January 1st, 1776, and September 29th, 1780. This casts 
much light upon the discontent which in those days must have 
prevailed upon the lower deck of the Navy. The number of men 
raised in the six years was 175,990. Of these, in the four years 
covered by the second part of the return, only 1243 had been killed, 
and no more than 18,541 had perished from sickness or disease ; but 
as many as 42,069 had run. The discontent thus indicated did not 
lead during the period, as it did later, to any general outbreak, but it 
produced several isolated disturbances. For instance, at the peace 
in 1783, when the Channel fleet was ordered into port to be reduced 
and paid ofl', the men in many ships became riotous and even 
mutinous, owing to their intolerance of delay in liberating them. 
On that occasion the discontent in the Baisonnable, 64, was quashed 
by the captain. Lord Hervey, who, having appealed in vain to his 
crew to behave themselves, went forward armed, with his officers, 
and, having seized the ringleaders, soon compelled the rest to obey. 
When the ship arrived at Sheerness several men were tried by 
court-martial, and four of them were condemned to death. Three 
of them were executed on August 11th, on board the Carnatic, 
Scipio, and Dictator respectively. The fourth, who was to have 
suffered on board the Thetis, was reprieved immediately before the 
moment fixed for his execution. The mutiny of the Bounty is 
described elsewhere. There were also mutinous outbreaks in the 
Narcissus, 20, Captain Edward Edwards, in 1782, and, at different 
times, in other vessels. 

During this period it was on several occasions found necessary 
to offer government bounties to seamen ; and, as often, special 
bounties were also offered to them by corporations and cities. 
In 1770, at the time of the Falkland Islands' scare, the King, 
by proclamation, offered a bounty of 30,s". to every able seaman ; and 
the following cities offered additional bounties : i.e., London, 40s. to 

z 2 



340 CIVIL HISTORY OF THE ROTAL NAVY, 1763-1792. [1763-92. 

every able seaman ; Bristol, 20s. to every able seaman ; Montrose 
and Edinburgh, each 2 guineas to every able, and 1 guinea to every 
ordinary seaman ; Aberdeen, 1 guinea to every able, and 15.5. to 
every ordinary seaman ; and Lynn, 1 guinea to every able seaman. 
In 1773, again, the King offered to every able seaman £'d, to every 
ordinary seaman ij2, and to every landsman £1. In 1779 the East 
India Company, besides building at its own expense three 74-gun 
ships, the Ganges, Carnatic, and Bombay Castle, provided the 
necessary bounty for the raising of 6000 seamen. In 1791 bounties 
w^ere offered on the same scale as in 1773. 

The position of the seamen of the Navy was but little improved, 
and the failure of the authorities to care sufficiently for the lower 
deck led a little later to mutinies which, at one time, threatened to 
be extremely serious. The status of many of the ofticers was, 
however, from time to time considerablj" bettered. For example, 
in 1773, in consequence of a petition presented to Parliament by 
Lord Howe, Captains were granted an addition of Is. a day to their 
half-pay, so that, thereafter, the first thirty Captains on the hst 
received lOs., the next 8s., and the rest 6s. per day. In the same 
year the number of Surgeons entitled to half-pay was increased from 
fifty to a hundred, half to receive 2s. 6r7. and half 2s. The number 
of Masters entitled to half-pay was increased to the same extent, the 
half-pay being the same as in the case of the Surgeons. In 1779 the 
twenty senior Masters, if qualified for first or second-rate ships, were 
given half -pay at the rate of 3s. 6*:/. a day, and the next seventy-five 
at the rate of 3s. a day. In 1781, the list of Surgeons entitled to 
half-pay was increased to one hundred and twenty-five, they being 
Surgeons of not less than five years' actual service. The first fifty 
on the hst received 2s. M., and the next seventy-five 2s. a day. 

But the attractions of the Navy in peace time were never great 
enough to induce anything like the whole body of ofiicers to rest 
content with their position, which was indeed then a very unsatis- 
factory one. In 1771, Admiral Sir Charles Knowles solicited and 
obtained the King's permission to enter the Russian navy, in which 
he remained until 1774, when, upon his return to England, he was 
reinstated in his rank. During the next peace many officers of 
inferior position also lent their services to Russia ; and in the battles 
of 1788-90, between the Russians and the Swedes, British captains, 
some of whom had been only lieutenants or masters in their own 
service, commanded ships on both sides. Indeed, Admiral Samuel 



1781.] THE STATUS OF CAPTAIN OF THE FLEET. 341 

Grieg/ who was at one time commander-in-chief of the Russian 
fleet, was a Scot. Among the captains, Trevenen,^ Denison, and 
Marshall, who were killed, and Elphinstone,^ Miller, and Aiken, 
deserve to be remembered. Sir William Sidney Smith, then a 
captain, E.N., served as a volunteer with the Swedes. In wartime, 
adventures and the prospect of prize-money seem to have satisfied 
British naval officers as a body : and there was very little agitation 
in favour of increased pay, although the pay, all things considered, 
was miserably small. But in peace, many officers either found work 
for their swords in the service of foreign states, or accepted employ- 
ment in command of merchant vessels.* 

It may be mentioned in connection with the subject of prize- 
money that in 1781 an old dispute between Vice-Admiral John 
Campbell, who had been Keppel's Captain of the Fleet in 1778, and 
Sir Hugh Palliser, who had been Keppel's third in command, was 
decided. Campbell claimed a flag-officer's share of the prize-money 
arising from captures made by the fleet : Palliser resisted the claim ; 
and the matter was referred to arbitration. The arbitrator decided 
against Campbell, and, incidentally, against Kempenfelt, upon whose 
behalf there was a similar claim ; and this in spite of the fact that 
as early as 1672 an order of the Duke of York had directed that the 
First Captain to the Commander-in-Chief of the Fleet should rank as 
a flag-officer. But, although the decision was thus adverse, the King, 
on January 9th, 1782, by proclamation, ordered that for the future 
the First Captain to the Commander-in-Chief of the Fleet or to any 
flag-officer commanding twenty ships in the line of battle, whether 
British only, or British and their allies, should rank as a flag-officer, 
and should be entitled to share prize-money on the same scale as 
the junior flag-officer in the fleet. It was at the same time ordered 
that the Physician of the Fleet should share prize-money on the 
same scale as the lieutenants. A seaman's share of prize-money 

^ Samuel Grieg, born, 1736 ; served with the British fleet at Q.uiberon, 1759 ; joined 
the Russian navy, 1764. Mainly responsible for the victory off Tchesme, July, 1770. 
Commanded in the action off Gogland. Died, 1788. A Russian man-of-war still bears 
his name. 

^ Had been a midshipman and lieutenant in the Resolution in Cook's last voyage. 
Mortally wounded at Wyborg, 1789. 

^ Samuel Williams Elphinstone, second sou of Captain John Elphinstone (1), R.N., 
who entered the Russian service iu 1769, and became an admiral. He returned to 
active service iu the British Xavy in 1775, and died in 1785. Captain S. W. Elphin- 
stone married a daughter of Admiral Cruse, a Scotsman in the Russian service. 

■* Among those who commanded merchant ships was Sir Home Riggs Popham. 



312 CIVIL HISTORY OF THE ROTAL NAVY, 1763-1792. [1763-92. 

was of course alwaj's very small ; but a slight concession to the 
lower deck was made in 1771, when an Act of Parliament authoi^ised 
Greenwich Hospital, in certain specified cases, to refund unclaimed 
shares of prize-money or bounty-money within a limited time after 
payment of such into the funds of the hospital. 

Indirectly, something more was done for the seamen by the 
action of the Marine Society, which, in 1763, immediately after the 
peace, resolved to receive, and make provision for, all boys under 
sixteen years of age, who had been, or might be, discharged from 
the service, by putting them as apprentices into the mercantile 
marine, on their presenting certificates of good behaviour from their 
former officers, or by apprenticing them into some trade. Thus 295 
boys were at once benefited. Again, in 1775 the Hibernian Marine 
Society in Dublin was incorporated under letters patent, for the 
maintenance, education, and apprenticing of orphans and children 
of decayed mariners ; and in 1787 a Marine School at Hull was 
opened by the Corporation of Trinity House, for the education and 
clothing of boys intended for the sea service. 

A little more was done for the artificers in the Dockyards. In 
1764 one man out of every fifty of those who had served with good 
character for thirty years, was made entitled to a pension of i02O per 
year. In 1771 this privilege was extended to one in forty, instead 
of one in fifty ; and the men, for pension purposes, were divided into 
three classes, i.e., joiners, shipwrights,^ blockmakers, plumbers, 
braziers, blacksmiths, and armourers, £20 a year ; house carpenters, 
sailmakers, smiths, and bricklayers, £15 ; pitch-heaters, bricklayers' 
labourers, riggers, and riggers' labourers, £10 a year. When the 
King was at Portsmouth in 1773 he, moreover, ordered £1500 to 

^ Number of shipwrights borne in H.M. Dockyards on January 14th of each veai-, 
1763-1792 :— 



Year. 


No. 


Year. 


No. 


\<.-M. 


No. 


1763 


2941 


1773 


3195 


' 1783 


3260 


1764 


2723 


1774 


3260 


1784 


3141 


1765 


3060 


1775 


3236 


1785 


3130 


1766 


3143 


1776 


3145 


1786 


3125 


1767 


3155 


1777 


3140 


1787 


3082 


1768 


3003 


1778 


3126 


1788 


3059 


17G9 


2974 


1779 


3246 


1789 


3023 


1770 


2928 


1780 


3200 


1790 


2965 


1771 


3383 


1781 


3290 


1791 


3082 


1772 


3202 


1782 


3248 


1792 


3060 



1763-92.] NAVAL REVIEWS. 343 

be distributed among the artificers, workmen, and labourers of the 
Dockyard, Victualling Office, and Gunwharf. 

The King's visit on that occasion took place in order that His 
Majesty might review the fleet then lying at Spithead. On June 
22nd, the King went on board the Barfleur, flagship of Vice-Admiral 
Thomas Pye, dined there, and, in the evening, knighted the Vice- 
Admiral, Eear- Admiral Kichard Spry, Captain Joseph Knight, senior 
captain in the fleet, Captain Edward Vernon (2), of the Barfleur, and 
Captain Richard Bickerton, of the Augusta, yacht. He also con- 
ferred baronetcies on Captain Hugh Palliser, Controller of the 
Navy, and Captain Eichard Hughes (2), Commissioner of the Dock- 
yard. He directed the promotion of such commanders of sloops, 
first lieutenants of flagships, and lieutenants commanding cutters, 
as were present, as well as of the lieutenant of the Augusta, yacht, 
and of two midshipmen from each of certain ships. He further 
gave £350 to the crews of the Barfleur, of the Augusta, yacht, and 
of the royal barge. 

This was not the only time when George III. visited his Navy 
in the earlier part of his reign. In 1781 he reviewed Vice-Admiral 
Sir Hyde Parker's fleet at the Nore, after its return from the battle 
of the Doggersbank, and went on board the Fortitude. In 1789, 
the King and Queen, with some of the princes, reviewed such 
ships as were in Portland Eoad ; and, during their residence at 
Weymouth, they went for several short sea cruises in the South- 
ampton, 32, Captain Andrew Snape Hamond, and the Magnifi- 
cent, 74, Captain Eichard Onslow. Later in the same summer 
they proceeded to Plymouth and visited the Impregjiable, 90, 
Eear-Admiral Sir Eichard Bickerton. Indeed, King George III. 
always took a great personal interest in the Navy, in which served 
two of his brothers ^ and one of his sons.^ 

The subject of promotion to the flag, which had for some time 
previously been a little unsystematic, attracted much attention in 
1787. Early in the eighteenth century it had been the custom 
for the Crown to promote to the flag by selection, tempered 
by seniority. In the middle of the century, seniority gradually 
strengthened its claim ; and soon after the conclusion of the 
American War, when a captain, upon reaching the top of the 
captains' list, instead of being given a flag was put upon the list 

^ Edward Augustus, Duke of York, and Henry Frederick, Duke of Cumberland. 
^ William Henry, Duke of Clarence, afterwards William I"\'. 



344 CIVIL HISTOBY OF THE ROYAL NAVY, 1763-1792. [1787. 

of Superannuated Rear- Admirals, or was altogether passed over, he 
thought himself aggrieved. Things came to a crisis in 1787. On 
March 5th of that year, Sir Matthew White Eidley moved in the 
House of Commons an address to the King on behalf of Captain 
David Brodie,^ who had been several times passed over. The 
motion, being strongly opposed by the Ministry, was defeated by 
a majority of seventeen in a house of one hundred and eighty- 
three. But the subject was not left there. On February 20th, 
1788, Lord Rawdon took up the matter in the House of Lords. 

It should be explained that by an Order in Council, dated in 
1718 and addressed to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, it 
was directed that their Lordships, in the advancement of officers to 
the rank of rear-admiral, should promote according to the seniority 
of the captains on the list, regard only being had to the officers 
being qualified for the rank to which they were otherwise eligible 
for promotion. By a subsequent order of 1747, the Lords of the 
Admiralty were authorised to superannuate such captains of long 
and meritorious service as, in their Lordships' opinion, should be 
disqualified by age or infirmity from serving as flag-officers, and that 
such officers should have the title of Superannuated Rear- Admirals. 
In the vulgar speech of the day these were usually called " Yellow 
Admirals." In a promotion made by the Board of Admiralty on 
September 24th, 1787, sixteen captains had been advanced to the 
flag, while upwards of forty had been passed over. The greater 
number of these last had been offered transfer to the superannuated 
list ; but, believing themselves fully competent to serve as active 
flag-officers ; and believing, also, that their past services fully entitled 
them to promotion on the active list, they refused the retirement 
that was offered them, and sought to be reinstated in the line 
of active promotion. The policy which had been pursued by the 
Admiralty occasioned great dissatisfaction amongst naval officers, 
who discovered with misgiving that their expectations of rank, as 
a reward for long and meritorious service, might be altogether 
dependent upon the caprice of a First Lord of the Admiralty. It 
was for this reason that Lord Rawdon brought the case before 
the House of Lords. 

He moved " that a humble address be presented to His Majesty, 

' A captain of March 9th, 1748, who, in the ordinary course, would have become 
a Kear-Adniiral in 1778 or 1779 ; yet, though he had lost an arm in action, he was 
neither promoted nor superannuated. He appears to have died in 1788. 



1787.] PROMOTION TO FLAG-RANK. 345 

praying that he will be graciously pleased to take into his royal 
consideration the services of snch captains of His Majesty's Navy 
as were passed over in the last promotion of admirals." Lord 
Howe, as First Lord, rose at once to oppose the motion, and to justify 
his own action. He pointed out that there were several reasons, 
which might reasonably excuse an othcial in his position for passing 
over a number of captains. Those who were likely to be entrusted 
with the care of our fleets ought to be men sound in mind and 
body, and capable of enduring the hard service which would lie 
before them in war time. It did not necessarily follow that an 
officer, who had served ably and meritoriously in a subordinate 
position, was fit to be entrusted with the care of a fleet. A sergeant 
of grenadiers, though an able and excellent soldier, might not be 
qualified to command a body of troops on a forlorn hope. The 
First Lord was responsible for the good conduct and well-being 
of the service ; and, having such responsibility, he was necessarily 
justified in exercising his judgment and discretion in the appoint- 
ment of officers by whom the fleet was to be led. At the same 
time he could not, in any public assembly, state the particular 
reasons which had influenced his judgment in coming to a con- 
clusion on each case. He could only say that he had acted with 
the strictest impartiality. Had the officers who had been passed 
over been advanced, as was suggested, and had they been called 
into active service, as would probably have been the case, they 
must have gone on being promoted from time to time, subject only 
to the contingency of death ; and they might thus have stood in 
the way of many officers from whose services the country would 
have derived the highest degree of advantage. Finally, he pointed 
out that the principles which had governed the late promotion were 
not without precedent.^ 

The Earl of Sandwich also opposed the motion. It had been 
found, he said, at different periods extremely inconvenient and 
detrimental to the service that promotions to the flag should be 
governed merely by seniority. In the year 1747 a promotion had 
been necessary ; and those then on the Board of Admiralty had 
been aware that there were then on the list of captains several 
officers who were in an eminent degree qualified for the command 
of fleets ; but they had not, at first, known how to get at them 
without loading the public with unjustifiable expense. They had 
^ Instancing a promotion made in 1770, when Lord Hawke had been First Lord. 



346 CIVIL IIISTOBY OF THE ROYAL NAVY, 1763-1792. [1787. 

therefore planned the superannuation list, the object of which was 
to provide an income for such captains as the Board of Admiralty, 
not meaning to call them out for further service, omitted to appoint 
to the flag in the rota of seniority. At the time of instituting the 
establishment the object was to make eight flag-ofiicers only : and, in 
order to do that, nineteen captains were passed over. Yet the 
matter had not been taken notice of in the House of Commons, 
nor had there been any complaint of injustice or partiality. Those 
captains who had been put upon the superannuation list were not 
in any wise disgraced nor even stigmatised ; they merely entered 
what was an honourable retirement from service. 

Lord Eawdon's motion was negatived without a division. But 
on April 12th the subject was again brought forward in the House 
of Commons by Mr. Bastard, who particularly devoted himself to 
the cases of Captains Balfour ^ and Thompson, '-^ who, although 
they had received the thanks of the House for their behaviour 
on April l'2th, 1782, had, when they reached the top of the 
captains' list, been passed over. Naval opinion in the House was 
divided. Captain Sir George Colher and Captain John Macbride 
contending that such a . principle as had been followed by Lord 
Howe in 1787 must inevitably lead to the ruin of the service, and 
Captain Lord Mulgrave and Vice-Admiral Lord Hood being of 
opinion that any interference on the part of the House might 
eventually prove more detrimental than advantageous to the Navy. 
At the same time it seemed to be admitted on all sides that several 
officers who had been passed over did not appear to be in any 
respect disqualified for the rank to which, in the ordinary course 
of advancement, they were entitled. Finding, however, that the 
wording of his motion did not meet with favour, Mr. Bastard 
withdrew it, promising to bring forward the subject later in some 
other shape. 

Accordingly, on April 18th he moved " that the House resolve 
itself into a committee of the whole House to inquire into the 
conduct of the Board of Admiralty touching the late promotion 
to the flag." In support of his motion Mr. Bastard cited the 
cases not only of Captains Balfour and Thompson, but also those 

' George Balfour, Captain, July 26tli, 1758 ; superanncl. Rear- Admiral, 1787 ; died, 
June 28th, 17!i4. 

^ Samuel Thompson, Captain, November 4th, 1700; sui)eruund. Kear-Admiral, 
1788; died, August 13th, 1813. 




O^,-, 




..^^W^^i^ //i/t 2^%i?^i^^*<^ ^ cy,,j7>,cJ^f^uwi, ^^^ .^>&<%i; , 



,,^^<>:^»&t<»e. -^i^-zi^ ,y^,^j<^-^i>^^ ..o/Pi^ 



-^ , _^^»^«2^=i^' 



1787.] SENIORITY v. SELECTION. 347 

of Captains Samuel Uvedale, Thomas Shirley, John Bray, and 
John Laforey, most of whom had served with distinction in war ; 
and he pointed out that, although it might be alleged that Captain 
Bray had not been promoted because, during the last war, he 
had been employed on shore in the impress service, and that 
Captain Laforey ^ had been set aside because he had previously 
accepted the post of Commissioner of the Navy at Antigua, and, 
later, at Plymouth, Sir Charles Middleton, even while actually 
serving in a civil capacity,^ had been promoted, apparently, as 
a matter of course. Both Pitt and Fox took part in the debate. 
The latter, who supported the motion, urged that the rank of 
flag-officer ought to be considered from two points of view. The 
principal view was undoubtedly prospective, and looked to future 
service ; and, from that point of view, selection was proper and 
justifiable. But the rank might also be looked upon as an honour 
and reward for past services ; and, from that point of view, the 
promotion of 1787 could not be defended for a moment, and was 
most scandalously partial and unjust. And, he said, as proof that 
the Admiralty, at least in some cases, considered promotion as a 
reward for past services, he might cite the advancement of Sir 
John Lindsay, who, though an officer of first-rate reputation, was 
well known to be in so bad a state of health that there was no 
hope of his ever being able to resume an active career.^ Upon 
the question being put, the House divided, and the motion was 
lost by sixteen votes in a House of two hundred and eighty- 
four. 

The smallness of the majority encouraged Mr. Bastard to make 
a third attempt; and on April 29th he moved "that it is highly 
injurious to the service, and unjust, to set aside from promotion 
to the flag meritorious officers of approved services, who are not 
precluded by the orders of His Majesty in Council." On that 
occasion the motion was defeated by a majority of fifty-one in a 
House of three hundred and eighty-nine. 

The institution of a naval uniform for certain officers has been 
noticed in a previous chapter. As early as 1767, within twenty 

^ Laforey was eventually promoted, his commission as a flag-officer being ante-dated 
so as not to deprive him of any seniority. 

^ i.e., as Controller. Sir Charles was afterwards created Lord Barham. 

^ In point of fact, he died on June 4th, 1788, having been promoted only cm 
September 24th, 1787. 



348 CIVIL HISTORY OF THE ROYAL NAVY, 1763-1702. [1763-92. 

years of that institution, alterations were made by an Admiralty 
order of July 18th of that year, worded as follows : — 

It is His ^lajesty's pleasure that the embroidHred uniform clothing of flag officers, 
and the full dress uniibrm of Captains, Commanders, aud Lieutenants of His Majesty's 
tleet, bo discontinued, and that the frock uniform clothing of the said officers be likcAvise 
altered and worn as follows : The Admiral's frock to have narrow lappels down to the 
waist ; small boot cuffs ; a single lace instead of treble lace dtjwa to the skirts — a plain 
musquetaire lace ; but in all other respects the same as now worn. The Captains' and 
Commanders' frocks to have narrow lappels down to the waisf, and in all other respects 
as they are now worn. The Lieutei]ants' frocks to have narrow lajipels down to the 
waist, flash cuffs like the commanders', without lace, instead of roll cuffs, and in all 
other respects as now worn. 

Another modification was made in January, 1768, when the 
King signified his pleasure that the lappels and cuffs of the military 
uniform frocks appointed to be worn by the Lieutenants should be 
thenceforth of white, instead of blue cloth, and the waistcoat, etc.^ 
of plain white cloth, with gilt buttons of the pattern previously 
worn, without any lace. In 1774 another alteration was made in 
the uniform of Captains and Commanders ; and it was directed that 
the uniforms so altered should be considered as full dress, and 
that a blue frock with embroidered button-holes, conformable to 
a pattern lodged at the Navy Office, might be worn upon common 
occasions. The altered uniform was thus described : — 

The lace on the coat to return round the pockets and sleeves; the lappels and 
cuffs to be two inches and a lialf Uroad ; the lace upon the upper part of the lappels to 
run even with the bottom lace of the collar; the buttons to be flat, with an anchor 
and cable engraved thereon, according to the pattern lodged at the Navy Office ; the 
waistcoat to be plain instead of laced ; the breeches to be of the same colour as the 
waistcoat, instead of blue, and both to have buttons of the same pattern as those on 
the coat. The undress uniform was to have blue frock lappels, aud collar and cuffs of 
the same ; but the collar w^as to button on to the lappels aud lap over behind ; the 
lining to be of white shalloon ; the buttons to be the same as on the dress coat, and the 
buttonholes to be gold embroidered according to the following scheme : for Cairtains 
who had taken j)Ost three years or upwards, twelve holes in the lappels, by threes, 
three on the flaps, and three on the sleeves ; for Post Captains of less than three years' 
standing, twelve holes in the laj^pels, by twos, four holes on the flaps, and three on the 
sleeves ; and for Commanders, twelve holes in the lappels disposed regularly, with three 
holes on the flaps and three on the sleeves ; and waistcoat and breeches to be the same 
as for the dress uniform. 

In 1783 there was another alteration, the uniforms then being — 

For Admirals, blue cloth coat, with white cuffs, white waistcoat and l)reeclies. The 
coat and waistcoat to be embroidered with gold, in pattern and description the same as 
that worn by generals in the army, with three rows of embroidery on the cufts. For 
Vice-Adnurals the same, but witli embroidery the same as worn by lieutenant-generals 
in the army, and witii two rows of embroidery on the cuffs. For llear-Admirals the 



1763-92.] NAVAL UNIFORMS. 349 

same, but with embroidery similar to that worn by major-generals in the army, and 
with one row of embroidery on the cuffs. The buttons were to remain as before. 

The above were the full dress uniforms. The undress uniforms 
were — 

For Admirals, a blue cloth frock with blue cuffs and blue lappels ; embroidered 
buttonholes, like those previovisly in use, from the top to the bottom of the lappels, 
and three holes on the cuffs ; for Vice- Admirals, the same, with buttonholes arranged 
three and three ; for Eear-Admirals, the same, with buttonholes arranged two and two. 
All to wear plain white waistcoat and breeches. 

On November 17th, 1787, more extensive changes were made, 
in accordance with the following instructions : — 

Admirals' frocks ; blue cloth, with blue lappels and cuffs ; gold-lace holes, three, 
pointing at the end, with the same distinction in the disposition for the different ranks 
as before ; stand-up collar, with one hole on each side ; three holes in the flaps, three 
on the outside cuffs, and three behind ; white lining, and new anchor buttons with 
laurel. 

Post Captains of three years' standing ; full dress : blue cloth coat with white lappels 
and cuffs, laced with gold lace; the pockets double laced; round cuffs with two laces; 
three buttons to the pockets and cuffs ; blue stand-up collar, double laced ; white 
lining; new buttons with anchor in an oval; white cloth waistcoat, and breeches 
plain. Frocks : blue cloth coat with blue lappels and round cuffs ; fall-down collar ; 
^old laced holes square at both ends, regular in the lappels ; two to the pockets and two 
to the cuffs ; none behind ; white lining ; buttons the same as in full dress ; white cloth 
waistcoat, and breeches plain. 

Post Captains of under three years' standing ; full dress : blue coat with white 
lappels and cuffs, laced with gold lace ; pockets with one lace ; round cuffs with one 
lace ; three buttons to the pockets and cuffs ; blue stand-up collar double laced ; white 
lining; buttons as before-mentioned; white cloth waistcoat, and breeches jilaiu. 
Frocks : blue cloth coat ; blue lappels ; blue round cuffs ; fall-down collar ; gold laced 
holes square at both ends ; nine holes in the lappel by threes, two to the pockets, and 
two to the cuffs ; none behind ; white lining ; buttons the same as in full dress ; white 
cloth waistcoat, and breeches plain. 

Masters and Connnanders ; full dress : blue cloth coat with blue lappels and round 
cuffs, laced with gold lace; the pockets once laced, with one lace on the cuffs ; three 
buttons CO each ; stand-up collar, double laced ; white lining ; buttons as before ; 
white cloth waistcoat, and breeches plain. Frocks : blue coat, with blue lappels ; 
round cuffs, and fall-down collar ; gold laced holes, square at each end ; ten holes in 
•the lappels by two and two ; two to the pockets, and two to the cuffs ; none behind ; 
white lining ; buttons as before ; white cloth waistcoat, and breeches plain. 

Lieutenants ; full dress : blue cloth coat, with white lappels ; blue round cuffs ; 
holes regular in the lappels; three buttons to the pockets, and three to the cuffs; 
stand-up collar ; white lining ; buttons as for the Captains ; white cloth waistcoat, and 
breeches plain. Undress : blue cloth coat, edged with white cloth ; blue lappels, and 
blue round cuffs ; three buttons to the pockets and cuffs; stand-up collar; buttons as 
above ; white cloth waistcoat, and breeches plain. 

Warrant ofdcers : blue cloth coat, with blue lappels and round cuffs ; fall-down 
collar; three buttons to the pockets and cuffs; white lining, but not edged with white; 
buttons wdth an anchor, like the buttons previously worn by Captains ; white cloth 
waistcoat and breeches. 



350 CIVIL mSTOBY OF TEE ROYAL NAVY, 1763-1792. [1781-88. 

Masters' Mates : blue cloth coat, edged with white ; no iappels ; blue rouud cuffs, 
with three buttons ; three to the pockets ; fall-down collar ; white lining ; buttons as 
for the warrant officers ; white cloth waistcoat and breeches. 

Midshipmen : blue cloth coat ; no Iappels ; blue round cuffs, witli three buttons, 
and three to the pockets ; stand-up collar, with small white turn back as before ; white 
lining, but not edged ; buttons as for the warrant officers; wiiite clotli waistcoat and 
breeches. 

The expedition of Commodore Johnstone in 1781 led up to 
some interesting problems in naval law. Johnstone caused Captain 
Evelyn Sutton, of the Isis, to be tried by court-martial on a charge 
of misconduct during the action in Porto Praya Bay. Sutton, being 
honourably acquitted, brought a civil action for damages against 
Johnstone in the Court of Exchequer, and obtained a verdict for 
£5000. A new trial was demanded and Sutton thereupon secured 
a verdict for £6000. Johnstone procured a reversal of the judgment 
on a writ of error ; and Sutton ultimately took the case to the 
House of Lords, which, in May, 1787, afhrmed the reversal of 
the judgment. Lord Howe declaring that to establish the verdict 
would be to subvert the good order and disciphne of the Navy. 
Sutton in consequence lost his case. 

Another problem, arising out of the captures made by Johnstone 
in Saldanha Bay, was determined in June, 1786, when, on an appeal 
from the Court of Admiralty to the Lords of the Council, it was 
decided that, since the destination of Johnstone's force had been 
the Cape of Good Hope, and, seeing that a considerable land force, 
under General Meadows, had been on board and had shared in the 
action, the capture did not come under the provisions of the Prize 
Act. The whole of the property was claimed by, and would go 
to, the Crown ; and the captors must relinquish all hope of prize- 
money in respect of it, and look merely to the royal bounty for any 
compensation which they might eventually obtain. 

Yet another interesting and rather celebrated point in naval 
law was threshed out in 1788. In May of that year Captain Isaac 
Coftin, of the Thisbe, had been tried by court-martial at Halifax, N.S., 
on a charge of making false musters, in that he had kept on his 
ship's books one of his own nephews and two sons of Lord Dor- 
chester, who had, it appeared, not been actually on board, conform- 
ably with the rules of the Navy. The charge had been proved ; 
but as it had seemed to the court that it had been brought forward 
mainly in consequence of private pique and resentment, and that 
the accused ofticer had not intended to defraud His Majesty, Coffin 



1788.] ADMIRALTY REVISION OF SENTENCES. 351 

had been sentenced only to be dismissed from the command of the 
Thishe. When the officer arrived in England, Earl Howe, who 
was then First Lord of the Admiralty, so strongly disapproved of 
the sentence, which he believed to be not in accordance with the 
spirit of the 31st Article of "War, that he induced the Board to 
strike Coffin's name off the list of post captains. The Article in 
question declared, "Every officer, or other person in the fleet, 
who shall knowingly make or sign a false muster, or muster-book, 
etc., upon proof of any such offence being made before a court- 
martial, shall be cashiered and rendered incapable of further employ- 
ment in his Majesty's naval service." Coffin laid his case before 
the King, w!io, with the assent of the Privy Council, directed the 
twelve judges to give their opinion as to whether the Admiralty 
had the power to set aside the judgment of the court-martial. The 
judges decided that the Admiralty's sentence was not legal, and that 
the punishment directed to be inflicted by the Act of 22 George II., 
cap. 33, upon persons convicted of the offence set forth in the 31st 
Article of War established by the said Act, could not be inflicted, 
nor judgment thereon be pronounced or supplied, by any other 
authority than that of the court-martial which tried the offender. 
Coffin was thereupon reinstated in his rank, and after having served 
as Commissioner in Corsica, at Sheerness, etc., died an Admiral and 
a Baronet in 1839, in his eighty-first year. 

Questions concerning the right of search and the honour of the 
flag cropped up as in previous periods. In 1780, a squadron 
which, under Captain Charles Feilding (1), had been despatched 
for the purpose, intercepted, west of the Isle of Wight, a Dutch 
convoy escorted by two sail of the line and two frigates, under Bear- 
Admiral Count Lodewijk van Bylandt. Feilding demanded to 
examine the merchantmen , which were suspected of having on board 
naval stores for France. Van Bylandt resisted, and fired at some 
boats which had been sent to board the convoy. Feilding thereupon 
fired a shot ahead of the Dutch rear-admiral, who replied by dis- 
charging a broadside at the Namur, and, when it was returned, 
struck. Seven of the merchantmen were detained. 

In 1791, Commodore the Hon. William Cornwallis, having 
received intelligence that some neutral ships under French colours 
were expected on the Malabar coast, with supplies for Tippoo Sultan, 
found two of them in Mahe Eoad. They refused to be examined, 
pleading in particular that they were then in their own port ; but 



352 CIVIL HISTORY OF THE ROYAL NAVY, 1703-1792. [1763-92. 

Commander Edward James Foote, of the Atalanta, 14, sent a party, 
which broke open the hatchways. The examination, however, seems 
to have been considered by the Commodore to be inconchisive ; and, 
a Httle later, when the two French vessels sailed in company with 
the French frigate Besolu, 32, they were followed by the Phcenix, 36, 
and Perseverance, 36. The former got up with the French frigate 
off Mangalore, and was hailed to know what she wanted. Captain 
Sir Kichard John Strachan replied that he had orders to board the 
merchantmen. While his boats were occupied on that service 
they were fired at by the Besolu, which presently also discharged 
a broadside at the Phcenix. An action resulted ; and in twenty- 
five minutes the Frenchman struck, having lost 25 killed and 
40 wounded. The Phaniix lost only 6 killed and 11 wounded. A 
renewed examination of the merchantmen showed that they had no 
contraband of war on board ; and they were suffered to proceed on 
their voyage. 

A noteworthy case of the insistance of the right of the flag 
happened in 1769, when a Fiench frigate anchored in the Downs 
and neglected to pay the usual compliment. Captain John Hollwell 
sent a lieutenant to demand the salute. The French captain refused 
compliance, whereupon Hollwell ordered the Hawke, 10, to fire two 
shots over her. This induced her to concede the point without 
further dispute. 

Though the British Navy was thus jealous of its privileges, the 
relations between it and other countries upon the high seas were in 
some respects courteous and pleasant. In 1779, the French court 
chivalrously issued orders that the British circumnavigators, James 
Cook and Charles Clark, were on no account to be molested, 
although a state of war existed at the time. In 1785, when La 
Perouse ^ set out from Brest on his great voyage of discovery, the 
Admiralty and Koyal Society furnished him with copies of all such 
observations and charts as could be of use to him, and gave him also 
Cook's timekeeper and azimuth compass. 

* Jean Francois de Galaup, Conite tie La Perouse. Burn, 1741. Attacked Britisli 
settlements in Hudson's Bay, 1782. Perished off Yanicoro Island, 1788. His fate was 
not ascertained until 1827, by Dumont d'Urville. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

MAJOR OPERATIONS OF THE ROYAL NAVY, 1762-1783.* 

Decisive Influence of Control of the Water in the American Revolution — The Lake 
Campaign of 1776 — Attack upon Charleston, S. C. — Combined Military and Naval 
Operations about New York and Philadelphia, 1776-1778 — Howe and d'Estaing, 
1778 — Battle of Ushant, July, 1778 — Barrington at St. Lucia, December, 1778 
— Byron off Grenada, July, 1779^Franco-Spanish Fleet in the Channel, 1779 — 
Rodney and Langara, January, 1780 — Rodney at Gibraltar, and in the West 
Indies, 1780 — Combined Naval and Military Operations in Soiitheni States, 
1779-1781 — Arbuthnot and des Touches off the Chesapeake, March, 1781 — Hood 
and de Grasse off ^lartinique, April, 1781 — Graves and de Grasse oft' the Chesa- 
peake, September, 1781, and Capitulation of Yorktown — Relief of Gibraltar, and 
Allied Fleet in the Channel, 1781 — Hyde Parker's Action with the Dutch Fleet, 
August, 1781 — Kempenfelt and de Guichen, December-, 1781 — Hood and de 
Grasse at St. Kitts, January, 1782 — Rodney's Victory over de Grasse, April, 
1782 — Howe's Relief of Gibraltar, October, 1782 — Military and Naval Operations 
in India, 1778-1783 — Suffren's Campaign in India, and Actions with Johnstone 
and Hughes, 1781-1783. 




A 



COMMEMOEATIVE MEDAL OF KEPPEL d ACTION OFF 
USHANT, IT'S. 

{From an original lent hij Capt. H. S. H. Prince Louis 
of Battenberg, R. N.) 



T the time when hostilities 
egan between Great 
Britain and her American 
Colonies, the fact was realised 
generally, being evident to 
reason and taught by experi- 
ence, that control of the water, 
both ocean and inland, would 
have a preponderant effect 
upon the contest. It was clear to reason, for there was a long 
seaboard with numerous interior navigable watercourses, and at the 
same time scanty and indifferent communications by land. Critical 
portions of the territory involved were yet an unimproved wilderness. 
Experience, the rude but efficient schoolmaster of that large portion 
of mankind which gains knowledge only by hard knocks, had con- 
firmed through the preceding French wars the inferences of the 
thoughtful. Therefore, conscious of the great superiority of the 

* Copyright, 1S98, By A. T. Maiian. 
vol.. Ill —23 



354 MAJOR OPERATIONS. 1762-1783. [1775. 

British Navy, which, however, had not then attained the unchal- 
lenged supremacy of a later day, the American leaders early sought 
the alliance of the Bourhon kingdoms, tlie hereditary enemies of 
Great Britain. There alone could be found the counterpoise to a 
power which, if unchecked, must ultimately prevail. 

Nearly three years elapsed before the Colonists accomplished this 
object, by giving a demonstration of their strength in the enforced 
surrender of Burgoyne's army at Saratoga. This event has merited 
the epithet " decisive," because, and only because, it decided the in- 
tervention of France. It may be affirmed, with little hesitation, that 
it was at once the result of naval force, and the cause that naval 
force, entering further into the contest, transformed it from a local 
to a universal war, and assured the independence of the Colonies. 
That the Americans were strong enough to impose the capitula- 
tion of Saratoga, was due to the invaluable year of delay, secured 
to them by their little navy on Lake Champlain, created l\y the 
indomitable energy, and handled with the indomitable courage, of 
the traitor, Benedict Arnold. That the war spread from America 
to Europe, from the English Channel to the Baltic, from the Bay 
of Biscay to the Mediterranean, from the West Indies to the ^lissis- 
sippi, and ultimately involved the waters of the remote peninsula of 
Hindostan. is traceable, through Saratoga, to the rude flotilla whicli 
in 1776 anticipated its enemy in the possession of Lake Champlain. 
The events which thus culminated merit therefore a clearer under- 
standing, and a fuller treatment, than their intrinsic importance and 
petty scale would justify otherwise. 

In 1775, only fifteen years had elapsed since the expulsion of the 
French from the North American continent. The concentration of 
their power, during its continuance, in the valley of the St. Law- 
rence, had given direction to the local conflict, and had impressed 
upon men's minds the importance of Lake Champlain, of its tribu- 
tary Lake George, and of the Hudson River, as forming a consecu- 
tive, though not continuous, water line of communications from the 
St. Lawrence to New York. The strength of Canada against attack 
by land lay in its remoteness, in the wilderness to be traversed be- 
fore it was reached, and in the strength of the line of the St. \a\\\- 
rence, with the fortified posts of Montreal and Quebec on its northern 
bank. Tlie wilderness, it is true, interposed its passive resistance to 
attacks from Canada, as well as to attacks upon it ; but when it had 
been traversed, there were to the southward no such strong natural 



1775.] 



THE MILITARY CONDITIONS OF TEE NORTH. 



355 



positions confronting the assail- 
ant. Attacks from the south 
fell upon the front, or at best 
upon the flank, of the line of 
the St. Lawrence. Attacks from 
Canada took New York and its 
dependencies in the rear. 

These elements of natural 
strength, in the military con- 
ditions of the North, were im- 
pressed upon the minds of the 
Americans by the prolonged re- 
sistance of Canada to the greatly 
superior numbers of the British 
Colonists in the previous wars. 
Regarded, therefore, as a base 
for attacks, of a kind with which 
they were painfully familiar, but 
to be undergone now under 
disadvantages of numbers and 
power never before experienced, 
it was desirable to gain posses- 
sion of the St. Lawrence and its 
posts before they were strength- 
ened and garrisoned. At this 
outset of hostilities, the Ameri- 
can insurgents, knowing clearly 
their own minds, possessed the 
advantage of the initiative over 
the British government, which 
still hesitated to use against 
those whom it styled rebels the 
preventive measures it would 
have taken at once against a 
recognised enemy. 

Under these circumstances, 
in May, 1775, a body of two hun- 
dred and seventy Americans, led 
by Ethan Allen and Benedict 
Arnold, seized the posts of Ti- 




< 

1-5 

S 
< 

o 

« 

<! 



356 MAJOR OPERATIONS. 176-2-1783. [1775. 

conderoga and Crown Point, which were inadequately garrisoned. 
These are on the npjDer waters of Lake Champlain, where it is les& 
than a third of a mile wide ; Ticonderoga being on a peninsula 
formed by the lake and the inlet from Lake George, Crown Point 
on a promontory twelve miles lower down. They were recognised 
positions of importance, and advanced posts of the British in pre- 
vious wars. A schooner, being found there, Arnold, who had been 
a seaman, embarked in her and hurried to the foot of the lake. 
The wind failed him Avhen still thirty miles from St. John's, another 
fortified post on the lower narrows, where the lake gradually tapers- 
down to the Richelieu River, its outlet to the St. Lawrence. Unable 
to advance otherwise, Arnold took to his boats with thirt}- men, pulled 
tln-oughout the night, and at six o'clock on the following morning 
surprised the post, in which were only a sergeant and a dozen men. 
He reaped the rewards of celerity. Tlie prisoners informed him that 
a considerable body of troops was expected from Canada, on its way 
to Ticonderoga ; and this force in fact reached St. John's on the 
next day. When it arrived, Arnold was gone, having carried off a 
sloop which he found there and destroyed everything else that could 
float. ]>y such trifling means two active officers had secured the 
temporary control of the lake and of its southern approaches. There 
being no roads, the British, debarred from the water line, were unable 
to advance. Sir Guy Carleton, Governor and Commander-in-Chief in 
Canada, strengthened the works at St. John's, and built a schooner; 
l)ut liis force was inadequate to meet that of the Americans. 

The seizure of the two posts, being an act of offensive war, was 
not at once pleasing to the American Congress, which still clung 
to the hope of reconciliation ; but events were marching rapidly, 
and ere summer was over the invasion of Canada was ordered. On 
September 4th, General Montgomery, appointed to that enterprise, 
embarked at Crown Point with two thousand men, and soon after- 
wards appeared before St. John's, which, after prolonged operations, 
capitulated on the 3rd of November. On the 13th Montgomery en- 
tered Montreal, and thence pressed down the St. Lawrence to Pointe 
aux Trembles, twenty miles above Quebec. There he joined Arnold, 
who in the month of October had crossed the northern wilderness, 
between the head waters of the Kennebec River and the St. Law- 
rence. On the way he had endured immense privations, losing five 
liiindred men of the twelve hundred with whom he started; and 
upon arriving opposite Quebec, on the lOlh of November, three 



1776.] THE BLOCKADE OF QUEBEC. 357 

days had been unavoidably spent in collecting boats to pass the 
river. Crossing on the night of the 13th, this adventurous soldier 
and his little command climbed the Heights of Abraham by the 
same path that had served Wolfe so well sixteen years before. 
With characteristic audacity he summoned the place. The demand 
of course was refused ; but that Carleton did not fall at once upon 
the little band of seven hundred that bearded him shows by how 
feeble a tenure Great Britain then held Canada. Immediately after 
the junction Montgomery advanced on Quebec, where he appeared 
on the 5th of December. Winter having already begun, and neither 
his numbers nor his equipments being adequate to regular siege 
operations, he very properly decided to try the desperate chance of 
an assault upon the strongest fortress in America. This was made 
on the night of December 31st, 1775. Whatever possibility of suc- 
cess there may have been, vanished with the death of Montgomery, 
who fell at the head of his men. 

The American army retired three miles up the river, went into 
winter-quarters, and established a land blockade of Quebec, which 
was cut off from the sea by the ice. " For five months," wrote 
Carleton to the Secretary for War, on the 14th of May, 1776, "this 
town has been closely invested by the rebels." From this unpleasant 
position it was relieved on the 6th of May, when signals were ex- 
changed between it and the Sicrprise, the advance ship of a squadron 
under Captain Charles Douglas,^ which had sailed from England on 
the 11th of March. Arriving off the mouth of the St. Lawrence, 
on the morning of April 12th, Douglas found ice extending nearly 
twenty miles to sea, and packed too closely to admit of working 
through it by dexterous steering. The urgency of the case not ad- 
mitting delay, he ran his ship, the Isis, 50, with a speed of five knots, 
against a large piece of ice about ten or twelve feet thick, to test the 
effect. The ice, probably softened by salt water and salt air, went 
to pieces. " Encouraged by this experiment," continues Douglas, 
somewhat magnificently, " we thought it an enterprise worthy an 
English ship of the line in our King and country's sacred cause, and 
an effort due to the gallant defenders of Quebec, to make the attempt 
of pressing her by force of sail, through the thick, broad, and closely 
connected fields of ice, to which we saw no bounds towards the west- 
ern part of our horizon. Before night (when blowing a snow-storm, 

1 Father of the late Sir Howard Douglas. He died a Rear-Admii'al and 
Baronet in 1789. 



358 MAJOR OPERATIONS. 1762-1783. [1776. 

we brought-to, or rather stopped), we had penetrated about eight 
leagues into it, describing our path all the way with bits of the 
sheathing of the ship's bottom, and sometimes pieces of the cutwater, 
but none of the oak plank ; and it was pleasant enough at times, 
when we stuck fast, to see Lord Petersham exercising his troops on 
the crusted surface of that fluid through which the ship had so 
recently sailed." It took nine daj^s of this work to reach Anticosti 
Island, after which the ice seems to have given no more trouble ; 
but further delay was occasioned by fogs, calms, and head winds. 

Upon the arrival of the ships of war the Americans at once 
retreated. During the winter, though reinforcements must have 
been received from time to time, they had wasted from exposure, 
and from small-pox, which ravaged the camp. On the 1st of May 
the returns showed nineteen hundred men present, of whom only a 
thousand were fit for duty. There were then on hand but three 
days' provisions, and none other nearer than St. John's. The in- 
habitants would of course render no further assistance to the Ameri- 
cans after the ships arrived. The Navy had again decided the fate 
of Canada, and was soon also to determine that of Lake Champlain. 

When two hundred troops had landed from the ships, Carleton 
marched out, " to see," he said, " what these mighty boasters were 
about." The sneer was unworthy a man of his generous character^ 
for the boasters had endured much for faint chances of success ; and 
the smallness of the reinforcement which encouraged him to act 
shows either an extreme prudence on his part, or the narrow margin 
by which Quebec escaped. He found the enemy busy with prepara- 
tions for retreat, and upon his appearance thej* abandoned their 
camp. Their forces on the two sides of the river being now sepa- 
rated by the enemy's shipping, the Americans retired first to Sorel, 
where the Richelieu enters the St. Lawrence, and thence continued 
to fall back by gradual stages. It was not until June 15th that 
Arnold quitted Montreal ; and at the end of June the united force 
was still on the Canadian side of the present border line. On the 3rd 
of July it reached Crown Point, in a pitiable state from small-pox 
and destitution. 

Both parties began at once to prepare for a contest upon Lake 
Champlain. The Americans, small as their flotilla was, still kept the 
superiority obtained for them by Arnold's promptitude a year before. 
On the 25th of June the American General Schuyler, commanding 
the Northern Dei:)artment, wrote : " We have happily such a naval 



1770.] THE LAKE CAMPAIGN. 359 

superiority on Lake Champlain, that I have a confident hope the 
enemy will not appear upon it this campaign, especially as our force 
is increasing by the addition of gondolas, two nearly finished. Arnold, 
however," — whose technical knowledge caused him to be intrusted 
with the naval preparations, — " says that 300 carpenters should be 
employed and a large number of gondolas, row-galleys, etc., be built, 
twenty or thirty at least. There is great difficulty in getting the 
carpenters needed." Arnold's ideas were indeed on a scale worthy 
of the momentous issues at stake. " To augment our navy on the 
lake appears to me of the utmost importance. There is water be- 
tween Crown Point and Pointe au Fer for vessels of the largest size. 
I am of opinion that row-galleys are the best construction and cheap- 
est for this lake. Perhaps it may be well to have one frigate of 36 
guns. She may carry 18-pounders on the Lake, and be superior to 
any vessel that can be built or floated from St. John's." 

Unfortunately for the Americans, their resources in men and 
means were far inferior to those of their opponents, who were able 
eventually to carry out, though on a somewhat smaller scale, Arnold's 
idea of a sailing ship, strictly so called, of force as yet unknown in 
inland waters. Such a ship, aided as she was by two consorts of 
somewhat similar character, dominated the Lake as soon as she was 
afloat, reversing all the conditions. To place and equip her, however, 
required time, invaluable time, during which Arnold's two schooners 
exercised control. " If we could have begun our expedition four 
weeks earlier," wrote Baron Riedesel, the commander of the German 
contingent with Carleton, after examining the American position at 
Ticonderoga, " I am satisfied that everything would have been ended 
this year (1776) ; but, not having shelter nor other necessary things, 
we were unable to remain at the other [southern] end of Champlain." 
So delay favours the defence, and changes issues. What would have 
been the effect upon the American cause if, simultaneously with the 
loss of New York, August 20th-September 15th, had come the news 
that Ticonderoga, whose repute for strength stood high, had also 
fallen ? Nor was this all ; for in that event, the plan which was 
wrecked in 1777 by Sir William Howe's ill-conceived expedition to 
the Chesapeake, would doubtless have been carried out in 1776. In 
a contemporary English paper occurs the following significant item : 
" London, September 26th, 1776. Advices have been received here 
from Canada, dated August 12th, that General Burgoyne's army has 
found it impracticable to get across the lakes this season. The naval 



360 MAJOR OPERATIONS. 1762-1783. [1776. 

force of the Provincials is too great for them to contend with at 
present. They must buikl hirger vessels for this purpose, and these 
cannot be ready before next summer. The design was ^ that the two 
armies commanded by Generals Howe and Burgoyne should co- 
operate ; that they should both be on the Hudson River at the same 
time ; that they should join about Albany, and thereby cut oif all 
communication between tlie northern and southern Colonies." - 

As Arnold's more ambitious scheme could not be realised, he had 
to content himself with gondolas and galleys, for the force he was 
to command as well as to build. The precise difference between the 
two kinds of rowing vessels thus distinguished by name, the writer 
has not been able to ascertain. The gondola was a flat-bottomed boat, 
and inferior in nautical qualities — speed, handiness, and seaworthi- 
ness — to the galleys, which probably were keeled. The latter cer- 
tainly carried sails, and may have been capable of beating to windward. 
Arnold preferred them, and stopped the building of gondolas. " The 
galleys," he wrote, " are quick moving, which will give us a great 
advantage in the open lake." The complements of the galleys were 
eighty men, of the gondolas forty-five ; from which, and from their 
batteries, it may be inferred that the latter were between one third 
and one half the size of the former. The armaments of the two were 
alike in character, but those of the gondolas much lighter. American 
accounts agree with Captain Douglas's report of one galley captured 
by the British. In the bows, an 18 and a 12-pounder ; in the stern, 
2 nines ; in Ijroadside, from 4 to 6 sixes. There is in this a some- 
what droll reminder of the disputed merits of bow, stern, and 
broadside fire, in a modern iron-clad; and the practical conclusion 
is much the same. The gondolas had one 12-pounder and 2 sixes. 
All the vessels of both parties carried a number of swivel guns. 

Amid the many difficulties which lack of resources imposed upon 
all American undertakings, Arnold succeeded in getting afloat with 
three schooners, a sloop, and five gondolas, on the 20th of August. 
He cruised at the upper end of Champlain till the 1st of September, 
when he moved rapidly north, and on the 3rd anchored in the lower 
narrows, twenty-five miles above St. John's, stretching his line from 
sliore to shore. Scouts had ke])t him informed of the progress of 
tlie British naval preparations, so that he knew that there was no 
immediate danger ; while an advanced position, maintained with a 
bold fidiit, would certainly prevent reconnoissances by water, and 

^ Author's italics. 2 Remembrancer, iv. 291. 



1776. J THE LAKE CJMFAIGN. 361 

possibly might impose somewhat upon the enemy. The latter, how- 
ever, erected batteries on each side of the anchorage, compelling 
Arnold to fall back to the broader Lake. He then had soundings 
taken about Yalcour Island, and between it and the western shore ; 
that being the position in which he intended to make a stand. He 
retired thither on the 23rd of September. 

The British on their side had contended with no less obstacles 
than their adversaries, though of a somewhat different character. 
To get carpenters and materials to build, and seamen to man, were 
the chief difficulties of the Americans, the necessities of the sea- 
board conceding but partially the demands made upon it ; but their 
vessels were built upon the shores of the Lake, and launched into 
navigable waters. A large fleet of transports and ships of war in 
the St. I^awrence supplied the British witli adequate resources, which 
were utilised judiciously and energetically by Captain Douglas ; but 
to get these to the Lake was a long and arduous task. A great 
part of the Richelieu River was shoal, and obstructed by rapids. 
The point where Lake navigation began was at St. John's, to which 
the nearest approach, by a hundred-ton schooner, from the St. Law- 
rence, was Chambly, ten miles below. Flat-boats and long-boats 
could be dragged up stream, but vessels of any size had to be trans- 
ported by land ; and the engineers found the roadbed too soft in 
places to bear the weight of a hundred tons. Under Douglas's direc- 
tions, the planking and frames of two schooners were taken down 
at Chambly, and carried round by road to St. John's, where they 
were again put together. At Quebec he found building a new hull, 
of one hundred and eighty tons. This he took apart nearly to the 
keel, shipping the frames in thirty long-boats, which the transport 
captains consented to surrender, together with their carpenters, for 
service on the Lake. Drafts from the ships of war, and volunteers 
from the transports, furnished a body of seven hundred seamen for 
the same employment, — a force to which the Americans could op- 
pose nothing equal, commanded as it was by regular naval officers. 
The largest vessel was ship-rigged, and had a battery of eighteen 
12-pounders ; slie was called the Inflexible^ and was commanded l)y 
Lieutenant John Schanck. The two schooners, Maria^ Lieutenant 
Starke, and Carleton^ Lieutenant James Richard Dacres, carried re- 
spectively fourteen and twelve 6-pounders. These were the backbone 
of the British flotilla. There were also a radeau, the Thunderci', and 
a large gondola, the Loyal Convert, both heavily armed; but, being 



362 MAJOR OPERATIONS. 1762-1783. [1776. 

equally heavy of movement, they do not appear to have played any im- 
portant part. Besides these, when the expedition started, there were 
twenty gunboats, each carrying one fieldpiece, from twenty-fours to 
9-pounders ; or, in some cases, howitzers.^ 

" By all these means," wrote Douglas on July 21st, "our acquir- 
ing an absolute dominion over Lake Champlain is not doubted of." 
The expectation was perfectly sound. With a working breeze, the 
Infiexible alone could sweep the Lake clear of all that floated on it. 
But the element of time remained. From the day of this writing 
till that on which he saw the Infiexible leave St. John's, October 
4th, was over ten weeks ; and it was not until the 9th that Carleton 
was ready to advance with the squadron. By that time the Ameri- 
can troops at the head of the Lake had increased to eight or ten 
thousand. The British land force is reported ^ as thirteen thousand, 
of which six thousand were in garrison at St. John's and else- 
where. 

Arnold's last reinforcements reached him at Valcour on the 6th 
of October. On that day, and in the action of the 11th, he had with 
him all the American vessels on the Lake, except one schooner and 
one galley. His force, thus, was two schooners and a slooj), broad- 
side vessels, besides four galleys and eight gondolas, which may be 
assumed reasonably to have depended on their bow guns ; there, at 
least, was their heaviest fire. Thus reckoned, his flotilla, disposed to 
the best advantage, could bring into action at one time, 2 eighteens, 
13 twelves, 1 nine, 2 sixes, 12 fours, and 2 2-pounders, independent 
of swivels ; total, 32 guns, out of eighty-four that were mounted in 
fifteen vessels. To this the British had to oppose, in three broadside 
vessels, 9 twelves and 13 sixes, and in twenty gunboats, 20 other 
brass guns, " from twenty-fours to nines, some with howitzers ; " ^ 
total, 42 guns. In this statement the radeau and gondola have not 
been included, because of their unmanageableness. Included as 
broadside vessels, they would raise the British armament — by 3 
twenty -fours, 3 twelves, 4 nines, and a howitzer — to a total of 53 
guns. Actually, they could be brought into action only under ex- 
ceptional circumstances, and are more properly omitted. 

^ The radeau had six 24-poanders, six 12's, and two howitzers; the gondok, 
seven D-pounders. The particuhxrs of armament are from Douglas's letters. 

2 By American reports. Bcatson gives the force sent out, in the spring of 177G, 
as 13,357. ('Mil. and Nav. Memoirs,' vi. 44.) 

^ Douglas's letters. 



1776.] THE LAKE CAMPAIGN. 363 

These minutiae are necessary for the proper appreciation of what 
Captain Douglas justly called " a momentous event." It was a strife 
of pigmies for the prize of a continent, and the leaders are entitled 
to full credit both for their antecedent energy and for their dispo- 
sitions in the contest ; not least the unhappy man who, having done 
so much to save his country, afterwards blasted his name by a trea- 
son unsurpassed in modern war. Energy and audacity had so far 
preserved the Lake to the Americans; Arnold determined to have 
one more try of the chances. He did not know the full force of 
the enemy, but he expected that " it would be ver}^ formidable, if 
not equal to ours." ^ The season, however, was so near its end that 
a severe check would equal a defeat, and would postpone Carleton's 
further advance to the next spring. Besides, what was the worth of 
such a force as the American, such a flotilla, under the guns of Ticon- 
deroga, the Lake being lost? It was eminently a case for taking 
chances, even if the detachment should be sacrificed, as it was. 

Arnold's original purpose had been to fight under way ; and it 
was from this point of view that he valued the galleys, because of 
their mobility. It is uncertain when he first learned of the rig and 
battery of the Inflexible ; ^ but a good look-out was kept, and the 
British squadron was sighted from Valcour when it quitted the nar- 
rows. It may have been seen even earlier ; for Carleton had been 
informed, erroneously, that the Americans were near Grand Island, 
which led him to incline to that side, and so open out Valcour 
sooner. The British anchored for